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Pictures and Illustrations.

Outline Plan of St. Louis City and County

Copy of the Map Published with Marquette's Journal 1681

Cavelier De La Salle

Auguste Chouteau

St. Louis as Planned in 1764.

Section of the Channel of the Mississippi as drawn by a Moundbuilder.

Fig. 2

The Big Mound at St. Louis in 1869.

Gen. George R. Clark

Old Chouteau Mansion

Old Stone Tower

Plat of the Fortification on the Hill, Completed in 1794.

Unknown Floor plan

Plat of the Town of St. Louis with all the Houses on March 10th, 1804

Chouteau's Pond

Pierre Chouteau, Jr.

C. P. Chouteau

William Christy

OLD HOUSE. Southeast corner of Second and Spruce.

OLD HOUSE. Northwest corner of Third and Plum.

John O'Fallon

Antoine Chenier

H. Fullerton

John C. Vogel

View of the Old McDowell Medical College and Military Prison.

General William T. Sherman

Camp Jackson, May 6th 1861.

D. M. Frost

Nathaniel Lyon

Maj.-Gen. Sterling Price

C. S. Greeley

James E. Yeatman

William G. Pettus

Governor McNair's Mansion

Governor Alexander McNair

Peter Lindell

Jesse G. Lindell

J. H. Conn

John Sappington

John B. Sarpy

Whig Log Cabin

Thomas H. Benton

Giles F. Filley

James O. Broadhead

Hudson E. Bridge

Henry T. Blow

Charles Gibson

Francis Whittaker

John J. Roe

Henry Ames

Edgar Ames

John W. Noble

Frank P. Blair

Erastus Wells

E. O. Stanard

Charles P. Johnson

David H. Armstrong

Thomas Allen

James H. McLean

Autographs of Distinguished Men in the Early History of St. Louis

Autographs of Distinguished Men in the Early History of St. Louis

Peter Ferguson

William Carr Lane

Henry Von Phul

Samuel Gaty

Hon. John F. Darby

John D. Daggett

Richard F. Barret

John M. Krum

George Knight Budd

Oliver A. Hart

George R. Taylor

J. Gabriel Woerner

Sylvester H. Laflin

Nathan Cole

Henry Overstolz

William L. Ewing

Isaac M. Mason

The City Hall

St. Louis Court-House

The Four Courts

The Old Market-House and Levee in 1840.

Tower Grove Park Entrance

Henry Shaw

Terrace, Shaw's Botanical Garden

Fountain in Lafayette Park

Henry Clay Sexton

Samuel Hawken

Ralph Sellew

Washington University Hall

Museum of Fine Arts

Wayman Crow

Manuel Training School

James Smith

View of Kaskaskia in 1840

Loretto Academy

James Richardson

S. E. Cor. of Chestnut and Third Sts.

George Knapp

Nathaniel Paschall

John Knapp

St. Louis Globe-Democrat, corner Fourth and Pine Streets, St. Louis.

Post-Dispatch Building. 515 & 517 Market St., St. Louis.

Olympic Theatre, Fifth Street, St Louis, Mo.

Pope's Theatre

Charles R. Pope



IT has been some time since the author and his publishers — whose enterprise and liberality have always kept pace with him in every new undertaking — agreed that St. Louis offered an inviting subject for an exhaustive local history. They knew that no such work had been produced; the general complaint on the spot proved that, and seemed to prove also that it would be welcomed if written.

When, however, the author, after completing his History of Baltimore City and County and the preparations for the History of Western Maryland, came to St. Louis to make inquiries and survey the field, he was disposed to shrink from the undertaking and withdraw from the engagement partly made. There was so much more to be done than he had anticipated that the magnitude of the task frightened him. Not only was the field unoccupied, it had never even been explored. The surface had not been broken. Virgin soil was sure to be rich and to yield great fruits to the cultivator, but it is hard work to plow the prairie for the first crop, —

"Haec loca non tauri spirantes naribus ignem
Invertę:re," —
and it was not necessarily a labor that would be rewarding.

The author does not wish to be understood to say that much has not been written about the history of St. Louis. It were very unlikely that a theme so rich, so various, and appealing so strongly to the imagination and the sympathies would be left untouched by the writers of a community as ardent, as proud of their home institutions, and as sanguine of the future as the inhabitants of St. Louis. Nor have they neglected it. Much has been done, and well done but the history itself was not written, nor were the sources of it explored and its materials searched out. Although discouraged at first by the magnitude of the task, the author fully realized that the field was a promising and fruitful one, and his generous and thoroughgoing publishers held out to him every possible inducement, in the way of collaboration of manner with matter, of expenditure upon the form and make-up of the work to keep its appearance fully abreast with its contents, which the most exacting and fastidious writer could demand.

Under such circumstances the author finally consented to undertake the task, and he admits that by the time this determination was reached he had discovered that while the subject of the history of St. Louis had never been fully or adequately studied, so far as could be ascertained from outward and published manifestations, the materials of which it could be made were not only in existence, but were rich and comprehensive almost without parallel. Those materials, collected, arranged, and digested for the first time in these volumes, are of the purest ore the gold of history is produced from, and they exist, not simply in "outcrops" and "placers," but in true "lodes" and "mother-veins," abundant, and without a "fault" or a break in their absolute continuity.

These materials the author found were, to a large extent, in the possession of Frederic L. Billon, whose unwearying, indefatigable research had unearthed them, and his first step was of course to get access to Mr. Billon's treasures, and profit by all that he had discovered. Without


these invaluable stores, which fully justified the author's expenditures in securing them, and his patient toil in arranging and apportioning them, it would have been impossible to present the history of St. Louis in the satisfactory shape which it now assumes. But it is proper to forewarn the reader that the author has by no means contented himself with gleaning over the fields where Mr. Billon has been accustomed to search, nor with supplementing his investigations by others conducted inside the same limits.

He conceives, and his not limited nor unsatisfactory experience confirms the belief, that the history of municipalities cannot be adequately written in a corner, nor can it with faithfulness to the due proportions and coloring of the subject be confined strictly to local occurrences. A city, like a planet, has more motions and impulses than one. Such a sphere revolves on its own axis, to be sure, and this diurnal revolution must be fully considered, because the most frequent and the most important. But it has also its orbital and its cyclical motions; it is part of the solar system and of the great celestial sphere, and its true path can never be accurately traced unless all the various forces creating these complex motions are exactly determined and the resultant established between them. So with cities. They have their own centres and diameters, their own men and governments, and revolve in obedience to these with exactness and precision; but none the less do they occupy significant places in the State and in the Federal systems, of which they are components, and oftentimes the most influential members. The history of a city is thus much more than a local chronicle, a specific record of events, institutions, and men within a narrow and circumscribed area. The Roman satirist contended that his theme embraced

"Quicquid agunt homines, votum, timor, ira, voluptas,
Gaudia, discursus."

Shall the history of a city of four hundred thousand people, the chief place in the greatest valley and on the noblest river the world ever saw, extend over a less wide and prolific range of discussion? The author did not think in the beginning that when he had marshaled in line the local institutions and the local events, had given the annals of the Spanish and American Governors and mayors, and told the current stories of De Soto and Coronado, Marquette and La Salle, Laclede and Chouteau, besides glorifying the local heroes in a perfunctory and provincial way, he would be doing justice to or indeed producing the history of St. Louis, and the reader will admit that no such limits have been set in the present work.

A city's history, if fully told, must be concerned with general history, with national history, and with State history. Try to eliminate Boston from American colonial annals, or Philadelphia from the chronicles of the struggle for American independence, and what a vacuum is produced, what confusion results. Try to abstract St. Louis from the history of the circumstances, events, and resources giving consequence to the Mississippi valley, and what remains? It is like the play of Hamlet with Hamlet left out. A city influences all its surroundings, all the circumstances concurrent with its annals, and is equally influenced by them. To cast out of the consideration, therefore, these formative circumstances and influences is to submit effects without giving causes, and to present as an independent and fortuitous unit what is really an integral factor in the solution of a far-reaching problem.

In narrating the history of a city there is a regular order of succession which it is essential to preserve and to follow, descending from and through events to men and to the institutions framed by them, not neglecting the resources which these events imply, and which these men possess and develop, or comprehend and propose to utilize.

It is upon this liberal and conscientious plan that the present history of St. Louis was undertaken; nor does the author hesitate to declare that he looks upon the performance of his task with a satisfaction which approaches complacency. As a record of events, as an exhibition of men, as a chronicle and exposition of institutions and resources, the writer is confident that his work has no rivals on this particular field; and, with no little observation and


acquaintance with similar works upon the history of other cities, and no ordinary experience in the collecting and collating of materials for such works elsewhere, he is disposed to claim that the present History of St. Louis is the most complete and satisfactory record, in its every department, which has ever been prepared and published in the United States of the growth, development, and expansion of a municipality. He asserts this with a thorough knowledge of what has been done in New England and the East since the revival of public interest in and enthusiasm for local details, and with a consciousness also of the suspicion of arrogance and self-assumption naturally incidental to such pretensions.

But, before giving judgment, the reader must consider two or three important circumstances. First, that the general, the national, and, so to speak, international history of St. Louis is peculiarly rich, varied, and full of color, and this history has been almost entirely neglected by the local chroniclers; second, that the materials for the local history of St. Louis, here for the first time assembled, grouped, co-ordinated, and arranged, are more full and perfect than those for the history of any other city in the Union; and, third, that to all this is added a full and exhaustive account and description of every prominent institution, public or private, that has existed or now flourishes within the chartered limits of the municipality of St. Louis and the county circumjacent. Absolutely nothing of importance has been neglected and nothing overlooked.

To accomplish so much, and with such a degree of self-satisfaction, has been no holiday task. Of the labors, the expenses, the responsibility involved in such a work the author says nothing. The book is completed, and it will speak for itself far better than any one can speak for it. But it is proper to call attention to some of the particular features of so voluminous a production, in order to indicate the leading matters in which comprehensive and original research has enabled the present writer to supplement, correct, and revise, or entirely set aside the previous and existing accounts of numerous important occurrences in the annals of St. Louis, or connected more or less directly with its history.

I. As regards general history, the author claims that now, for the first time, St. Louis no longer makes its appearance as a sporadic, independent case of accidental and individual settlement upon an accidental place on the banks of the Mississippi River, — such a colonization as might have taken place at any point on the right or left bank within two hundred miles of the actual site of St. Louis, — but was in fact and effect "the survival of the fittest," not indeed in "a struggle for existence," for nearly all the competitors still live, but in a tournament for the best and most eligible situation for a capital city. To establish and emphasize this point history, geology, archaeology, and physical geography have all been ransacked, and a great many facts of the class "not usually known" have been brought to bear to sustain the proposition.

The author claims that the question of the discovery of the Mississippi and the relative pretensions of the several discoverers are discussed by him in the only way through which a satisfactory conclusion can be reached on the subject. The great amount of controversy and argument about facts made it important to look into the facts themselves with careful scrutiny, and the author is not without hope that, as one result of his examination and comparison of such original records as are extant, with the additional light thrown upon the subject by the recent researches of Parkman, Shea, and Margry, — all of which, with all of the accessory evidence, have been patiently studied, — this cause célčbre will, by common consent, be docketed as "settled." The true history of the Mississippi valley, and the toils of the pioneers and explorers who opened the way to it along ocean tracks and by woodland paths, have been clouded and obscured by national pride and prejudice, and by sectarian disputes and dissensions. In these volumes the author has struggled to do justice to all, and to assign his exact part in the great and chivalrous work impartially to each, Spaniard, Frenchman, Englishman, and Dutch, Huguenot and Catholic, Protestant and Romanist, Canadian and Louisianian, Puritan and Cavalier, Jesuit and Recollęt, backwoodsman and voyageur, trapper and hunter. All had their share in the noble achievement,


and it is the judicial office of the historian not to advocate any class of pretensions, but to decide upon the respective claims and merits of all alike.

The circumstances in the general history of Upper and Lower Louisiana which preceded and led to the planting of St. Louis, the influence of the growth and spread of the English colonies on the Atlantic coast towards the West upon this event, have all been distinctly traced and stated, and a flood of new light has been thrown upon the dates, the history, and the manners and customs of the French settlements of the Illinois, from which St. Louis was originally peopled. The "relations" of the missionaries, the narratives of travelers, the official reports of government officers, the most obscure records of local and personal history have been diligently searched in order to make clear everything that was doubtful in this important section of this hitherto unwritten history of the country.

In respect to the planting of St. Louis, the topography of the place, the names, connections, business, daily life, manners and customs, laws and government of the early settlers, the author believes that his work is simply complete. Every possible line of inquiry has been followed up to the end; every record, and all tradition and reminiscence have been exhausted to perfect this chronicle of the cradle-days of St. Louis. The early history of the town under the French, Spanish, and American territorial dominations does not abound with incidents, but is still replete with interest in every part, and important new light has been thrown upon many of the accepted legends in regard to these events, light derived from the manuscript records and unpublished minutes of the archives, the land commissioners' inquiries, and the registered proceedings of courts, trustees' meetings, and all the dusty documents of private and public concern which the author has had access to. Often the private correspondence of individuals, furnished him for biographical purposes, has enabled the author to correct a date, verify a disputed tradition, or supply an important gap in general history, and it will be seen that the papers of Col. O'Fallon, for instance, have been of essential value in enabling the author to enrich the history of the war of 1812 with Great Britain, and the Gratiot papers have put it in the power of Professor Waterhouse and Mr. Billon practically to rewrite the history of the massacre by Indians threatened in 1780.

An entirely new chapter in the annals of St. Louis, and one of deep and abiding interest, will be found in the attempt to trace the various causes, and especially the Spanish and French intrigues in the West, which led to the Louisiana purchase, and the adoption of Missouri and St. Louis into the American Union. The pursuit of this subject required close study and much research in wide-spread fields, and this part of the history of St. Louis, never before presented in any shape, is believed to be the most complete investigation of it ever made in any connection.

In respect to the history of St. Louis from the time it ceased to be a Spanish and became an American town, the annals presented in these volumes will be satisfactory to the most exigent reader, whether business man, politician, or antiquarian. The territorial government, the municipality, the part taken by St. Louis in the various Indian wars, the war of 1812, the Mexican war, and especially the civil war, are all minutely traced, copiously illustrated, and exhaustively pursued from beginning to end. The intricate subject of land titles and claims, and the history of every piece of land within the limits of St. Louis, are given complete. Nothing which could possibly be of interest to the present or of value in the future has been omitted in the discussion of these wide-spreading branches of the general theme. The material was abundant, and, while it has been sedulously winnowed and carefully verified in every instance, it has been copiously used.

II. As regards biography, the author is convinced that no work of a similar character has ever been written which is so replenished with the lives of prominent persons in every walk as these volumes. The archives and records of every sort have been exhausted, and every page of the daily press from A.D. 1808 scrutinized in pursuit of biographical material, in addition to which


the author has had access to the private papers and correspondence of many leading families and to the rich collections of Mr. Billon, so that a most copious and precious store of personal history is here garnered, relating to the genealogies, the acts, and the family connections and alliances of every statesman, every member of the professions, and every business man who has been at all active or prominent in the affairs of St. Louis, from the days of St. Auge and Pierre Laclede to the immediate present. In many cases, even where the person was most distinguished and had been most frequently written about, the author has been enabled, from his innumerable sources of information, to supply dates, correct damaging inaccuracies, and supplement the chronicle or narrative with new, valuable, and interesting details and particulars. The history of each of the learned professions and all the leading trades and occupations has thus been enriched with sketches of the lives of the men who illustrated, adorned, promoted, and developed them, and this circumstance by itself cannot fail to give the work an enduring and ever-increasing value in the eyes of the community.

III. As regards institutions, finally, these volumes will be found to contain the history, the description, and the statistics entire of everything that can be classed under this line of inquiry. No matter from what point of view the reader may wish to study the institutions of St. Louis and the private and public work done by her citizens, acting individually or in association, here is wherewithal to satisfy his desires, anticipate his questions, and supply all the information he needs. The entire municipal establishment is traced out in every ramification, and presented with the fullest detail in its history and its statistics, — the city government and officers and every department, its finances, health, educational establishment, police and fire departments, public buildings, monuments, parks, and squares, with the correlated institutions and tenements of the State and Federal government on the spot. Commerce and industry, production and supply, finance, transportation, and transportation resources and facilities have all been presented with careful completeness and assiduous attention to every detail.

The statistics of trade and manufactures, and all that relates to or bears upon the physical, industrial, and financial resources and potentialities of St. Louis have been given so fully that they cannot fail to attract the particular attention and command the respect of business men. These things are treated so as not only to exemplify their present condition, but historically, in order to illustrate the rapidity and ratio of their growth and development. The volumes contain all that relates not merely to banks, insurance, railroads, steamboats, telegraphs, trade organizations, manufacturing and commercial establishments, their present state, their growth, and the men who have contributed to their development and prosperity, but everything likewise relating to the physical resources and possessions upon which these means of wealth have been built and are still building.

Those who are more directly interested in studying a city's resources from the point of view of associative effort and social growth and advancement, and who wish to learn of what St. Louis has done and is doing for religion, benevolence, and charity, for science, literature, and art, music and the drama, and who seek to know of her progress in education, in hygiene, in penatory and reformatory work, will find in these volumes complete information and valuable statistics in every branch and co-ordination of the various theme.

A glance at the table of contents will suffice to convince even the casual reader how effectively all this wide and comprehensive area has been worked over, and all these separate planes of human association and endeavor each in its turn brought into view with a photographic accuracy in minutiae which yet has not prevented a steadfast attention to the preservation of the perspective of the whole. Churches, hospitals, charities, societies, companies, agencies have been separately treated, and their history, constitution, organization given in full. But it is useless to attempt to enumerate or select among institutions when we reflect that there are more than six hundred separate heads under which these are treated of in this book.


A work so comprehensive in its objects and scope, and embracing such an infinitude of details, must necessarily have its limitations and defects, and the author is quite aware of the impossibility of discussing so fully such a great variety of subjects without occasional errors. It would have been easy to escape from them by making the work less copious, by avoiding dangerous or controverted themes, and gliding swiftly over the thin ice, generalizing and summing up instead of displaying all the facts. But this did not comport with the author's sense of responsibility to his task, and he has not omitted anything which might help to make his work complete, because he was not fully assured that each detail was "letter perfect." It is proper to call attention to some sources of trifling error for which the author is not responsible, and which seem to be unavoidable in works of this sort.

The desire to leave nothing untold which could in any way throw light upon the history of events, men, and institutions in St. Louis has made it impossible now and then to escape repetition. Facts which fall within the proper cognizance of the narrative of general events will sometimes reappear in another shape in the records of institutions or in the personal memoirs. But the author is assured of the reader's indulgence for venial errors of this sort, for he knows that the intelligent reader prefers a twice-told tale to one neglected or half told.

In more than one instance the author has been constrained by his deference to local authority upon strictly local subjects, and by yielding to the testimony of experts in matters which experts alone are supposed to know thoroughly, to hold back his own judgment in regard to certain subjects, and permit the local authority and the expert to tell the whole story their own way. The result has sometimes been clash, confusion, and the appearance of contradiction, for there is nothing about which local authorities and experts differ so much among themselves as those particular events and things in regard to which they collectively consider it the height of presumption for "outsiders" to disagree with them. Where the subject happened to be one of moment and importance, the author has cut the Gordian knot and stated things to suit himself; but in indifferent or trivial concerns he has simply stood aside and let both parties give their own versions.

In the case of many biographies and memoirs of individuals, these discrepancies will be particularly observable, in conjunction sometimes with an obvious want of proportion between the length and pretensions of the sketch and the importance of the individual. For none of this can the author be held responsible, for the materials upon which these biographies are founded being furnished by the families, friends, or associates of their subjects, sometimes solicited from them, the author was constrained to accept them as they are, and did not feel at liberty to remould or materially modify them in accordance with his sense of proportion.

It will furthermore sometimes be noticed that there are variations in the spelling of names of places and particularly of persons. This is unpleasant to the eye and ear, but cannot be avoided without a serious danger of more material error, and a want of fidelity to the record. Spelling was not a particular accomplishment apparently of the early inhabitants of St. Louis, and French and Spanish names are difficult to adjust to any uniform standard, especially when the documents in which they appear have passed through many hands. There is in fact an utter absence of uniformity in the modes of spelling these old names, and often a single name will be found written in two or three different ways on the same page. It is a common thing for an individual to misspell his own name or to write it in more than one way without any particular reason being apparent for the variation. Under such circumstances, the only safe general rule is that which has been pursued, to follow the record.

But it will be recollected when we speak of errors that we are surveying the contents of two volumes of more than nine hundred pages each, containing over two million words, a work more bulky than the ten volumes of Bancroft's History of the United States, the errors of which, by the way, it has required Bancroft twenty years to correct. An occasional slip in such an extensive field may easily secure pardon.


In the preparation of this work more than twenty times its compass of material, expressly procured and arranged for it, in addition to the great collection of books read and examined for collateral information, was digested, condensed, and, in the pertinent newspaper phrase, "boiled down" to the present limits. In no sense of the word is this work founded upon, built up out of, or repeated from any previous one on the same subject, or any of its branches. It is a new book, treating its theme in a new, comprehensive, and original manner, after exhaustive research and thorough examination and comparison of the best authorities and the most authentic documents and authoritative records. The digesting and assimilating process has perhaps not been carried as far as exigent critics might demand, or as the author's taste made him desire, but in this busy and bustling world there is not time enough to polish the front of a large structure as nicely as one would a mantel ornament of Parian marble. The proprieties of style have, however, not been neglected, for carelessness in that respect would have been equally unworthy of a theme so dignified and of the liberality and beauty of form of the publisher's work.

The author would be unjust to himself and to the city whose history he has written if he did not acknowledge in this place, with feelings of profound gratitude, the cordial aid extended to him and his undertaking by the people of St. Louis. They have given him the fullest encouragement throughout, and have helped him materially in elaborating and perfecting the work. Important and valuable assistance and information have been received from the following persons, to whom also particular recognition is due:

To the editors and proprietors of the Missouri Republican, who gave the author free access to the files of that paper from 1808 to the present time, with leave to extract all that he wanted, and to Col. John Knapp, for odd volumes of newspapers from 1858 to 1880.

To the proprietors of the Globe-Democrat for the use of their files, etc.

To George H. Morgan, Esq., secretary of the Merchants' Exchange, and to the board of directors also of the Exchange, for files of newspapers from 1861 to the present time. Mr. Morgan supplied the author likewise most liberally with much other valuable material in the shape of reports, pamphlets, etc.

To John J. Bailey, Esq., for essential assistance in the preparation of the histories of churches of all denominations; F. H. Burgess, Esq., for biographical sketches and details in regard to the press, the secret societies, and other institutions of St. Louis; Milton H. Wash, Esq., secretary and treasurer of the school board, for reports, official documents, and valuable matter in connection with educational interests; Henry W. Williams, for his complete and able chapter on the intricate and important subject of land claims and land titles.

To Lyndon A. Smith, secretary of Mayor Ewing, for many kindnesses of various sorts, including free access to and use of valuable documents and pamphlets. Mayor Ewing himself, with a kindness and courtesy not to be forgotten, and particularly valuable to and appreciated by a stranger in a strange land, extended his hand to the author, and his cordial official indorsement to the work in its infancy, thus giving the undertaking the right sort of headway at the moment when it was most needed.

To Professor H. H. Morgan, who contributed to the work the chapter on "Art and Artists," and that on "Literature and Literary Men."

To Professor Sylvester Waterhouse, for various contributions to the work which are credited to him, for many kindnesses and courtesies in smoothing the author's way in a strange city, and for valuable suggestions in regard to the general subject which Mr. Waterhouse was fresh from the study of, having recently prepared an abstract of St. Louis history for the census volume on the "Social Statistics of Cities," which Col. George E. Waring, Jr., has charge of as "special agent;" and to Col. George E. Waring, Jr., for special materials and statistics in his department of the census.

To Mr. Frederic L. Billon, who has been long engaged upon a history of St. Louis under


the French and Spanish régimes, and whose voluminous collections, begun forty years ago, and embracing many rare and precious documents and unique manuscripts, were placed unreservedly at the author's service. These manuscripts are particularly rich in information in regard to old families, topography, and real estate.

To Dr. E. M. Nelson, editor of the St. Louis Courier of Medicine, for the chapter furnished by him upon the "Medical Profession," and for other kindnesses. Good taste and extensive and accurate information have enabled Dr. Nelson to treat his subject with equal fullness and propriety in a way which none can fail to appreciate. To Dr. H. Judd, Upper Alton, Ill., for a sketch of the history of dentistry and the dental profession in St. Louis.

To Frederick F. Espenschied for much valuable information and assistance, and the use of documents not be obtained anywhere else, especially the mayors' messages and municipal reports for many years, with copies of statutes, ordinances, digests, etc., enabling the author to trace down the municipal history by the record. Messrs. Espenschied, Knapp, and Morgan, with rare generosity, permitted the author to carry off all these precious materials to a distant city, where they might be examined more at leisure. To Wm. H. Mayo, Esq., Past Grand Master and Secretary Missouri Lodge, No. 1, A. F. and A. M., for very perfect records of Masonry in St. Louis and access to invaluable manuscript records.

To Oscar W. Collet, Esq., secretary of the Missouri Historical Society, for valuable memoranda and notes gathered for the author from the State archives at Jefferson City, for the use of the collections of the Historical Society, and much assistance in the search for information; Prof. C. M. Woodward, of Washington University, for the account of the St. Louis bridge; Col. Albert G. Brackett, U.S.A., for valuable assistance and information in connection with the history of Jefferson Barracks; Prof. Marshall S. Snow, of Washington University, for the history of that institution; Rev. Walter H. Hill, S.J., for similar matter in connection with St. Louis University; Thomas Lynch, Esq., for information concerning the Volunteer Fire Department Joseph Nimmo, Jr., Chief of the United States Bureau of Statistics, for much valuable statistical matter upon the trade and commerce of St. Louis; N. M. Ludlow, Esq., for an account of the rise and progress of the drama in the West; and Charles W. Knapp, Esq., for information on the business interests of the city.

The author also must acknowledge his many and frequent debts to the authors of the several more recent books about St. Louis and Missouri, their history and circumstances. Where these works have been quoted from specific acknowledgment will be found in the text, but a general confession of debt for hint, guidance, and instruction must still be made to Richard Edwards, W. F. Switzler, L. U. Reavis, Richard J. Compton, John Hogan, R. A. Campbell, Alphonso Wetmore, N. M. Ludlow, W. V. N. Bay, and John F. Darby.

To his publishers the author must gratefully pay the meed, thrice deserved, of most hearty and effective co-operation with him throughout the undertaking. They have most liberally met his every desire in respect of letter-press and engravings of portraits, maps, and other illustrations; they have spared no expense or effort to make the mechanical execution of the volumes equal to its subject and to the author's ambition, and they have helped him in every difficulty, and sought to remove every obstruction from his path while the work was in progress.

To the subscribers to the work, who by consenting to take it unseen on the author's own recommendation and the strength of his and the publisher's reputation, have secured its successful completion and publication, the author renders his most grateful thanks, with the earnest hope, as he bids them adieu, that nothing in the volumes and nothing omitted from them may cause them to regret their confidence and their liberality.


BALTIMORE, March, 1883.



Chapter I.


THE history of St. Louis presents some peculiarities such as do not seem to appear in connection with that of any other distinctively American city. St. Louis is, intensely modern in its character and impulses, yet its foundation rests upon a substructure of very ancient associations, such as lead research and investigation into the affairs of the earliest white settlers of the North American continent. The first white man looked upon the site of St. Louis only nine years before the founding of Philadelphia, and Laclede's trading post, where this city now stands, was not established until 1764, no more than eleven years previous to the American Revolution. St. Louis was not brought into the Union until 1803; it did not fairly commence to grow until 1818; it was no more than a frontier trading-post and garrison town when it was incorporated as a city in 1822. Yet we must seek its beginning in ethnic influences and race movements and colonies which are antecedent to the planting of St. Augustine and Quebec. The Spaniards who governed St. Louis at the opening of the nineteenth century had already discovered the Mississippi River in the third decade of the fifteenth century, and the French forts and towns in Illinois which eventually contributed their population to augment the growth of St. Louis were all of them planted and thriving before the Peace of Ryswick, and before New England had entirely recovered from the desperate struggle with the Wampanoags.

St. Louis and New Orleans are the only American cities which have owned both the French and Spanish sway before yielding allegiance to the Constitution of the United States. New Orleans continues French to the core. St. Louis is thoroughly Americanized; but in the process of transformation the city has become cosmopolitan in a remarkable degree. In this respect likewise St. Louis is markedly distinct from other American cities. None is less provincial, none so thoroughly metropolitan in the composition of its population, which is yet blended together in one homogeneous whole that makes it an effective unit in every article of action and enterprise. Quebec, like New Orleans, has never been completely naturalized in the Anglo-American family; Boston, like Baltimore, is provincial; New York is still Dutch in warp, and Philadelphia has not outgrown the peculiarities of the formal sect which founded it; Chicago is a camping-place of the nations, with Yankee machinery to give it electrical swiftness of motion; but in St. Louis nationalities are fused and welded together, so that every inhabitant feels the local spirit and patriotic impulse of the Latin, who knew no higher boast than "Civis Romanus sum."

It is part of the object and plan of the present History of St. Louis to trace minutely the currents of race and opinion which have affected and influenced the quality and character of the city's growth, while describing every incident of that growth and development with fidelity and completeness.

Such a history is naturally attractive and picturesque. It is tinctured with romance, it is pervaded with adventure. There is something about it which resembles the sweeping and various contours of the circumjacent prairies, forests, and rivers, and withal there is a smack of local flavor and individuality in it which recalls the bonhomie and careless, easy grace of its earliest inhabitants. To catch such vivid traits and reproduce such changing and various tints is a work of art at which the most skillful need not blush to fail, but it is a labor also of love at which the artist will toil with ardor.

The pleasing hypothesis that St. Louis is naturally


the geographical, commercial, and political centre of the North American continent may be entertained or dismissed as one chooses, without injury to the present hopes or future prospects of the great city. But if it were important to the city's interests to maintain and establish the opinion, some curiously apposite arguments in favor of it might be derived from the convergence of the lines of exploration and discovery, of travel and immigration upon St. Louis as a common focal point. This is not peculiar to one epoch, but common to all. It is the tradition of nearly every Indian tribe and nation, and notably of the Natchez, and the Algonkin and the Iroquois who dispersed them and drove them south, that they originally came — in the dim legendary past — from the northwest, upon such a diagonal line of migration as would bring them to the Mississippi at or about the latitude of St. Louis. When Ferdinand de Soto and his followers, bitten with all the Spaniard's insatiate auri sacra fames, sought between A.D. 1539 and 1543 to discover another Mexico in the heart of our continent, the path of their arduous wanderings from the southeast brought them ever nearer to this same centre. In 1540, when the Governor of New Galicia, Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, set forth upon his memorable march from Compostella and Culiacan, upon the Gulf of California, to discover and conquer the apocryphally rich "seven cities of Cibola," he did not stay his footsteps in the strange wilderness until he had reached the fortieth parallel at a point half-way between Leavenworth and Omaha. The French who went west from Quebec to Lake Superior, those who descended the Wabash, the Illinois, the Kaskaskia, and the Mississippi, and those who ascended the latter stream from the Belize, all met and settled within forty or fifty miles of the city whose history we are writing, and the oldest settlement, Cahokia, is within sight of its taller spires. So likewise the three chief lines of English settlement from New England across Western New York to the lakes, from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia westward to the Ohio, and from Virginia and the Carolinas to Tennessee and Kentucky, all converged at St. Louis. It is rather more than a coincidence that Coronado and De Soto, the one starting on the Pacific coast and the other on the Atlantic, would actually have crossed paths if they had projected their outward marches two hundred miles farther, and their meeting point would have been very near the site of St. Louis. It is rather more than a coincidence likewise that the road of the trading-pack and wagon of the New England emigrant, the path of the Virginia ranger and Kentucky hunter, the devious way of the Canadian coureur des bois and voyageur and route of the trapper, should all of them have led to St. Louis. In the ante-chamber of the representative of the French ancien régime or the Spanish hidalgo who might chance to be "commandant" at old St. Louis, but in no other place on this continent, it would have been natural for Daniel Boone, "backwoodsman of Kentucky," to meet and exchange adventures with the Yankee peddler from Connecticut, the Jesuit priest from Minnesota, the Canadian half-breed trapper from the headwaters of the Missouri, and the sugar-planter of Opelousas and Terrebonne.

So races and nationalities confront one another today in St. Louis, and so likewise, in the remotest past of America's connection with historic periods, we find that convergence of races and nationalities towards the central point of the great Mississippi basin, which was to eventuate in the founding of St. Louis and its establishment as the key-city of the mightiest river-system upon the globe.

The causes of the discovery and settlement of the valley of the Mississippi were identical with those which led to the discovery and settlement of America. The lust for gold, made keener by the currency requirements of a period of restless expansion of trade, the desire to plant proud royal banners and the humble cross of Christ upon new lands and to subordinate new realms to European monarchies and Catholic orthodoxy, and the eager jealousy with which the Western nations of Europe, just newly born to commerce and the possibilities of the unlimited expansion of trade over the ocean spaces, beheld the relations of Venice with the wealthy East, — these are the causes which led Prince Henry of Portugal to push south and Christopher Columbus to press westward in quest of that Far Cathay the unexampled riches of which had been exhibited in glowing colors by the fertile pen of Marco Polo. Father Marquette, when he sought the Mississippi, hoped to find that it emptied into the Gulf of California, and thus would afford to France an easy route to China by way of the St. Lawrence and the lakes. La Salle named his fort and village near Montreal "La Chine," in token of the intentness with which he pursued his original object of seeking a navigable route across the continent to India. Both Columbus and the early explorers of the continent by land were deceived in regard to the size of the globe and the proximity of Europe to Asia. Columbus fancied that China lay just across the "ocean stream," not more than fifteen hundred or


two thousand miles from Palos. De Soto, Hudson, Raleigh, and the French explorers all seem to have supposed that the girth of North America on the line of the fortieth parallel was not much greater than on the parallel of the city of Mexico.

This was a fortunate error on the part of Columbus, for his great voyage never would have been undertaken if he had been aware of the breadth of the great Atlantic, and that another continent and a second and mightier ocean still interposed between him and the goal of his hopes and vigils. Columbus had the same religious reverence for the opinions of Ptolemy and the elder geographers that the philosophers and theologians of his day had for Aristotle. He accepted the view put forth by them that the sea covered only one-seventh of the extent of the globe, instead of three-fourths, and he did not think the globe was near so big as it proved to be in the sequel of his discoveries. "El mundo es poco," he wrote to Queen Isabella, "digo que el mundo no es tan grande como dice el vulgo." (" I tell you the world is not so great as the vulgar call it.") He felt assured that the distance from the Azores to the known parts of Eastern Asia could not be greater than a third of the earth's circumference, and that much of the intervening space was taken up with islands and the unknown parts of Asia. The geographers upon whom he relied had projected the Caspian Sea very far eastward, advanced the coast-line of China to the meridian of the Hawaiian Islands, and taken away eighty-six degrees of longitude from the actual distance between the Canary Islands and Cathay. If Columbus had not accepted these opinions, he might well have shrunk from an undertaking so vast as that of traversing the immense breadth of unknown space between Spain and Japan.

But the failure of Columbus, while it might have delayed, would not have prevented, the discovery and settlement of America within a short period of time. The thirst for adventure was abroad, the compass and the quadrant gave to the seaman the means of navigating the ocean on certain paths without needing to keep the land in sight. The last half of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries was the peculiar epoch of human energy and enterprise directed to and concentrated upon the field of maritime discovery, just as the next hundred years was peculiarly the period of colonization and settlement in the new lands. A sudden "new sense," in the happy phrase of Humboldt, was developed in that interval for the appreciation of the grand and the boundless. Even if "Christophorus quidam, vir Ligur," as the great explorer is termed in Peter Martyr's correspondence, had not attained to our shores, there was "a track of fruitful germs" of discovery and anticipations of America which would not have been neglected under any circumstances. "The dreamy land of physical myths" had showed the receding of shores of unknown continents to the eyes of many successive generations, hungry for new sources of wealth and luxury and filled with yearnings for new and untrodden lands, new paths of adventure and romance. The bosom of the unknown ocean teemed with the most desirable images that come in dreams. It contained the philosopher's paradise of Atlantis, the blissful havens of St. Brandon, the realm of gold and pearls and diamonds, where the fountains bubbled with the sparkling waters of perpetual youth. Here were the Hesperides, the isles of the blessed, where golden apples grew on rippling trees. In these regions the dim light of the traditionary memory just caught gleams of the shrine of St. Thomas the apostle, or saw the marble palaces and great bronze gates of Prester John's city and kingdom in the wilderness.

There was a spirit ripening in these times which would have led men abroad to search for the improbable and the impossible, if nothing more substantial had offered. But there was evidence of land beyond the seas which did not need to be corroborated by the dreams of poets and the speculations of philosophers. Discovery had outrun imagination already. The narrative of Marco Polo far exceeded in splendor the most exaggerated accounts by the ancients of the wealth and wonders of India. The Azores, the Canary Islands, and Madeira were fitting outposts of an American paradise, so bright were their skies, so soft and balmy their airs of perpetual spring. The ardent imagination and keen, instructed intellect of Prince Henry of Portugal never formed such a warm dream of India


as is presented in the glowing stanzas of Camoens' "Os Lusiados," and wherever discovery was pushed the real exceeded the ideal. For that matter, Mexico and Peru were more magnificent than the Cathay which Columbus sought, and the gold-bearing kingdoms of Theguaio and Quivira which Marquette, Joliet, Hcnnepin, and La Salle aimed at, the seven cities of Cibola which Coronado strove to attain, could never have proved half so rich in mineral wealth as California and Nevada turn out to be. The Northmen had discovered Greenland, Labrador, and Maine and Massachusetts, as Columbus learned when he made his voyage to Thule. The actual Sargasso Sea in the angle of the Cape Verde, Azores, and Canary Islands may have easily led to the belief in St. Brandon and the island of the Seven Cities, and the bard Meredith ap Griffith, who died in 1477, certainly reported the voyages to a new land of the Welsh prince, Madoc, whether those voyages were ever made or not. It is even claimed by French writers that in 1488, four years before Columbus undertook his voyage from Palos, Cousin, a seaman of Dieppe, was blown westward from the coast of Africa to the shores of a new, unknown continent, in which he saw the mouth of a great river. One of his seamen was a Pinzon, who mutinied, was dismissed from the maritime service of Dieppe, and went to Spain, where he met Columbus, and accompanied him on his first voyage.

Be this as it may, we know that Christopher Columbus reached the Western Continent in 1492, and that John and Sebastian Cabot, sailing under the flag of King Henry VII. of England, first discovered Newfoundland, Labrador, and the main-land in 1497. Parkman is inclined to believe that the French fishermen of Dieppe, Malines, Harfleur, St. Jean de Luz, and other places along the coast of France — Normans, Bretons, and Basques — had a cod-fishery on the banks of Newfoundland anterior to Cabot's voyage, but no accounts of them are known of an earlier date than that given by Jean Parmentier, of Dieppe. Parmentier states that the French fishermen were at the Banks in 1504. It is a curious fact, in reviewing the scene of the discoveries and the ocean adventures which distinguish the latter part of the fifteenth and the first half of the sixteenth centuries, that the French, the most chivalrous people of Europe, and at that period scarcely yet emancipated from the sort of religious enthusiasm which led to the crusades, should have been the first of the European nations to utilize the newly acquired acquaintance with the Western Continent for the comparatively humble purposes of the fisheries, colonization, and legitimate trade. They were not dazzled with the splendor of imperial conquest such as sent hosts of Spanish adventurers abroad in the train of the successors of Columbus, Cortez, Pizarro, Ponce de Leon, Pamfilo Narvaez, De Soto, and others. On the contrary, it was the Norman fishers, the descendants of the followers of Rollo the sea-rover, the hardy Biscayan coastmen of Breton and Basque blood, who first planted the white standard of France and erected the symbol of the cross above their fish-drying sheds on the coasts of Newfoundland, Labrador, Nova Scotia, and the desolate islands in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. France has lost all her other possessions in North America, but the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, on the coast of Newfoundland, where probably the French fishermen landed very early in the sixteenth century, are still retained by that country for the fishery uses to which their convenient shores were originally set apart. It was these fishers from the debouches of the Adour, the Garonne, the Loire, the Seine, and the Somme, these hardy navigators who had been taught to despise the perils and discount the mysteries of the ocean by the rude buffets of the waves of the British Channel and the uncertain tides and currents of all the French coast, from the Bassin d'Archarchon and the Pertuis of La Rochelle to the chalk bluffs of Boulogne, who were the predecessors of Jacques Carticr and Samuel de Champlain. The bold promontory of Finisterre points westward with singular emphasis, and the experienced sailors of Dieppe, St. Malo, Morlaix, and Brest would not dread to encounter the difficult navigation of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Cape Breton was named by these sailors at least as early as any part of our continent has been named by Europeans, and the French were the originators of the American fur trade as well as its most successful prosecutors. Wherever the French landed in America it was to settle and improve, not conquer and despoil, and they


were the only foreign dwellers upon American soil who won the esteem, the confidence, and the affection of the native tribes, who coalesced with them and did not poison and destroy them by their contact.

If the Cabots undoubtedly discovered the shores of our continent and main-land to the advantage of England, it is certain that the French began their settlements upon our coasts much earlier than the English, and it is probable that there were many in formal settlements, landings made, and fish-houses planted by seamen and individuals, without government support or sanction, long anterior to the embarkation of Cartier. The language of Postel, as quoted by Lescarbot, would seem to be conclusive upon this point: "Terra haec ob lucrossissimam piscationis utilitatem summa litterarum memoria a Gallis adiri solita, et ante mille sexcentos annos frequentari solita est." This would not imply voyages of discovery or search, but the frequent passages of vessels in an established traffic. We know, from the contemporary chronicles, that in 1517 fifty vessels, under the French, Spanish, and Portuguese flags, were at one and the same time engaged in the fisheries upon the cod-banks of Newfoundland, and it is recorded that on Aug. 3, 1527, more than a hundred years before Lord Baltimore attempted to plant his colony of Avalon in Newfoundland, there were in the Bay of St. John eleven sail of Norman vessels, one Breton, and two Portuguese. A business of this magnitude is not built up in a day. Cartier, when he first came out in 1534, found that the bays and capes of Newfoundland had already been named by the French voyagers who preceded him. Nearly all these names are still retained, to bear witness in favor of the French claims to priority in navigating along that part of the continent, and they prove, moreover, that the French did not simply touch at, but circumnavigated, the island. If some one familiar with the family histories of the French fishermen of Normandy, Brittany, and Gascony were carefully to spell out the names upon the map of Newfoundland, he would perhaps establish many dates which are now uncertain. The bays of Pistolet, Griquet, Lemaire, La Poile, and Ingrenechoix, and such names as Broyle, Renowes, Croc, Tolinquet, La Hune, Barachais, Fogo, Trepassey, Cannaigre, etc., must reflect the names, in some measure, of the fishermen who discovered them, In the voyages compiled by Ramusio, we find that these hardy sailors, in exploring these perilous and sequestered seas, discovered a group of islands to the north of Newfoundland, which they fancied were the abodes of fiends, and which they called les îles des demons, "pour autant que les Demons y font terrible tintamarre," frightful with the inarticulate clamor of strange human voices, shrieks, yells, and cries such as might burst forth in the orgies of the imps of Satan or from the damned in the extremity of torture. The ignorant fishermen, unblenching in presence of natural dangers, shrunk appalled from these supernatural regions, nor did they venture into the mountains of Labrador, which were fabled to be the habitation of dragons and griffins, and to harbor all the strange creations of faery myth in the depths of their antres vast and caverns horrible. But, for the rest, wherever a ship could go they pushed their little barks. Denis, of Harfleur, explored the Gulf of St. Lawrence as early as 1506, and two years later Aubert, a navigator of Dieppe, completed his work. Baron de Lery, in 1518, made an unsuccessful attempt to settle on the bleak and perilous Sable Island, and the cattle which he landed, the descendants of which are still to be found there in great numbers, proved that he intended his settlement to be a permanent one and the nucleus of a colony.

The claim of England to all the territory of North America north of Cape Hatteras rested upon the voyages of discovery made by John Cabot and his son Sebastian in 1497 and 1498. This claim covered, and eventually was enforced against, the territories of New France and New Netherland, though the energies of England in that direction did not begin to be put forth until the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and her successor, when English ships swarmed every sea in pursuit of the wealth-bearing galleons of Spain. Cabot had a commission under the great seal of England, empowering him and his three sons, their heirs, and their deputies to sail into the eastern, western, or northern sea in search of islands, provinces, or regions hitherto unseen by Christian people; "to affix the banners of England on city, island, or continent, and, as vassals of the English crown, to possess and occupy the territories that might be found." Under this patent John Cabot erected a cross, with the flags of England and the republic of Venice, upon the peninsula of Cape Cod in 1497, and in 1498, the same year that Vasco de Gama reached Hindostan by the way of the Cape of Good Hope, and Columbus touched the shores of South America and found the mouth of the Orinoco, Cabot's son Sebastian sailed into the Arctic seas as far as the icebergs would permit him to go, coasted Newfoundland, and continued his voyage along the American coast as far as the


latitude of Gibraltar. This voyage is described by the eager chronicler Peter Martyr, who, from his vantage ground in Spain, sent to the Pope and the other sovereigns of Europe a series of regular bulletins, reporting the daily progress of adventure and discovery. The spirit of the age and its fructifying curiosity inspired Peter Martyr in an intense degree. "Each day," he wrote, "brings us new wonders from a new world, from the Western antipodes which a certain Genoese traveler has discovered. Our friend Pomponius Laetus could scarcely restrain his tears of joy when I communicated to him the first accounts of so unexpected an event. What aliment more delicious than such tidings can be set before an ingenious mind? It is like an accession of wealth to a miser. Our minds, soiled with vices, become meliorated by contemplating such glorious events." It was the news of the success of Columbus which impelled the Cabots to make their voyages; and their discoveries in turn, with the hope of shortening the distance to China by following routes lying in high latitudes, attracted many navigators to the northern seas.

In 1501 Manuel, King of Portugal, dispatched Gaspar Cortereal to these waters in search of a northwest passage to India. His two caravels explored seven or eight hundred miles of coast-line, as far north as the fiftieth parallel, when their progress was obstructed by the ice. He gave the name of Labrador to the black shores which still bear it, — a name of sombre omen, for it emphasizes the fact that this navigator kidnapped fifty of the natives, to sell them for slaves on his return. Cortereal discovered the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and so thoroughly identified himself with the country that in old Portuguese maps the coast of the main-land opposite Newfoundland is named Terra Corterealis. He undertook a second voyage, from which he never returned, and, though search was made for him, no vestige of vessels or crew was ever found. The Portuguese did not press their explorations farther in this direction. The treasures and spices of the tropics had much more attraction for them and the Spaniards than they found in furs, codfish, and whale oil. In fact, none but the French fishermen thought it worth their while to loiter about these uninviting, iron-bound coasts.

The bull of Pope Alexander the Sixth, which gave to Spain all the new territory discovered west of a meridian drawn through a point one hundred leagues west of the Azores, and confirmed to Portugal all the new territory found east of it, was ignored by the English and resented by the French. Francis I., the chevalier monarch of that country, retorted with animation, "What, shall the kings of Spain and Portugal divide all America between them, without suffering me to take a share as their brother? I would fain see the article in Adam's will that bequeaths that vast inheritance to them." Francis, more of a knight-errant than a king, and more of an adventurer than a true paladin, was emulous of every sort of glory which his brother-monarchs achieved. He patronized art and literature, just as he made war, to increase his éclat, and he equipped the Florentine navigator, Giovanni de Verrazzano, for a voyage of discovery and exploration and to search for the northern passage to India, because he coveted the wealth and the fame that Charles V., his hated rival, was earning in the New World. Repeated efforts have been made to disprove the genuineness of Verrazzano's discoveries, or rather the account of them, as contained in his letter to King Francis, of which Ramusio's collection of voyages contains an abridgment. These efforts have created a doubt, but have not discredited Verrazzano, it would seem, among those who have examined into the facts and are acquainted with all the circumstances. Verrazzano sailed from Dieppe towards the


end of 1523, with four ships, but a storm drove them back, and when he finally started on the voyage across the ocean from Madeira, in January, 1524, he had but a single caravel, the "Dolphin." In this vessel he crossed the Atlantic in forty-nine days, first nearing the shore not far from the mouth of Cape Fear River, North Carolina, "a newe land, never before seen of any man, either ancient or modern." The inhabitants crowded to the shore to welcome the strangers and treated them with hospitality and friendship, which they requited by kidnapping a terrified infant to carry back with them, we suppose as a curiosity to present to the king. The vessel followed the line of the coast north and eastward, putting into New York Bay and the Harbor of Newport, both of which can be identified from the navigator's description. Thence they proceeded eastward along the New England coast, finding the nations hostile and mistrustful, though anxious to trade, — evidence enough that they had encountered white men before. When he had sailed as far to the north as Newfoundland, Verrazzano's provisions gave out, and he steered eastward for France. His narrative is the earliest description extant of the shores of the United States.

The next voyager to this coast of whom we have any account was a Spaniard, Stefano Gomez, who, after sailing to Cuba and Florida in 1525, steered northward in quest of the passage to India. He reached Cape Race, in Newfoundland, and is supposed to have entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and given its name to Canada.

France did not at once follow up the explorations of Verrazzano, but they were not forgotten. The kingdom was in a wretched condition at the time of the navigator's return. It was at war with Spain and Germany; it was invaded by the army of condottieri under the traitor Constable de Bourbon, and Francis was preparing for the fatal expedition to Italy which was to result in the battle of Pavia, the rout of the French chivalry, and the captivity of the king. As Raynal observed, "Intestine troubles discouraged the people from prosecuting extensive foreign commerce, and checked all aspiration for founding kingdoms in the two Indies. . . . The nation, moreover, was always negotiating, as it were, with its sovereign. The royal authority was really unlimited, though not recognized as such by the laws; the nation, though often too independent in act, yet had no legal guarantees for its liberties. The government, occupied alone with the task of subjugating the people, took no care of the interests of the commonwealth." But in 1530 France had a breathing spell; the Treaty of Cambrai gave it a truce of three years, commonly called the Paix des Dames, the treaty having been signed in 1529. The grand admiral of the kingdom, the monarch's companion in arms, Philippe de Brion-Chabot, took advantage of it to remind Francis of the


immense territorial acquisitions of Spain and Portugal in the New World, and the necessity to imitate these easy and productive conquests. Chabot was one of the king's chief favorites, — a hero who shines in the chevaleresque pages of the Bon Sieur de Brantôme, a noble jouster and tennis-player, but not merely a carpet-knight. He was Governor of Normandy and Brittany, and knew perhaps as much about the hardy mariners and fishermen of France's iron-bound coast as he did of the belles-dames of the court and the mistresses of the king. Chabot inspired the king to begin an establishment in the regions discovered by Verrazzano, and found him a fit expert to carry out the plan.

This agent was Jacques Cartier, a mariner of the old Breton town of St. Malo. Cartier's portrait is preserved; it is the face of a man of acute intelligence, indomitable will, and the most intense earnestness of purpose; keen as a falcon, and brave as only a Breton can be. Cartier was born in 1494; he was forty years old, — just the age to plan and to carry out a great design; and he lived in a town filled with people who were familiar with sea-adventure and ready to undertake any sort of enterprise. Little is known about his personal history. He was born, lived, and died in St. Malo. He married there, and both he and his wife were devout Catholics, attendants upon the services in the cathedral. In this venerable edifice Cartier always confessed and attended mass when he set out upon a voyage, and had a special service of thanksgiving when he returned. Before he died he founded an "obit" service there to promote the repose of his soul. Under the directions of Chabot, Cartier was furnished with two vessels of not over sixty tons each, and crews numbering one hundred and twenty-two men all told. When the preparations for the expedition were making, it is said that the kings of Spain and Portugal both protested against it as an invasion of their territorial rights, but this is by no means probable. Cartier sailed from St. Malo, April 26, 1534, armed with a commission from the French king which gave him very full authority. Twenty days afterwards he reached the coast of Newfoundland; thence, by the Straits of Belle Isle, he crossed to the mainland, entered the Gulf of Chaleurs, erected a cross at Gaspé, and, hot in pursuit of the direct route to China, ascended the St. Lawrence to Anticosti. Everywhere he found capes, islands, and rivers named by his French predecessors. This first voyage of Cartier's was only preliminary. He coasted the sea-margin of Newfoundland and Labrador, gave its name to the Bay des Chaleurs, and had much intercourse with the natives, two of whom he took home with him when he returned to France. He describes the Indians as being well-built ("uomini d'assai bella vita e grandezza"), and wearing their hair tied up over their heads, like bundles of hay, quaintly interlaced with feathers. He took possession of the country for the French king when he erected his cross in Gaspé Bay, persuading the Indians that the formality was a religious ceremony, — a fiction which it seems did not impose upon their chief.

Cartier, after reaching the mouth of the St. Lawrence on the 15th of August, set sail for France again, the weather beginning to be stormy. He arrived in St. Malo on September 5th, and his report of the voyage and its results was very well received. The navigator had a friend and active patron in the Vice-Admiral of France, Charles de Moncy, Sieur de Maillerie. Moncy had the ear of Chabot, and is supposed to have introduced Cartier to him. Through Maillerie's influence, Cartier's commission was renewed, and a much larger equipment given him for the next voyage. He had three vessels assigned him, with one hundred and ten men; and several gentlemen of birth volunteered to accompany him, including Claude de Pontbriand and Charles de la Pommeraye. Cartier's vessel, "La Grande Hermine," the largest in the fleet, did not exceed one hundred and ten tons burthen; the other vessels were commanded by Captain Gillaume le Breton and Marc Jalobert. When the expedition was ready to sail, the men all marched in procession, with Cartier at their head, to the cathedral, confessed, heard mass, and invoked the blessing of Heaven on their undertaking, after which, on Whitsunday, May 19, 1535, they went to sea. The voyage was tedious; July had come before Cartier reached Newfoundland, but thence it was an easy stretch to the Gulf and River St. Lawrence. Up the latter Cartier sailed two hundred leagues, to the Isle d'Orléans. The Indians whom he had taken to France on the previous voyage returned with him, and were of great service as guides, pilots, and interpreters. They procured supplies and promoted intercourse between the French and the savages. Cartier through them made the acquaintance and secured the friendship of Dannacona, the chief of Stadaconé, the basin of Quebec; and here it was that, the season being far advanced, the bold navigator determined to winter. Stadaconé,


however, important as it was, was not the chief town of the country. That was called Hochelaga, sixty leagues farther up the river, and Cartier determined to visit the King of Hochelaga, in spite of the opposition of Dannacona and the many great bugbears he contrived to prevent the voyage. The expedition was successfully carried out and thus Cartier was the earliest white man on the site of Montreal. A thousand Indians thronged the shore, dancing, shouting, and singing songs of welcome, and the visitors were escorted in great state to the Indian village of fifty wooden houses, where the decrepit chief of Hochelaga received and entertained them. Returning to Quebec, Cartier completed a fort or stockade which his crews had built in his absence, and the ships were moored alongside of it. The winter came in with severity, but, as the Indians did not seem to mind it, it was probably not an unusually bitter winter; but the French fared very badly. The scurvy broke out among them in a malignant form in December, and soon there were not enough sound persons left to wait on those who were ill. Twenty-six men — twenty-three and one-half per cent. — died before April. An Indian showed Cartier a species of evergreen, the leaves of which were a specific against scurvy, and the survivors of the crew were brought around and restored to health by copious draughts of a decoction made of the loaves of this fir or spruce.

As soon as navigation permitted, Cartier set sail for France, and once more cast anchor in the harbor of St. Malo, on July 8, 1536. He had made great discoveries, but not of the sort that are attractive to kings. He had found a rigorous climate, a savage people, but no gold, spices, nor precious stones. But, on the other hand, the Indians were full of tales of wonder, such as suited the appetite of adventurers: they spoke of a land of gold and rubies, of a nation of whites, of people who lived without food, and others who went through life upon one leg. Cartier did not discredit these stories; but he thought it would be better for the king and court to learn them from the fountain-head, and consequently, when he was ready to sail home, he had carried off Dannacona and his chiefs and interpreters, kidnapping them in return for the many services they had done him and his crew. The savages were treated very kindly, however, and soon became reconciled to the outrageous captivity. The returned voyagers had not very pleasing tales to tell of "New France," nor were the king and his ministers in a mood or situation to encourage further adventures in that direction. Chabot was in disgrace, and the poison which the King had sipped at the well of his pleasures was already taking hold of his system. Cartier, however, still found friends and supporters such as generally rally to the aid of men so earnest and sincere. Jean François de la Roque, Sieur de Roberval in Picardy, determined to employ him further, and aid him in occupying and colonizing the new countries. Roberval, a man of rank and position, and distinguished as a soldier, procured a patent from the king, creating him lieutenant-general and viceroy in Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Carpunt, Labrador, the Great Bay, and Baccalaos and Lord of Norembega, and giving him authority to discover and settle in New France and convert the Indians. Cartier was made captain-general of the expedition, and a grant from the royal treasury enabled him to fit out five vessels. The profits of the voyage were to be divided, one-third for expenses, and the same to the king and the adventurers. To make up his crews and secure his quota of colonists, Cartier was empowered to rake the prisons and recruit among the malefactors of every grade. The Spanish king watched the preparations for the expedition with great jealousy. Its destination was uncertain, and reinforcements were dispatched to Cuba, Hispaniola, and the other colonies of Spain, while the King of Portugal was invited to join with Charles in taking possession of Newfoundland.

Cartier sailed for New France on May 23, 1541, and reached Quebec safely on August 23d. He selected a site for settlement three leagues farther up the river than Quebec, and built a fort on the crest of Cape Rouge, calling the station Charlesbourg Royal. Roberval did not come out with his vessels until 1542, and while he was lying in the roads of St. John's, Newfoundland, resting after a tedious voyage across the ocean, Cartier and his ships entered the harbor.


Cartier had broken up the colony and abandoned New France. The kidnapping of Dannacona and his chiefs, and their subsequent deaths, had had its natural result, and the natives were suspicious or hostile from Hochelaga all the way down the river. This fact, the hardships of winter, discontent and disappointment, and probably failing health also, had utterly discouraged Cartier and his men. Roberval, amazed and indignant, ordered the party to return to Quebec, but the navigator with his vessels silently weighed anchor in the night and made all sail for France. This desertion broke up all Roberval's arrangements, but he still determined to proceed on his expedition, sailed to Cape Rouge, fortified himself strongly, and wintered there miserably, losing fifty men by the scurvy, and having his whole force disorganized by disease, idleness, and lax discipline. Roberval, after conducting some explorations, finally withdrew his colony and returned to France in 1543, and then for a time all idea of founding settlements in New France was abandoned. After the death of Francis, Roberval, in 1549, sailed again for the St. Lawrence, accompanied by his brother and a band of adventurers; but they were never heard of again. With Roberval, to use Parkman's phrase, "closes the prelude of the French-American drama." The curtain did not rise again until 1604-7, and then on a very different scene.

Meanwhile, a strange series of events, not without their influence upon the destinies of the yet unborn city of St. Louis, were being acted out in Florida by the Spaniards and the French. The Spaniards were a very different class of adventurers from the French. Their long wars with the infidels of Granada had filled them with romantic daring and an exalted religious zeal. These wars had set free great numbers of men-at-arms equally athirst for glory and for gold. But it is no more than justice to the Conquistadores to say of them, likewise, that they esteemed great undertakings because they were great. The age, as Humboldt has remarked, with its overwrought excitements and passions and violence, had a tendency to promote individuality of character, always a prominent trait in the Spaniard, who was then "the freest man in Europe," free in person and free in institutions likewise. It was an age of cruelty, and the Spaniard was "a man of blood," and used to reprisals and barbarous punishments. But Humboldt defends the Conquistadores from the reproach of brutal and sordid instincts repeatedly cast upon them. Balboa, Cortez, Davila, Ponce de Leon, were full of the spirit of romantic adventure and that heroic daring which essays all the perils of the unknown for the sake of glory singly.

Ponce de Leon and Ferdinando de Soto were types of this class of lofty aspirants. The former discovered Florida, the latter the Mississippi, each sacrificing ease, comfort, wealth, and luxury in the pursuit of harassing adventures. They were pirates and sea-rovers with the valor of chevaliers and the enthusiasm of crusaders. Juan Ponce de Leon was a veteran whom the laurels of other discoverers would not suffer to rest, even when the infirmities of age pressed heavily upon him. His youth had been schooled in war; in manhood he had accompanied Columbus on his second voyage, and was given command of a province in Hispaniola, from whence he cast wistful glances across to still unconquered Porto Rico. Finally he passed over to that island, occupied it, and, after an interval of quiet, was forced to desolate it with fire and sword in order to subdue the Indians in arms against his strong hand and stern rule. De Leon now heard of a land far to the north abounding in gold, gems, and flowers, possessing, moreover, a river or a fountain which had the extraordinary quality of restoring to youth whosoever should bathe in it. It was the vision of alchemy brought within reach and touch. Ponce de Leon believed the fables told him, — he was not singular in that, for Peter Martyr had faith in this fountain too, — and got up an expedition for the conquest of this new and wonderful country. He sailed from Porto Rico in March, 1512, and on Palm Sunday landed on a soil which the natives called Cautio, but which he named Florida, in commemoration of the day. Juan Ponce took possession of the country in the name of Spain, and explored it in various directions, but without suspecting that it was a part of the main-land. He did not find either gold or the Fountain of Youth, but he encountered a most determined hostility on the part of the savages, and was much vexed and baffled by contrary winds and currents. At last he returned to Spain, and was killed not long afterwards in a raid against the fierce Carib Indians.


The success of Cortez in conquering Mexico directed enterprise and adventure still more eagerly to the mainland. Florida, it was commonly thought, abounded in treasures equally with the country of the Aztecs. Pamphilo de Narvaez undertook in 1528 to conquer and colonize the peninsula, the external contour of which had been determined by the explorations of De Leon, Garay, and Vasquez de Ayllon. He landed on the Gulf coast, near Tampa Bay, and with three hundred men marched into the forest in search of the gold and booty which he had seen the followers of Cortez secure. Narvaez was as imprudent as he was greedy and avaricious, and disregarded the counsels of his experienced pilot, Miruelo, and his second in command, Alvar Nunez Cabeça de Vaca. The result was disaster. The Indians were deeply hostile in consequence of the slave-hunting atrocities of Ayllon and others, and they harassed Narvaez's line of march with incessant assault. His men sickened and perished; the horses gave out and were eaten; famine, storm, climate conspired against them; a wretched remnant reached the coast at last, and, embarking in crazy boats, tried to make their way around the curve of the Gulf to Tampico. Only four escaped the hazards of such a route, and these — Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, Castillo, and Estavanico (a negro slave from Barbary) — were made prisoners by the Indians. In passing around the Gulf from St. Mark's to Galveston, Cabeza had crossed the Mississippi River and tarried for an interval on an island in its mouth. He had no idea of the river's greatness, however, and his own woes would anyhow have prevented him from paying attention to geographical discoveries. He and his companions were six years in captivity to the Indians, during which time they acquired the language and studied the habits of the tribe. Then, escaping, Cabeza led his companions through Texas and New Mexico to the Pacific coast at the town of San Miguel. This wondrous journey took eighteen months to perform it, and the way-worn travelers secured immunity and consideration from the savages along the route by acting the part of "medicine men." They were received in Mexico like men raised up from the dead, and the strange countries and cities of which Cabeza had heard during the journey, and gave accounts in his simple narrative, led to two more romantic expeditions, — the march of Coronado in search of Cibola, and of Hernando de Soto in quest of the northern Peru, supposed to lie somewhere in the continent between the river Palmas and the Atlantic Ocean, and which Cabeza declared to be the richest country on the globe.

The march of Coronado to Cibola is one of the most daring and successful feats of exploration and adventure upon record. It is an anticipation of the toils and marches of Lewis and Clark, of Capt. Bonneville and Gen. Fremont in the heart of the unexplored American wilderness. Cabeza had brought home accounts, much exaggerated, of the adobe cities of the Zuni and Pueblo Indians, some of which he had seen in the course of his wanderings through New Mexico; and before Cabeza's return, an Indian slave in 1530 had excited the cupidity and curiosity of Nuńio de Guzman, President of New Spain, by relating that, in his travels north of Mexico, he had seen cities as large as the Aztec capital; that there were seven of them, and they had streets which were occupied exclusively by workers in gold and silver. These cities, the Indian further related, were forty days distant, and the route to them lay through the desert. Guzman planned an expedition, and started for Cibola at the head of four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indians, but he was not able to proceed any farther than the province of Culiacan, which, however, he occupied and settled. Shortly afterwards his Taos Indians died, and Guzman was removed. His successor, however, the Viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoça, heard of the seven cities from Cabeza and his companions, all of their accounts being full of what seems to be studied exaggeration of the riches of the cities, their piles of lofty houses, and other strange features. Vasquez de Coronado was Governor of New Galicia at the time. The viceroy communicated to him what he had learned from Cabeza, and Coronado proceeded to Culiacau, accompanied by some Franciscan friars and the negro man Stephen, the companion of Cabeza, who volunteered to act as guide to the seven cities. Coronado sent him with the three Franciscan friars to Cibola, to bring him an account of the place. One of the friars was Marcos de Nica, whom Castańeda calls "theologian and priest." The negro, Stephen, was killed by the Indians of Cibola, but Father Mark came back with such a glowing account of the country — which, in fact, he and his companions had scarcely seen, much less examined — that the viceroy was induced to undertake an immediate expedition for its conquest, giving the command to Coronado, with the


rank of captain-general. The expedition, three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians, started from Compostella, in New Galicia, on Easter-Monday, 1540, passing north through the desert of Sonora, Cuizona, and New Mexico, along the course of the Gila, and through the Pima Mountains, to the Zuni country. Cibola was found to be a poor communal fort built of adobe, and having no more than six hundred warriors, who bravely resisted, but in vain, the invasion of the Spaniards. They had no gold; their sole wealth consisted of corn, cotton stuff made by them, fowls, tanned leather, and dressed robes and furs. From this region Coronado passed on to the great canyon of the Colorado River, and met Comanche Indians, who told him of the bisons on the plains. Later, when they had crossed the Rio Grande, Coronado and his men encountered multitudinous droves of these animals, and killed great numbers of them. It was the opinion of Coronado and his chronicler, Castańeda, that the Rio Grande made such a wide detour to the eastward that it united its waters with the Mississippi (of which they had heard) before emptying into the Gulf of Mexico. The march of the expedition was extended northeastward across the headwaters of the Canadian River, across the Arkansas River to the neighborhood of what the Spaniards thought was a great city, Quivira, terminating just west of the Missouri River, midway between the Kansas and the Platte Rivers, near what is now Pawnee City, Neb. The return route was down the Colorado River and round the head of the Gulf of California. "Thus ended this great expedition, which," says Gen. Simpson," for extent in distance traveled, duration in time, extending from the spring of 1540 to the summer of 1542, or more than two years, and the multiplicity of its co-operating branch explorations, equaled, if it did not exceed, any land expedition that has been undertaken in modern times."

Cabeza de Vaca appeared in Spain just about the time that Hernando de Soto was preparing an expedition for the conquest of Florida, leave to undertake which he had obtained from Charles V. De Soto had come to America with nothing but his sword, a penniless adventurer, but with a great reputation as a warrior. "When he led in the van of battle," says one of his biographers, "his charge was so powerful, so broad was the bloody passage which he carved out in the ranks of the enemy, that ten of his men-at-arms could with ease follow him abreast." He had joined Pizarro in the conquest of Peru, acquiring immense riches, which he spent lavishly in maintaining distinguished state at the court of Madrid. He was now Governor of the rich province of San Jago de Cuba, and married to a woman of great beauty, Isabella de Bobadilla, the daughter of De Soto's first commander, when he was serving in the ranks. But repose was not in the nature of such men; ambition and the greed for glory haunted him all his life, and he was now willing to expend all his wealth in the uncertain effort to carve out a contingent marquisate in Florida. The stories told by Cabeza de Vaca gave body to De Soto's unshaped plans, and created an enthusiasm in regard to Florida that brought great numbers of nobles, gentlemen, and soldiers to De Soto's banner. In his train


when he landed in the bay which he named Espiritu Santo, Florida, after a safe and pleasant passage from the place of rendezvous (the port of San Lucas de Barrameda), were twenty-two ecclesiastics and some gentlemen of the best blood in Spain, — Don Juan de Guzman, Pedro Calderon, a favorite soldier of Gonsalvo de Cordova, the "Great Captain" and the best judge of martial qualities that his country has ever produced, Vasconcellos de Silva, a Portuguese noble of distinguished family and bright personal fame, Nuno Touar, the Chevalier Bayard of his nation, and Moscoso de Alvarado, second only to De Soto himself. So many people of noble birth mustered for this expedition, says one of its historians (many of them having sold or mortgaged their estates in order to pay the cost of their equipments), "that in St. Lucar many men of good account, which had sold their goods, remained behind for want of shipping, whereas for other known and rich countries they are wont to want men."

It was on Sunday, May 18,1539, the day De Pasca de Spiritu Santo (Whitsunday), that the expedition reached the coast of Florida and the place of their landing, the port of Baya Honda, as Biedma calls Tampa Bay. Here six hundred and twenty men and two hundred and twenty-three horses were landed, as brilliant and gallant a body of soldiers as ever marched into the bosom of the repulsive wilderness. Juan Ortiz, a survivor of the party of Pamphilo de Narvaez, was found among the Indians, who had taken care of him for twelve years, teaching him their language and habits. He protested, however, that he knew nothing of the country, and was sent on to Cuba in the returning ships. De Soto now began his memorable march, which led him from Indian town to town, from tribe to tribe, from morass to river, and from canebrake to mountain forest, in pursuit of that illusory empire which he sought, until he had traversed the greater part of West Florida, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. It is the practice of historians to emphasize the fact that Cabeza de Vaca crossed the Mississippi River without showing any consciousness, so far as his narrative is concerned, of having passed an unusually large stream. But it is probable that Cabeza was less reserved in his communications to De Soto, whom at one time he seems to have intended to accompany, declining in the end because not offered a position in the expedition proportionate to his conception of what he deserved. Anyhow, De Soto, in parting with his squadron when he finally left the coast after the capture of the town of the Apalaches, directed his fleet captain, Francisco Maldonado, to return to Havana, procure provisions, and meet him in six months from that date at the mouth of the great river Espiritu Santo.


Coronado had reached the valley of the Mississippi on the western side, and crossed at least one of its great tributaries. De Soto, after several attempts to discover a great and rich country north of Florida, turned his course westward and distinctly aimed to reach the great river. He crossed the Altamaha; he mistook the Coosa for the Father of Waters; he fought the Chickasaws and ranged northward to the table-land which looks down upon the eastward elbows of the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers, and at last his men, weary, worn, and travel-stained, came upon the banks of a mighty current "almost half a league broad; if a man stood still on the other side, it could not be discerned whether he was a man or no. The river was of great depth, and of a strong current; the water was always muddy; there came down the river continually many trees and timber, which the force of the water and stream brought down." This was the Mississippi, the Espiritu Santo of which De Soto had heard so much. The inhabitants were worthy of such a stream. They issued forth to resist the passage of De Soto in a fleet of two hundred and fifty canoes, dressed with flags, all under the command of one cacique, who sat beneath an awning in the stern of his royal barge. Biedma suggests that these Indians were of the race of the Mound-builders, for he says, "The caciques of this country make a custom of raising, near their dwellings, very high hills, on which they sometimes built their huts." Some such cacique must have lived, in pre-historic times, upon the site of St. Louis.

The expedition, begun under such splendid auspices and with such a pompous array, ended in cruel suffering and complete disaster. The guides led the party astray in spite of the scourge and the fangs of De Soto's bloodhounds, and their route lay through canebrake, swamp, and morass, and the pathless wilds where the gaunt cypress-tree, hung with gray Spanish moss, protects the lurking-place of the moccasin-snake and the shaded lagoons frequented by the hideous alligator. The men, dispirited and disappointed, convinced of the poverty of the land and the utter failure of their hopes, would have given up the march and made the best of their way to the coast, but De Soto, stern and sombre, refused to turn back. He listened to counsel and complaint with patience, but followed the directions of his own inflexible will, and all the rest obeyed him, for he was terrible and cruel in his wrath. An Indian captive who refused to serve as guide was burnt at the stake, and every Indian village which offered the least resistance was destroyed with fire and sword. There were some terrible battles, for the Indians fought the invaders with desperate courage, but the superior arms and discipline of the Spaniards always secured them the victory. But they paid dear for it: at Movilla, in Alabama, they lost eighteen killed and one hundred and fifty wounded, besides eighty-two horses slain or crippled and all their baggage consumed in the flames of the town, which the Indians themselves set on fire. In the Chickasaw town eleven of De Soto's people were burned to death, and the rest barely escaped, unclad and without arms, from the desperate onset of the savages, who fought


as only brave men can do in defense of their homes.

The point at which De Soto reached the Mississippi River, it is supposed, was the lowest Chickasaw Bluff, about the thirty-fifth parallel of latitude. The Spaniards tarried on the banks until they could build barges sufficiently stout to carry over their horses. Then, in May, 1541, they crossed to the western side of the river. The Indians were numerous in this section, dwelling in palisaded towns, but they had no gold and no knowledge of metals. De Soto made a toilsome march northward on the line of the river to about the neighborhood of where New Madrid stands. The Indians here were all hunters, and poor; the bison were so numerous that they prevented the cultivation of maize. The route of the expedition was now directed westward, and it is supposed the adventurers penetrated as far as the highlands of White River. They went into winter quarters on the Washita River, and when spring came descended along the line of that river, in the hope to reach the sea. The marshes and the bayous of the Red River baffled and disheartened the weary explorers, and when, approaching the Mississippi again on the southern bank of the Red River, De Soto found that the Indians had never even heard of the ocean and the Gulf of Mexico, even his resolute spirit and stern will yielded to depression and despair. He was seized with an attack of malarial fever, and appears to have utterly broken down all at once. His men and horses were dying around him, and he could get no information such as would enable him to select a safe and easy route by which to escape out of this toilsome wilderness. He sent word to the cacique of a tribe near by to come visit him; that he and his people were the children of the Sun and accustomed to receive the courteous attention, the love and obedience, of the hunters and dwellers in the forest. The haughty chief sent back word that it was not his habit to pay visits; that if De Soto was a child of the Sun, let him dry up the river on the banks of which he was encamped; and if the strangers wished to see him, they might come to him: he would cordially welcome them, coming in peace, and not give back a single step if they came in war. The Governor was already in bed, stricken with fever and "in great dumps" on account of his chagrins, disappointments, and losses, and this message and defiance seems to have wounded him to the core because he was helpless to resent it. His illness rapidly increased, and it was evident that a fatal termination could not be avoided. De Soto called his officers about him, designated his successor, took leave of his followers, commended his soul to God, and "the next day, being the 21st of May, 1542, departed out of this life the valorous, virtuous, and valiant captain, Don Fernando de Soto, Governor of Cuba and Adelantado of Florida; whom fortune advanced, as it useth to do with others, that he might have the higher fall. He departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sickness he had but little comfort." De Soto's body, after burial, was taken up by order of his successors, wrapped in a mantle made heavy with sand, and, enclosed in a tree-trunk that had been hollowed out for a canoe, was sunk in the bed of the Mississippi River. This was done in order to prevent the Indians from denying the claim of the Spaniards that they did not die, but were simply recalled to the celestial sphere from which they had descended. A commander of such great purposes and such an indomitable will as De Soto deserved to have for a sepulchre the mighty river he had discovered and traversed.

Luis de Moscoso, the successor of De Soto, devoted all his energies to the one object of extricating the command from its dreadful environments and the fatal country in which it had suffered so many ills. Despairing of reaching the Gulf by the Mississippi, he struck westward, hoping, as Cabeza de Vaca had done, to reach Mexico overland. Thus he followed the valley of the Red River for over seven hundred miles, and got as far as the Pecos River, among the Comanche Indians. Then, finding no encouragement to pursue this interminable route farther, the wanderers retraced their steps to the Mississippi, erected rude forges, beat their chains, armor, and all their old iron into nails, and began to build vessels to carry them down the river. They constructed "seven brigantines," deckless barges calked with the wild hemp and flax of the country. Their provisions were maize taken from the Indians and the dried flesh of their horses, killed because only a few of them could be taken in the boats. Thus equipped, the survivors of De Soto's great expedition (three hundred and twenty-two men) embarked on the Mississippi on July 2, 1543, rapidly descending, as their oars had the aid of the current. On the way down the river they were attacked and pursued by the Indians, but were not prevented from proceeding, and reached the Gulf of Mexico on July 20th, having sailed, as they computed, two hundred and fifty leagues in eighteen days. Thence, after many perils and hardships, they


succeeded in following the coast line around to Tampico, where the Governor and people greatly wondered to behold this troop of haggard savages leap from their brigantines and hurry, first of all, to the church to offer thanksgiving for their great deliverance. They had but little of the appearance of white men, none of the look of cavaliers: they were tanned black, gaunt, shriveled, and wild from the assaults, perils, and privations of the wilderness, half-naked, and clad only in the skins of the wild animals they had taken in the chase.

But they had accomplished a great work, for they were the first who sailed down the Mississippi River to the Gulf, and it was this expedition which put beyond all doubt the claim of Spain to the first discovery of the Mississippi. It will be shown in another chapter that the claim of France to the first settlement and exploration of the great river is fully as distinct and indisputable. In the maps, however, of the sixteenth and seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the country traversed by Ayllon, Narvaez, and De Soto is given a very divided allegiance. In the Spanish maps Florida extends north and east to Virginia, and west and southwest to Mexico. In the earliest French maps New France extends from the Gulf to Hudson's Bay, and in the later ones Upper and Lower Louisiana reached half-way across Texas on the west and to Georgia on the east, not contenting itself on the northeast with any line but that of the Allegheny Mountains. On the English maps, on the other hand, Louisiana, west of Florida and the Carolinas, is put down as the English colony and province of Carolana, which, it was claimed, was granted by a patent of King Charles I. to Sir Robert Heath, then attorney-general. Sir Robert conveyed the patent to the Earl of Arundel, who was the father-in-law of Cecilius Calvert, the second Lord Baltimore and founder of Maryland. Of the three claimants, Spain had all the rights which priority of actual discovery secures through the journey of Cabeza de Vaca and the expedition of De Soto. But England claimed prior rights as regarded the whole continent in consequence of Cabot's voyages, and France also in consequence of the voyage of Verrazzano. Spain looked upon Canada as being the upper part of Florida, and watched with incessant jealousy every attempt of France and England to make plantations upon the shores of North America. In the end this jealousy led to collisions and reprisals, one result of which was an undoubted stimulus given to the settlement of Florida, Texas, and New Mexico by Spain, and of the valley of the Mississippi by France.

Florida had so far successfully resisted every military expedition sent against it; but it continued to attract attention, and to lure both enthusiasm and adventure to essay its perils. In 1544 a Dominican Father attempted the spiritual conquest of the country. Luis Cancer de Barbastro was a favorite of the impetuous Las Casas, the friend of the Indians, and their missionary; the good Bishop of Chiapas heard of Father Cancer's plans with enthusiasm, and successfully commended them to the king's notice and approbation. Cancer returned to Mexico fully accredited for his mission, obtained a vessel, and sailed for Florida with Father Gregory de Batata, John Garia, and Diego de Panalosa for his companions. They were murdered by the Indians almost immediately upon landing. Cancer's companions were slain first. When he heard of it, he wrote a simple account of the massacre, saying, "All this was indeed terrible and very afflicting to us all, but not surprising; such things can but happen in enterprises for the extension of the faith. I expected nothing less. How often have I reflected on the execution of this enterprise and felt that we could not succeed in it without losing much blood! So the apostles did, and at this price alone can faith and religion be introduced." He then landed and calmly walked to meet his fate. He had seen thirty years' service among the Indian missionaries when he was murdered, and had been very successful in making converts. Father Cancer was but one example of the devoted spirit and heroic courage of the Spanish Catholic missionaries. In 1553 a vessel was wrecked on the coast of Florida, in which was a number of Dominican Fathers. The survivors of the shipwreck set out to walk to Tampico, the frontier town of Spanish settlements in Mexico. They were nearly all massacred on the way, and only one priest survived.

These disasters, and other evidences of the fierceness of the Florida Indians, determined Philip II. of Spain to make a further attempt to reduce these Indians to submission, as well as have them converted to the faith. Guido de los Bazares had attempted, but failed, to plant a colony; and Angel de Villifane's squadron, as it sailed from San Juan d'Ulloa with the same end in view, had been shattered by a disastrous hurricane. Philip was urged to promote the Florida enterprise by many advisers. Dr. Pedro de Santander wrote to him, July 15, 1557: "It is lawful that Your Majesty, like a good shepherd appointed by the hand of the Eternal Father, should tend and lead out your sheep, since the Holy Spirit has shown


spreading pastures whereon are feeding lost sheep which have been snatched away by the dragon, the Demon. These pastures are the New World, wherein is comprised Florida, now in possession of the Demon, and here he makes himself adored and revered. This is the Land of Promise, possessed by idolaters, the Amorite, Amalekite, Moabite, Canaanite." And the writer proposes to occupy the country at various points with a thousand or fifteen hundred colonists, found cities, to be called Philippina and Caesarea, and establish slave depots and barracoons. In 1559 an expedition was sent out under the command of Don Tristan de Luna, with fifteen hundred men. They landed safely in St. Mark's Bay; but immediately after landing, a storm came up which dashed every one of De Luna's vessels to pieces. Not disheartened, the commandant sent two hundred men, under command of his sargente mayor, into the interior of the country, to explore. They joined the Coosa Indians in a war upon the Natchez, and defeated the latter in a battle fought on the banks of the Ochechiton, the great river discovered by De Soto. After this vessels were sent from Mexico for the survivors of Tristan de Luna's party; and they returned, as glad to get away from Florida as all who preceded them had been.

In 1561 the great India fleet, bearing from Mexico and the Gulf to Spain the bullion and treasure which America annually contributed to the coffers of King Philip, was scattered and wrecked on the Florida coast, and between there and the Bermudas. One vessel disappeared with an uncertain fate, and in it was the only son of Don Pedro Menendez (or Melendez) de Aviles, a stern and haughty Asturian noble, esteemed the first naval commander of his day. Menendez had spent a life of wild adventure upon the sea, had commanded fleets and galleons, and been the prisoner and slave of Barbary corsairs. He had served in the Indies, accumulating great wealth, and had been incarcerated and fined by the Council of the Indies. Philip pardoned him, restored him to his command, and remitted half the fine. Menendez now begged of the king leave to go to the Bermudas in search of his son. The king promised to commission him to make a survey in those parts, for the benefit of future navigators; but Menendez preferred to undertake the conquest of Florida, if His Majesty would permit. "Such grief seizes me when I behold this multitude of wretched Indians," he said, "that I should choose the conquest and settling of Canada above all commands, offices, and dignities which Your Majesty might bestow." While the conditions of this expedition, to which the king assented, were being settled, news came to the court and to Menendez that Florida, Spanish territory, had been invaded by the foreigner and the hated French Huguenots had actually planted a colony of heretics upon the soil of His Most Catholic Majesty.

This was really the case. Admiral Coligny, the sagacious head of the Huguenot cause in France, had seen the expediency of planting colonies of his coreligionists in distant lands, in order not only to disseminate the principles of the Reformation over a wider expanse of soil, but also to secure places of refuge for Protestants in case they came to disaster in Europe. This policy, the original contrivance of Coligny, was followed afterwards by Sir Walter Raleigh in Virginia, by the Dutch on the Hudson and at Amboyna, and by the Swedes, prompted by Gustavus Adolphus and Chancellor Oxenstierna, on the Delaware. The Catholic colonies and missions of Spain and France were active and zealous in the work of proselyting among the Indians, but the Protestant colonies cared much less for the propaganda of doctrine than they did for the defense of their fellows from persecution. Coligny's first attempt at a colony was under Villegagnon, who went to Brazil and planted a settlement of Lutherans and Calvinists in the Bay of Rio de Janeiro. The Portuguese expelled the wretched remnant of this colony in 1558, after they had been settled there for two years and a half. In 1562 a second Huguenot colony sailed for the New World, under the lead of Jean Ribaut, an excellent sailor and stanch Protestant of Dieppe, who had been selected by Gaspar de Coligny himself to command the expedition. They embarked, with a French commission, under the French flag, and their instructions contemplated a military colony. Ribaut had soldiers as well as seamen, nobles, and artisans in the two vessels in which he and his party sailed from Havre, Feb. 18, 1562. They reached the coast of Florida on the last day of April, and on May-day embarked at the mouth of a great river, glorious with flowers, which they named the River of May, but it is now called the St. John's. Proceeding northward, the vessels came to Port Royal, in South Carolina. A fort was built near the site of the present city of Beaufort, a garrison of thirty men left in it under command of Albert de Pierre, and Ribaut, with the rest of his party, returned to France. The little colony was soon expelled by famine. They crossed the ocean in a crazy bark built by their own hands, and were captured by the English after they had begun to cast lots to decide who should be eaten to save the rest. In 1564 a third Huguenot colony came out, under command of Réné de Laudonničre, a Poictevin noble.


He had three vessels filled with men, and he landed, as Ribaut had done, at the mouth of the River of May. Five miles up the river there is a bold headland (now called St. John's Bluff) which overhangs the broad and sleepy waters of the lake-like river. Hard by this hill Laudonničre's engineers marked out the lines of his fort, and when it was built and named Caroline, after the King of France, the standard of France was hoisted above it. In 1565, after many vicissitudes, the colony and fort were relieved and reinforced by Ribaut, who returned to the coast with many vessels.

But almost simultaneously with Ribaut came other and very different visitors. Menendez was at their head. He had bargained with the king to conquer Florida in three years, introduce five hundred colonists there, and as many slaves, build villages, establish the nucleus of a Florida church, and stock the country with domestic animals. But as Menendez was starting out to recruit his company the news came from France of the occupation of Florida by Laudonničre, and that Ribaut was on the eve of sailing to reinforce him. Menendez was recalled in haste. No foreigners, and especially no heretics, could be tolerated on Spanish soil. Not only must Laudonničre and Ribaut be crushed, but Menendez must conquer and colonize the whole country, to prevent such adventurers from repeating the insult. He was instructed and he proposed, after capturing the fort on the St. John's, to build a Spanish fort in Port Royal Harbor, and another strong one in Chesapeake Bay. This, he thought, would enable him to hold the entire country and keep the French from following in the footsteps of Cartier. The new expedition was pressed forward with fiery energy, recruits being sought in all the Spanish ports. When Menendez sailed from Cadiz, on June 29, 1565, he led the advance-guard of thirty-four vessels and two thousand six hundred and forty-six men, there being a further reserve of fifteen hundred men who were to follow him. Menendez wrote to the king a full account of his expedition, Mendoza kept a daily journal of its occurrences, and there are numerous other and contemporary narratives of these affairs.

Menendez, with his advance, pushed forward with intense earnestness and frantic zeal. He found the French flag flying on the shore and the French fleet anchored off the mouth of St. John's River. In answer to a hail from the French the Adelantado shouted back, "I am Pedro Menendez, General of the fleet of the King of Spain, Don Philip II., who have come to this country to hang and behead all Lutherans whom I shall find by land or sea, according to instructions from my king. At daybreak I shall board your ships; Catholics shall be well treated, but heretics shall die." At daybreak the French had slipped their cables and escaped. Menendez sailed south, built a fort at Saint Augustine, garrisoned it, and then marched back with grim and savage determination to the accomplishment of the remainder of his task. As he sallied forth, Ribaut, with the French fleet, was sailing to attack him, but a storm dispersed them. Menendez led his five hundred men through forest, swamp, and river to attack Fort Caroline while its defenders were away. We have no desire to enlarge upon what remains to be told of this pitiful and brutal story. Menendez was only too successful. He captured the fort and put its entire garrison to the sword. One hundred and forty-two were thus slain. The rest of the French, as they came in a few at the time, shipwrecked and half naked, were invited to surrender unconditionally, and, when they did so, they were every one shot in cold blood. It was charged in France, but has been denied by the friends of Menendez, that he hung many of the French in the trees around the fort, placing over them the inscription: "I do this, not as to Frenchmen, but as to Lutherans." "I had their hands tied behind their backs," wrote Menendez himself to his king, "and themselves put to the sword. It appeared to me that, by thus chastising them, God our Lord and Your Majesty were served; whereby in future this evil sect will leave us more free to plant the gospel in these parts."

The atrocious butchery has not found many defenders. John Gilmary Shea, in his "History of American Catholic Missions," observes that "whether in this treatment of the French Huguenots Menendez regarded them as pirates, or as parties to the death of his son, or acted in obedience to the orders of Philip or to his own persecuting spirit, can never be known, but in no point of view can his conduct be justified." The massacre was terribly avenged, leading to probably the most romantic expedition ever undertaken even by so romantic a nation as the French. Charles IX. refused to take any steps to resent the murder of his subjects by Menendez under orders from Philip II. A private French gentleman, a Catholic and a Gascon, Dominique de Gourges, determined to wipe out by his own efforts the stain to French honor which his monarch would not remove. He sold his patrimony, fitted out a secret expedition under the pretense of going to the coast of Benin for slaves, and when he was once at sea unfolded his designs to his followers with such ardor and such eloquence that one and all demanded to be led against the ruthless


Spaniards. Then he proceeded to Florida, formed an alliance with the Indians, who already had learned to hate their cruel masters, and led the combined forces to the assault upon the two forts which guarded the St. John's River. This was in 1568. The forts were taken; the garrisons were slain, and De Gourges hung the few prisoners with the legend above their heads: "Not as to Spaniards, but as to Traitors, Robbers, and Murderers." The forts were demolished, De Gourges took leave of his Indian allies, and he and his men sailed back to France. Their visit was like that of the whirlwind, leaving but desolation to mark where it had alighted. Menendez was not punished. His monarch honored him highly, and when, in 1574, he died quietly in his bed in Santander, he was grand admiral of the Armada of Spain which Philip was collecting for the invasion of England.

The planting of St. Augustine by Menendez was the first durable settlement in Florida, and it was undoubtedly made in consequence of the Huguenot colony on the St. John's. Menendez just failed, in consequence of a storm, in planting settlements inside of Port Royal Sound and Chesapeake Bay. Other colonies, and especially Spanish missions, were planted around the coast of West Florida, in Apalachicola Bay, and among the Creek Indians. In this way the Spaniards of Florida gradually drew nigher to their fellow-countrymen in Mexico.

They do not seem, however, to have improved or increased the general knowledge concerning the mouth of the Mississippi River. It was not explored farther, so far as is certainly known, though it is claimed that in 1630 a Portuguese captain, Vincent Gonzalez by name, sailed up what must have been the Mississippi until he came very near the supposed kingdom of Quivira. It is also said that an Englishman sailed up the river in 1648, and in 1669 a Spanish expedition arrived in New York by way of the Mississippi and the Ohio. In regard to these various early voyages Mr. Shea says, "I confess my skepticism;" and it is certainly not expedient to pin much credit to hearsay evidence of explorations of such an important character, which, when they are made, men are generally eager to report and chronicle in a durable shape.

Chapter II.


SPAIN discovered, France explored and settled, the valley of the Mississippi. In the expedition of De Soto the men-at-arms and the bloodhounds went in the van of the march, and the Franciscan and Dominican Fathers brought up the rear. In the explorations of the French in Canada the warrior had very little place; the Jesuit and Recollect missionary sat in one end of the frail birch-bark canoe, the voyageur, the trapper, or the coureur des bois occupied the other end, and both plied the paddle, both shared the burthen of the toilsome portage, both dozed or watched by the same fire at night. And the results were as different as the methods. The Spaniards destroyed or enslaved the Indians, leaving the few survivors to be gathered in missions around some convent or to labor their lives long in hopeless peonage. The French, on the contrary, mixed and fraternized with the Indians, dwelt in their villages, intermarried with them, and adopted many of their habits. The spirit of camaraderie which was thus produced was the predominant characteristic of every French-Indian town and settlement from Acadie and Tadoussac to Ste. Genevieve and Natchitoches, from Lake Superior to the Gulf, and from the time of Samuel Champlain to that of Bibaud jeune. The French are not indeed the best colonists in the world, but wherever they have settled they have left the most prominent and ineffaceable impression upon the character of the people. M. F. X. Garneau, in his "History of Canada," quotes Maillefer appropriately on this point. The Gaulish race, above all others, he says, is characterized by "that occult force of cohesion and resistance which maintains their material unity amid the most cruel vicissitudes and makes it rise superior to every attempt to depress it." As M. Garneau himself puts it, "The old Gallic étourderie (heedlessness) has outlived the unchangeable theocracies of Egypt and Asia, the political combinations of the Greeks, the civic wisdom and military discipline of the Romans. Endowed with a less flexible genius, this people, more confiding and less calculating, this people of antique blood, but ever young in heart when the appeal of a noble conception or the call of a great heart inspires them, — this people would have disappeared as other races, more sage in seeming than it, had done before; and why? because they comprehended only one mission, one interest, and one idea."

The Gallic étourderie has been shown in the strange adventure of De Gourges. It is not absent from the great performances of Champlain and La Salle, the man who planted New France and the man who extended its dominions and gave a new grasp of power and splendor to its conceptions. Champlain took up the work abandoned by Cartier, and which Roberval perished in attempting to carry forward to


completion. There is strong evidence to the fact that the massacre of Coligny's Huguenot colony in Florida had much to do with the renewal of the attempt to settle Canada. This was French territory almost by general consent, and at least jure primae occupationis. The Spaniards would hardly attempt to break up a French colony on French soil because hating their religion. The influence of the Guises and of Catharine de Medici would have been exerted to destroy De Gourges on his return from his heroic expedition against the Spaniards, but it was counteracted by the open sympathy of France and the open applause of Europe. When the effort was made to surrender the Gascon soldier to the vengeance of Philip of Spain, the President de Marigny, Chief Judge of the Superior Court of Normandy, concealed him in his own house, and Queen Elizabeth of England offered him high employment in her marine service. So great did his popularity become that the king, Charles IX., took him into favor, and he was about to accept, with the royal consent, the command of the fleet of Portugal in the war of Don Antonio for the Portuguese crown when death ended his career. The long and sanguinary religious wars of France and the arduous struggles of that kingdom ensued to prevent further attempts to establish French colonies in America. In the words of Mr. Bancroft, "the government which could devise the massacre of St. Bartholomew (August 24, 1572) was neither able nor worthy to found new states." The Edict of Nantes, which effected the pacification of his kingdom by guaranteeing safety to the lives and fortunes of his Huguenot subjects, was promulgated by Henry IV., April 15, 1598, and the same year the Marquis de la Roche sailed for America with the intention of planting a colony in Acadie.

The Normans, Bretons, and Basques had maintained and increased the intimacy of their fishing and trading relations with the coasts of New France during all these turbulent times. In 1578 one hundred and fifty French vessels resorted to Newfoundland alone. To the curing of cod-fish and the trying-out of whale oil a new industry had been added, that of trafficking with the Indians for furs and peltries, and so widespread were these operations that in 1565, and before that, bison-skins were brought down the Potomac and thence carried by inland streams and portages to the St. Lawrence, to be traded with the French. Pedro Menendez reports in a letter to Philip of Spain that six thousand hides were thus obtained in two years, and Thevet says the bison used to wallow in the sand on the shores of Anticosti Island. This trade was valuable enough to attract attention. The Marquis de la Roche got a patent from the king securing to him the same privileges as those formerly obtained by Roberval. He gathered a gang of thieves and desperadoes from the prisons, embarked them in a small vessel, and sailed for New France. He landed his forty convicts on Sable Island, a desolate sand-ridge, for safe-keeping, while he himself, with a more trusty crew, proceeded to explore the adjacent coasts. Before he could complete his surveys a storm blew his vessel off the coast, and he returned to France. The convicts were sent for next year, and so great had been their sufferings that when the survivors (there were only ten of them) were brought back to France, Henry IV. made special provision for their future. Other but fruitless attempts were made to set up colonies; but finally Samuel de Champlain, in 1603, accepted the command of two vessels sent out to renew the colonial enterprise. Champlain was a well-descended gentleman of Saintonge, a man of skill and experience, who had seen service in the West Indies as a captain in the French navy. In 1604, after a voyage of exploration the previous year, four vessels were sent out under the general direction of Champlain, and it is noteworthy that the adventurers in these vessels included not only the high and the low, convicts and noblemen, but also Catholic and Protestant clergymen, who greatly vexed Champlain by their polemical disputes.

Champlain, De Monts, Poutrincourt, Pontgravé, and their associates, made experimental plantations in Acadie, at Port Royal, Tadoussac, and finally Quebec. In 1609, Champlain, in company with a band of Indians, explored the lake which bears his name, and won a victory over a band of the Iroquois Indians. In 1615, Champlain took out four Recollect Fathers with him to found a mission at Quebec, and afterwards at Montreal. The Jesuits had found their way to Nova Scotia in 1611.


This is no place, and there is no room in this volume, for even a sketch of the early history of Canada, as equally there is no occasion for it. All that we wish to show are the paths of exploration to and within the Mississippi valley, and the circumstances and influences which led the French in Canada to pursue those paths so persistently and successfully, and to plant so many settlements at different points along their lines. Those settlements have given to the United States some of their chief cities. They culminated in St. Louis, which would not have had its history nor its fortunes apart from them.

Samuel de Champlain was the true founder of the French province of Canada. He established the various early colonies there. He kept them together by his own personal exertions during a course of indefatigable, intelligent labor, sustained during twenty-five years, until the plantations had become rooted and prosperous. Champlain was a devout, consistent Catholic, who began the record of his voyages with the recital of what was throughout his chief article of faith: "Le salut d'une seule âme vaut mieux que la conquęte d'une empire, et les rois ne doivent songer ŕ étendre leur domination dans les pays oů regne l'idolatrie, que pour les soumettre ŕ Jésus Christ." He introduced the Recollect friars into Canada as missionaries, and at least did not object to the coming of the Jesuits and the extension of their influence through the colonies. But it is almost a matter of record that his first impulses in planting a colony in Canada were those of resistance to Spanish tyranny, and Spanish absorption of the empire of the New World, and that, in making up his first colonial establishment in Quebec, he sought, when he tried to combine Huguenots with Catholics, less to promote toleration and secure the approval of Henry IV., Sully, and Du Thou than to consolidate a power which would be permanent and solidly hostile to Spain. He was the first Catholic writer who dwelt forcibly upon the massacres by Menendez in Florida, and he was an enthusiastic admirer of Dominique De Gourges, whose exploits he often goes out of the way to applaud. He had spent two years and a half in Mexico, Cuba, and the Spanish West Indies, and there perhaps he learned to dislike the subjects and the policy of Philip II. In his "Voyages" he treats the massacre of Jean Ribaut and Laudonničre as "affront fait ŕ la nation Français," and, like a loyal Frenchman, he must have deeply resented the Spanish influence at court which led the weak king to pass this affront by without challenge. He was a gentleman himself, chivalrous in sentiment, and full of sympathy for every chivalric performance. He says of the feat of De Gourges, "Ainsi ce genereux chevalier repara l'honneur de la nation Française, que les Espagnols avoient offensée; ce qu' autrement eust été un regret ŕ jamais pour la France, s'il n'eust vengč l'affront receu de la nation Espagnolle. Enterprise généreuse d'un gentilhomme, qui l'executa ŕ ses propres cousts et dépens, seulement pour l'honneur, sans autre espérance; ce qui lui a réussi glorieusement, et ceste gloire est plus a priser que tous les tresors du monde," — a sentiment couched in the language and worthy the age of Froissart. Be all this as it may, it is certain that Champlain organized his colony upon the principle of making it French in a representative manner, without regard to religious differences; and he did so in spite of his strong predilections for the Catholic faith, and his good-humored contempt of the Reformers, which he did not conceal. When he discovered that he was not strengthening his settlements by this plan, he declined to admit any more Huguenots among his immigrants.

The colonies thus established effected the exploration of the great basin of the St. Lawrence and the lakes, and thence extended their discoveries to the valley of the Mississippi. These explorations were the work distinctively of the trappers and hunters, the fur-traders and the missionaries. The local and imperial governments had very little to do in promoting and encouraging them. Champlain, indeed, explored as widely as he governed wisely and well; he was such a man as is fit to be trusted with the care and nurture of the first feeble germs of empire in the untrodden wild; but he had no successors. The several companies which controlled the affairs of New France were grasping monopolies, none the less sordid because made up of bourgeois and noblesse elements not well compounded together. The imperial delegated government which succeeded them was an attempt to transplant and naturalize an exotic which was not suited to the climate and had no roots. As has been said of it, the ancien régime rule in Canada was "all head and no body." Talon's acute and comprehensive plans, and the broad, vigorous executive ability of Frontenac, were able to sustain it far beyond the limits of its own faint and flickering vitality; but when it expired, with Montcalm, upon the Heights of Abraham, our regrets are for the bravo and sagacious marquis slain in defense of such a cause, and not for the French domination.

But in the midst of this herbarium of dried roots and decayed branches, there are two vital forces abounding with energy and propagating power: the French missionaries, and the Frenchmen and half-breeds who conducted the fur trade. Those were the


men who built up Canada, and who extended its influence and its frontiers throughout the two great river systems of the North American Continent. When, after the conquest of Canada by Kertk, in 1628-29, the province was restored to the French company in 1633, by the Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, it was a poor and mean establishment. In the forcible language of Charlevoix, the island of Cape Bréton, with a scant few fisher huts, the fort at Quebec, "environed by some inferior houses and barracks, two or three cabins in Montreal, as many more possibly in Tadoussac and other spots on the St. Lawrence, and by traders and fishermen," were all that there was of New France; the sole fruits of all the discoveries of a century of explorers, and the outlay, and toil, and sufferings of Cartier and his successors. Champlain, when he came back, brought the Jesuits with him, and they and the Recollects undertook the conversion and the education of the Indians pari passu with the extension of the French dominion. Money came into the colony in abundance to sustain their pious and comprehensive designs, and population and prosperity made equally rapid advances.

So much rivalry existed between the Recollect Fathers and the Jesuits in Canada that the literature and history of the period is infected by it; and polemical controversy has actually made it difficult to determine the merits and the rights of priority of the different explorers and discoverers. The local government sympathized with the Franciscan friars, who did not imitate the Jesuits in their severe comments upon the loose morals of the habitans, and their indignant efforts for the repression of the lucrative but demoralizing brandy traffic with the Indians. Le Clerc has written the history of "The Establishment of the Faith in Canada" from a stand-point that is so distinctly anti-Jesuit, that he tries to glorify La Salle at the expense of Joliet and Marquette. Hennepin pretended voyages for his own benefit, as La Hontan seems to have done also; and, per contra the insidious influences which obstructed La Salle's efforts while he lived seem to have pursued his memory since he died. La Salle attributed many of those adverse obstacles to Jesuit influences; but he was too noble a man to accuse the order, as others have done, of attempting to poison him. He, Frontenac, and many others in high places, were hostile to the Society of Jesus, opposed their presence in the colony, and put, almost invariably, a dark coloring upon every interpretation of their actions and their designs. The historians of the colony and of the early explorations, Sagard, Le Clerc, Hennepin, etc., are all tinctured with pique or partiality; while the voluminous Jesuit "Relations" seem quietly to assume that nothing was done outside of their order. The sources of these jealousies are not difficult to discover. The Recollects had founded the Canadian missions. They were expelled when the English took possession under Kertk, and they were not restored when France recovered Canada in 1632. At that time Cardinal Richelieu was supreme in France. He offered the spiritual control of New France to his own favorite order, the Capuchins. When they declined it, he confided the province to the Fathers of the Society of Jesus. After Richelieu's death, this policy was maintained by Mazarin, and it was intensified under Louis XIV. The popular feeling of the colony against the rigid regimen of the Jesuits increased when Canada began to have large garrisons of French soldiers, familiar with the loose morals of the camp. The Jesuits did not retaliate when accused of severity, exaggeration of their services, trading, and interference in the government. Still, these complications and squabbles make it desirable for the impartial historian to obtain as much information as he can from outside and independent sources.

This information has been sought and secured. It has been carefully sifted, and compared with the fuller but less impartial chronicles written on Canadian soil, and the result is the conclusion that the Jesuit Fathers were the missionaries of Canada, the men who explored its wastes, civilized its savages, and converted them to Christianity. About this there can be no dispute. As "the author of Hochelaga" remarks, "the Jesuits always retained the superior position they held from the first among the Roman Catholic missionaries of Canada. There is a well-known Canadian proverb: ‘Pour faire un Recollet il faut une hachette, pour un Prętre un ciseau, mais pour un Jésuite il faut un pinceau.’" The distinction is as true as it is subtle. The Swedish traveler Kalm, who came to this country to study botany and natural history at the suggestion of Linnaeus, spent much of his time in Canada, and has put upon record the different sorts of impressions made upon him by the three classes of religions. He discriminates in his colorings enough to insure himself a character for impartiality.

The Recollects," he says, "are a third class of clergymen in Canada. They have a fine dwelling-house here, and a fine church, where they officiate. Near it is a large and fine garden, which they cultivate with great application. In Montreal and Trois Rivičres they are lodged in almost the same manner as here. They do not endeavor to choose cunning fellows amongst them, but take all they can get. They do not torment their brains with


much learning; and I have been assured that after they have put on the monastic habit they do not study to increase their knowledge, but forget even what little they knew before. . . . The priests (curés) are the second and most numerous order of the clergy in this country; for most of the churches, both in towns and villages (the Indian converts excepted), are served by priests. . . . In order to fit the children of this country for orders, there are schools at Quebec and St. Joachim, where the youths are taught Latin, and instructed in the knowledge of those things and sciences which have a more immediate connection with the business they are intended for. However, they are not very nice in their choice, and people of a middling capacity are often received among them. They do not seem to have made great progress in Latin; . . . most of them find it very difficult to speak it. . . .

The Jesuits are commonly very learned, studious, and are very civil and agreeable in company. In their whole deportment there is something pleasing; it is no wonder, therefore, that they captivate the minds of the people. They seldom speak of religious matters; and if it happens, they generally avoid disputes. They are very ready to do any one a service, and when they see that their assistance is wanted, they hardly give one time to speak of it, falling to work immediately to bring about what is required of them. Their conversation is very entertaining and learned, so that one cannot be tired of their company. Among the Jesuits I have conversed with in Canada, I have not found one who was not possessed of these qualities in a very eminent degree. They do not care to become preachers to a congregation in the town or country, but leave these places, together with the involvements arising from them, to the priests. All their business here is to convert the heathen; and with that view their missionaries are scattered over every part of the country. Near every town and village peopled by converted Indians are one or two Jesuits, who take care that they may not return to paganism, but live as Christians ought to do. Then there are Jesuits with the converted Indians in Tadoussac, Lorette, Beçancourt, St. François, Sault St. Louis, and all over Canada. There are likewise Jesuit missionaries with those who are not converted: so that there is commonly a Jesuit in every village belonging to the Indians, whom he endeavors on all occasions to convert. In winter he goes on their great hunts, where he is frequently obliged to suffer all imaginable inconveniences, such as walking in the snow all day, lying in the open air all winter, lying out in both good and bad weather, lying in the Indian huts, which swarm with fleas and other vermin, etc. The Jesuits undergo all these hardships for the sake of converting the Indians, and likewise for political reasons. The Jesuits are of great use to their king; for they are frequently able to persuade the Indians to break their treaty with the English, to make war upon them, to bring their furs to the French, and not to permit the English to come among them. There is much danger attending these exertions, for when the Indians are in liquor they sometimes kill the missionaries who live with them, calling them spies, or excusing themselves by saying the brandy has killed them. These are the chief occupations of the Jesuits in Canada. . . . Everybody sees that they are, as it were, selected from other people on account of their superior genius and abilities. They are here reckoned a most cunning set of people, who generally succeed in their undertakings, and surpass all others in acuteness of understanding. I have therefore several times observed that they have enemies in Canada."

Enemies in Canada! Enemies all over the known world, yet none, even while persecuting them and denying them an abiding-place, have ventured to deny their zeal, their perfect, impersonal, and never-flagging devotion to the cause of missionary work. History is unanimous on this point. The heroism of the Jesuit apostles has made malignancy blush and has disarmed the inveteracy of criticism. They let nothing deter or prevent them in their efforts to save souls. They laughed at hardship and privation, and appeared to welcome martyrdom as a pleasure as much as a duty. They baptized infants with the tomahawk uplifted over their tonsured heads in the wigwams of the Iroquois, and they did not flee before crucifixion and impalement in China and Japan. In the words of Bancroft, "they raised the emblem of man's salvation on the Moluccas, in Japan, in India, in Thibet, in Cochin China, and in China; they penetrated Ethiopia and reached the Abyssinians; they planted missions among the Caffres; in California, on the banks of the Marańon, in the plains of Paraguay, they invited the wildest of barbarians to the civilization of Christianity." They suffered with unexampled patience and unsurpassed heroism the tortures of the damned inflicted by savages who might have passed readily for the proper ministers of hell. They were scalped, they were burned at the stake, they were disemboweled, scored with hot knives, pinched with red-hot pincers, and their finger-nails and toe-nails extracted one by one, with a studied refinement of cruelty which was careful not to overstep the margin of endurance and so shorten the process of agony. In the face of these dreadful inflictions, men like Jean de Brébeuf stood erect, with never a quivering lip or eyelid; Isaac de Jogues, while running the gauntlet and enduring weeks of intermittent renewal of brutal pain, comforted himself with visions of the glory of the Queen of Heaven; Bressani, beaten, mangled, mutilated, dragged naked through brake and bramble, and his companion butchered and devoured before his eyes, could yet chant his offices with a firm voice, and, when rescued and restored, could return to the people who had used him thus ill, to be by them murdered at last. The entire chronicle of these Jesuit missions is one of grievous peril and pain and heroic endurance throughout.


But, in fact, martyrdom and torture, the tomahawk and the stake, were the least of the things which these missionaries suffered. They were accomplished men of the world, students, scholars, men of intelligent curiosity and refined tastes. Their life in the dark and embruted wilderness must have been a perpetual martyrdom to every instinct of the natural man and the cultivated spirit. This not only in respect of the penances and mortifications they inflicted upon themselves, — as when the stalwart, indomitable scion of ancient blue blood, the massive, oak-like Brébeuf, added to the fatigues of his assiduous duty by flogging himself twice a day and wearing a spiked iron girdle underneath his bristling hair-cloth shirt, — but in respect also of the deprivation and meagre poverty of their daily lives. These students and scholars had no books to read but their breviaries, no light at night but their pine-wood fires. They had no society but that of the ignorant savages, whom they could amuse only with toys and fables. Their chief food, the "sagamity" from the filthy squaw's keule, tasted, as one Jesuit Father has recorded, "like the paste in the paper-hanger's and bill-sticker's bucket." Their journeys through the forests were horrible with monotony and back-breaking with fatigue. They slept on rocks or the frozen earth or the wet moss of swamps, with birch-bark blankets to cover them. They had to labor with the oar or paddle and bear the weight of the laden canoe at the portage.

And all this labor, toil, and repression seemed to bring with it so little reward, after all, for the savage after baptism and the mass and much teaching, remains a savage still, unreclaimed and, in all except superficial respects, unconverted.

Not that this seemed so to the Jesuits, however. Their faith, their enthusiasm, their sincere delight in their work, was full and ample compensation to them. Nor was their work all done in the shade and gloom of the desolation we have depicted. They were in the free woods, among the scenes and the population of untrammeled nature. In their bold and distant voyages and explorations they had the company of the free and gay coureurs des bois and voyageurs, who made the rocks and forests echo with light and joyous chansons. These voyages were made in birch-bark canoes, wonderful contrivances for the sort of navigation in which they are used. On the route, in addition to the spoils of the chase, the voyageur and the Jesuit had the constant resource of an article of food which contributed very materially to the sustenance of some tribes — the wild oats, or wild rice, Zizania aquatica of Linnaeus, which some have called the "Tuscarora," and which Kalm styles "water tare-grass." In the way of animal food, likewise, the Jesuits were enriched by the fortunate circumstance that they could eat the flesh of the beaver — rich, succulent food, and esteemed a delicacy by the Canadians — on days of fast as well as feast. This proceeded from the fact that the Vatican had pronounced the beaver to be fish, not flesh, — no slight boon to strict conformists like the Jesuits, who had no end of "jours maigres" in their calendar.

Such were the devotees of this strange order who did so much for Canada. They studied, prepared vocabularies, and translated the Scriptures into every Indian tongue and dialect. They built colleges and seminaries, and erected a chapel upon every conspicuous spot, while, as Bancroft has said with no less truth than rhetorical force, "the history of their labors is connected with the origin of every celebrated town in the annals of French America: not a cape was turned, nor a river entered, but a Jesuit led the way." Between 1634 and 1647 forty-two of these devoted missionaries threaded and explored the wilderness, sought for souls to turn to God, and examined the country with an acute and intelligent research which makes their annual reports and "Relations" invaluable


contributions to history and geography. Before 1660 they had explored all the course of the great lakes, from Niagara to the head of Lake Superior, had established missions among nearly all the tribes contiguous to these broad sheets of water, and had penetrated up many of the streams which empty into them. Marquette, Allouez, Dablon, Joutel, Montigny, St. Cosme, Davion, Thaumur de la Source, Charlevoix, Gravier, Marest, Du Ru, and Guignas were of the Society, and it more or less inspired and directed the labors of Champlain, La Salle, Joliet, Hennepin, Tonti, Iberville, Buache, Le Clerc, Le Sueur, Vincennes, D'Artagnette, Nicollet, Perrot, and La Verendoye. Dr. O'Callaghan, the able historian of New York, in his work on the "Jesuit Relations," sums up the leading achievements of the order on the path of discovery and exploration in Canada. He says they "became the first discoverers of the greater part of the interior of this continent. They were the first Europeans who formed a settlement on the coast of Maine, and among the first to reach it from the St. Lawrence. They it was who thoroughly explored the Saguenay, discovered Lake St. John, and led the way overland from Quebec to Hudson's Bay. It is to one of them that we owe the discovery of the rich and inexhaustible salt springs of Onondaga. Within ten years of their second arrival, they had completed the examination of the country from Lake Superior to the Gulf, and founded several villages of Christian neophytes on the borders of the upper lakes. While the intercourse of the Dutch was yet confined to the Indians in the vicinity of Fort Orange, and five years before Elliott, of New England, had addressed a single word to the Indians within six miles of Boston Harbor, the French missionaries planted the cross at Sault Ste. Marie, whence they looked down on the Sioux country and the valley of the Mississippi. The vast unknown West now opened its prairies before them. Fortunately, the early missionaries were men of learning and observation. They felt deeply the importance of their position, and, while acquitting themselves of the duties of their calling, carefully recorded the progress of events around them." These records constituted the "Jesuit Relations," which were yearly printed when they reached Europe, and supplied narratives not surpassed in thrilling interest and simple naive statement by any in the collections of Ramusio, Hakluyt, Purchas, and Navarrete. They are at the same time an inexhaustible fund of accurate American history.

Their explorations of the great Laurentian valley were not complete before they heard of the greater valley of the unmeasured river beyond, and panted with sacred ambition to plant the symbol of the cross among the teeming tribes which roamed over its fertile area. That ambition, pious as the Spaniard's thirst for gold was unholy, was not less quenchless than the mad rage of the Conquistadores. It was the sole grand passion which was permitted to intrude into the cool intellectual republic of the Society of Jesus, but it swayed everything before; it was the mot d'ordre of a spiritual knight-errantry such as the Templars and Hospitallers never dreamed of. The breviary and the crucifix, the Jesuit missionary's only weapons and buckler, were carried where the lance and the coat-of-mail of the man-at-arms would never have dared to venture. What the lofty soul of Regulus ventured to do with the eyes of Rome and Carthage upon him, and sure of the wondering applause of coming ages, the humble but fearless Father Isaac Jogues did as a matter of simple daily duty. "Ibo et non redibo" ("I go, but I shall never return"), he said as he set out on his last fatal mission of peace to the Mohawks, who had already tortured him nearly to death. Such a spirit could not be baffled on the brink of geographical discovery anywhere. While Champlain was exploring the lake that bears his name, and Lakes Ontario and Nipissing, Pčre D'Olbeau, in his mission at Tadoussac, was observing the Saguenay valley and the regions to the northward of the St. Lawrence. In 1647, Pčre de Quen discovered Lake St. Jean; in 1661, Pčres Drouillettes and Dablon, with M. de Valličre, pressed forward to Lake Nekouban, but it was not until ten years later that Father Charles Albanel and his companions reached and took ceremonial possession of the desolate borders of Hudson's Bay.

Father Drouillettes ascended the Chaudičre and descended the Kennebec in 1646, beginning the mission to the Abenakis. Pčres Brébeuf, Daniel, Lallemant, Jogues, and Raimbault extended their explorations and missions to the upper parts of Lake Huron and founded the great central mission town of Sainte-Marie, near the Detroit River, and, in 1639, Jean Nicollet was beyond Green Bay and within three days' travel of what he conceived to be an ocean, — the "great water," which was really the Mississippi. Father Marquette, in 1671, was at Michilimackinac, with his Hurons, the first settler in Michigan. Fathers Chaumont and Brébeuf, in 1640, completed the explorations of Lake Erie; Raimbault and Jogues went to Sault Ste. Marie and the archipelago of Lake Huron; and in 1661, Pčre Mesnard set out to preach the gospel to the Ottawas on the shores of Lake Superior, of whom the fur-traders had just brought in an account. He was never heard from after he reached


St. Esprit Bay, on the west of Lake Huron, but years afterwards his breviary and cassock were found among the Dacotah Indians, preserved as sacred relics. Father Allouez pressed farther west in 1665; he preached among the Chippeways, built a chapel, and became acquainted with the wandering bands of the Pottawattamies, Sacs and Foxes, the Creeks and the Illinois, the Knisteneaux and the Sioux. The latter told him about the great river on which they lived, and he followed the fugitive families of the Nipissings into the upper regions of Minnesota.

Father Dablon also heard of the great river while at his labors on the western shores of Lake Michigan in 1669, and he and Allouez, in 1672, came very near to the Mississippi in their visits to the Kickapoos and Mascoutins on the river Renard. These Jesuits had planned to go north to the polar seas, to discover in that way a shorter route to Japan.

And now the time had come when the discovery and exploration of the Mississippi by the French could be no longer delayed. Louis XIV. was king indeed, and his thrifty and sagacious minister of finance and trade, Colbert, was looking after all the royal possessions, with a view to their development for the glory and emoluments of France. This Jean Baptiste Colbert, the woolen-draper's apprentice of Rouen, who became Marquis de Seignelay, was in some respects one of the most remarkable men of his age. He purified the French finances, gave his king a navy and an income, and blessed France with a civil code and a new industrial system. He reformed and reorganized the colonies, Canada in particular, which he took away from the monopoly of traders and put under the king's government. Colbert sent Talon to act as intendant in New France, and make that province a factor in his new and world-embracing commercial policy. He encouraged an extensive immigration into the country by liberal gifts of public lands, and promoted in every way the discoveries and explorations made by the Jesuits. Talon, under Colbert's orders, had actually experimented in the direction of educating, civilizing, and giving citizenship to the Indians; he gave active and intelligent support to the development of every form of industry, particularly to new modes of agriculture, the exploration of mineral resources, and the extension of the colonies' commercial relations. He fostered the whale and seal fisheries, and promoted the exports of timber. In 1688 eleven hundred vessels came to Quebec, bringing merchandise and bearing colonial produce away, and this vast increase of trade was mainly the work of Colbert and his colonial right-hand man, Jean Baptiste Talon, Intendant de la Justice, Police, et Finances en Canada, a man of indefatigable industry and zeal.

Talon organized and systematized the work of exploration and discovery which had been carried so far by the Jesuits, giving the Fathers civil agents to accompany them, and suggesting particular routes to specially qualified parties. He sent Perrot to the foot of Lake Michigan, to talk with the Miamis, and call a meeting at Sault Ste. Marie of representatives of all the tribes of the region watered by the headwaters of the Mississippi, the St. Lawrence, and the Red River of the North. He selected and encouraged the intent and ardent La Salle in his initial undertakings. He picked out Capt. Poulet, of Dieppe, as the fit man to verify the route through the Straits of Magellan, and finally it was he who recommended Count de Frontenac to select Joliet for the companion of Father Marquette in the exploration of the as yet unseen great river of the West. Joliet himself, though a fur-trader now, had been educated in the Jesuit college at Quebec for the priesthood. Réné Robert Cavelier la Salle, who hated and feared the Jesuits, had spent his youth in the Jesuit seminary of Rouen, where, whether he intended to be a priest or not, he had performed some of the duties of a teacher of youth.

The voyage of Nicollet to Green Bay has already been alluded to. Nicollet was an interpreter and colonial commissary, who came to Canada in 1618, and learned to speak Algonkin among the savages. In 1639 he went West among the Winnebagoes (Ouinipagou), "a people who call themselves so because they come from a distant sea, but whom some French erroneously called Puants." Nicollet established good relations with these bands, accompanied them on their homeward way, explored Green Bay, ascended Fox River to its portage, crossed, and embarked on a river flowing westward. This was the Wisconsin, and Nicollet was told that, should he descend this river three days farther than the place where he stopped, he would have found the "great water." This, which the Indians meant for the Mississippi, Nicollet mistook to mean the Pacific Ocean or a branch of it. Indeed, the Gulf of California, the "Vermilion Sea," as it was called, was thought to extend northeastward in this direction, and the dimensions of the continent had not then been guessed. De Groseilles, in 1658, on Lake Superior, heard of the Mississippi as a beautiful river, large, broad, and deep as the St. Lawrence. It was discovered that Iroquois war-parties, embarking


on the Allegheny, descended the Ohio and ascended the Mississippi to fight their old enemies the Illinois, or descended to trade with Spaniards in the Gulf of Mexico. Allouez, learning of the river, conjectures that it empties into the Chesapeake or Delaware Bay — "the sea by Virginia" — he says. He hears of the Ilimouek (Illinois Indians) and the Nadouessioueh (Sioux). "They live on the great River called Messipi," he says.

Unfortunately, just at this point in the narrative of these great events, we are brought face to face with a keen and acrid controversy, which is just as bitter and just as personal and vehement as the quarrel, two centuries ago, in New and Old France, between the adherents of the Jesuits and the friends of Robert Cavelier de la Salle. We refer to the question of the real first explorers of the Mississippi River from the waters of the St. Lawrence. Both parties, perfectly honest and sincere in themselves, have resorted to the questionable and disagreeable expedient of denying or disputing the genuineness and authenticity of the documentary evidence produced by their opponents. The difficulties which environ the misunderstanding are still further complicated by the fact that on both sides of the controversy there are forged or spurious documents, relations known to be false, and pretentious claims demonstrated to be without a shadow of claim to credibility. But, as it is not proper to discredit what Father Hennepin said and wrote in his original journal, because he afterwards claimed what was absolutely false and demonstrably absurd, and as it is not just to reject the truths in La Hontan's narrative because he has mixed up falsehood with them, so it is not just nor proper to reject the "Jesuit Relations" because they are assailed by Le Clerc and do not agree with the La Salle documents collected so industriously by M. Pierre Margry; nor, on the other hand, to reject M. Margry's documents because he pretends with them to confute and demolish the Jesuit "Relations." It is the business of the dispassionate and impartial historian to accept and report all evidence on both sides which is of a credible and reputable sort, and to reject none until it has been proven to be unworthy of belief. Then, when the evidence is all in, and has been clearly and fairly stated, the balance of probability can be brought to the test. This course will be pursued here and hereafter throughout these discussions.

The "Jesuit Relations" are plain, simple, unadorned statements of the progress of mission-work and exploration, published as received from year to year between 1611 and 1673. They are continuous from 1632 to 1672. After 1673 the permission to publish them seems to have been revoked. Their honesty has been impeached by Le Clerc and by a correspondent of Antony Arnauld. But Le Clerc's prejudices and misstatements have been clearly proved, and M. Arnauld's friend simply charges the original narratives with having been garbled after they reached Paris for publication. In respect to the events preceding the exploration of the Mississippi the narratives of the "Relations" are full, clear, simple, and coherent, with that intelligent, logical consecutiveness and dependence of one occurrence upon another which it is so difficult to counterfeit in a spurious or fictitious narrative. We will proceed with these narratives as they are given in abstract by Shea in his satisfactory "History of the Discovery of the Mississippi River." The Ottawa mission acquiring importance, Pčre Dablon was sent to it as Superior in 1668. A station was selected among the Illinois Indians, to which Pčre Marquette was sent. He took charge, and at once commenced the study of the dialect of the Illinois Indians. His instructor, an Illinois youth, gave him some knowledge of the course of the Mississippi River, and from the youth he also now heard of the Missouri. The enthusiastic young Father had long before planned to make an exploration of the Mississippi, and was simply waiting orders to undertake it. He now writes, "If the Indians who promise to make me a canoe do not break their word, we shall go into this river as soon as we can, with a Frenchman and this young man given me, who knows some of these languages and has a readiness for learning others. We shall visit the nations that inhabit them in order to open the passage to so many of our Fathers, who have long awaited this happiness. This discovery will give us a complete knowledge of the Southern or Western Sea."

Pčre Allouez, Nov. 3, 1669, left Sault Ste. Marie to visit Green Bay, spent the winter preaching to the Winnebago and other tribes, and in April, 1670, ascended Fox River, crossed Winnebago Lake, and came to another river, flowing out of "a wild-oat lake." He turned up the river, not down, being in search of the Outagamis or Fox Indians. After a season among them he descended the river to the town of the Fire Nations, as the Hurons called them, the Machcouteuch (or Mascoutens). To reach this tribe he had passed on to the headwaters of the Wisconsin, "a beautiful river, running southwest, without any rapids. It leads to the great river named Messisippi, which is only six days' sail from here."


Pčre Dablon, now superior-general of the Canada missions, intent on reaching the Mississippi, according to the advices and instructions of Colbert and Talon, yet hesitated whether the route by the Illinois or that by the Wisconsin would be preferable. There was another Indian war, in which the terrible Iroquois conquered again. The Ottawas and Hurons fled before them, and Marquette's mission was broken up. He went with the Hurons to Mackinaw, but the idea of exploring the Mississippi still filled his mind. Pčre Dablon, who wrote the "Relation" of 1670-71, published in connection with it a map of Lake Superior. In his description of it he makes the following reference to the great river:
"To the south flows the great river, which they (the Indians) call the Mississippi, and which can have its mouth only in the Florida Sea."

He adds,
"I deem it proper to set down here all we have learned about it. It seems to encircle all our lakes, rising in the north and running to the south, till it empties in a sea, which we take to be the Red Sea (Gulf of California), or that of Florida, as we have no knowledge of any great rivers in those parts flowing into those seas. Some Indians assure us that this river is so beautiful that more than three hundred leagues from its mouth it is larger than that which flows by Quebec, as they make it more than a league wide. They say, moreover, that all this vast extent of country is nothing but prairies, without trees or woods, which obliges the inhabitants of those parts to use turf and sundried dung for fuel, till you come about twenty leagues from the sea. There the forests begin to appear again. Some warriors of this country (Maskoutens), who say that they have descended that far, assure us that they saw men like the French, who were splitting trees with long knives, some of whom had their house on the water; thus they explained their meaning, speaking of sawed planks and ships. They say, besides, that all along this great river are various towns of different nations, languages, and customs, who all make war on each other; some are situated on the river side, but most of them inland, continuing thus up to the nation of the Nadouessi, who are scattered over more than a hundred leagues of country."

It is evident that it only remained now to make an exploration of a river about which everything was so distinctly known, not only to the Western missionaries, but to the traders likewise. Among the latter was Joliet, a secular of the Jesuits, who had come as near to the river as Allouez had, and whose services and usefulness were known to Talon. The intendant had resigned his post and was about to sail for France, when he received a letter from Colbert, on June 4, 1672, to the effect that, "as after the increase of the colony there is nothing more important for the colony than the discovery of a passage to the South Sea, His Majesty wishes you to give it your attention." Talon at once recommended Joliet to the Governor, Count Frontenac, as a proper person to undertake the exploration. " He is a man," wrote the Governor to the French minister, "thoroughly versed in this sort of discovery, and who has already been in the vicinity of this great river, of which he promises to discover the embouchure. We shall have certain news of it this summer, and also of the Lake Superior coppermine, to which we have sent other canoes, although I do not believe that it can be made of much use when discovered, from the distance and the difficulties of transportation on account of intervening falls and rapids."

When Joliet showed his commission, Father-Superior Dablon chose Marquette to accompany him, instead of Allouez, though the latter was more familiar with the waters west of Lake Michigan. But Marquette's enthusiasm, his studies in the Indian tongues, his acquaintance with and esteem among the Illinois Indians, and his obedient and filial devotion to his order, secured him the appointment. Joliet arrived


at the mission of St. Ignatius of Michilimackinac, says Marquette, on the day of the Immaculate Conception of the Holy Virgin, and the two travelers were not long in preparing their simple outfit. They had gathered all the information they could get of the Indians and drawn up a map on the basis of it. They provided themselves with two bark canoes, and Indian corn and some dried meat was their whole stock of provisions. They had five men besides themselves, "firmly resolved to do all and suffer all for so glorious an enterprise." "It was," said Marquette, in his simple journal, "on the 17th of May, 1673, that we started for the missions of St. Ignace. Our joy at being chosen for this expedition roused our courage and sweetened the labor of rowing from morning till night. As we were going to seek unknown countries, we took all possible precautions, that, if our enterprise was hazardous, it should not be foolhardy; . . . above all, I put our voyage under the protection of the Blessed Virgin Immaculate, promising her that if she did us the grace to discover the great river, I would give it the name of Conception; and that I would also give that name to the first mission which I should establish among these new nations, as I have actually done among the Illinois."

The travelers soon came to the village of the Menominee or Wild Rice Indians, and from thence to Green Bay. They entered the Fox River, made the difficult passage beyond, crossed Lake Winnebago, and on June 7th reached the town of the Mascoutins and Miamis. Thence to the Wisconsin River, gliding down the tranquil stream through vines and beds of wild rice, until, on June 17th, they reached the bluffs of Prairie du Chien, and, as Marquette says, safely entered the Mississippi "with a joy that I cannot express." Marquette describes the river with a few simple touches which are very effective. Its current "is slow and gentle;" it is in many places "studded with islands;" "on sounding, we have found ten fathoms of water; its breadth is very unequal; it is sometimes three-quarters of a league, and sometimes narrows to three arpents (two hundred and twenty yards)." "We gently follow its course, which bears south and south-east,


till the forty-second degree. Here we perceive that the whole face is changed; there is now almost no wood or mountain, the islands are more beautiful and covered with finer trees; we see nothing but deer and moose, bustards and wingless swans, for they shed their plumes in this country." Monstrous fish, fish of strange shape and design, are encountered; wild turkeys perch among the trees, wild cattle (bisons) come to the river-shore to drink. Everything is new and strange in this untraveled wilderness, and no human beings were seen in a traverse of a hundred leagues. At last, on June 25th, footprints of men are seen, a beaten path. The two explorers leave their canoes with the people and follow the path on foot with beating hearts. A village is seen on the bluff; "then indeed we recommended ourselves to God, with all our hearts," yet pursued the path undiscovered till they could hear the Indians talking. The brave adventurers shouted, the Indians rushed out, the peace-pipe was held aloft on both sides. "Illinois," said the savages, and took the voyagers to their village, where a venerable sachem, standing naked in the doorway of his cabin, with uplifted hands, extended to them a welcome which reads like a verse from the Odyssey. "How beautiful is the sun, O Frenchman," said he, making believe, with complimentary finesse, to shade his eyes, "when thou comest to visit us! All our town awaits thee, and thou shalt enter all our cabins in peace."

We will not closely pursue Marquette's narrative, which flows along throughout in this simple and beautiful style, the original being more naive and charming than can be reproduced in any translation. The next day the voyagers proceeded on their way, promising to return in four moons, and escorted to the river-bank by a regiment of spectators. They soon came to the mouth of the Missouri River (the Pekitanoui, or muddy river, as Marquette calls it), having passed the Painted Rocks, the description of which was afterwards challenged by Hennepin. These pictured monsters frightened Marquette's followers, and they were still talking about them, "sailing gently down a beautiful, still, clear water, when we heard the noise of a rapid into which we were about to fall. I have seen nothing more frightful; a mass of large trees, entire, with branches, real floating islands, came rushing from the mouth of the river Pekitanoui, so impetuously that we could not, without great danger, expose ourselves to pass across. The agitation was so great that the water was all muddy and could not get clear." Marquette's chief thought, however, was whether he could not, by ascending this river, make the discovery of the Red or California Sea. "I do not despair of one day making the discovery," he says, "if God does me this favor and grants me health, in order to be able to publish the gospel to all the nations of this New World, who have so long been plunged in heathen darkness." Neither of the explorers could dream that just below this point of the Missouri's debouch, with "its dangerous rapid," from which they were so eager to escape, a great city would be built, the population of which would in two hundred years exceed the number of all the Indians whom Marquette sought to convert, where his name would be the theme of even the schoolboy's lips, and the day of his discovery be kept as a festival.

From the site of St. Louis the adventurers still descended, passing the mouth of the Ohio, which they knew as the Ouaboukigou (Ouabache — Wabash), from the lower tributary of that stream. They found here the Chawanons, or Shawnees, Indians, who had thirty-eight contiguous villages, Marquette reports, but were not warlike. The banks of the river now became clothed with cane-brakes, and the missionary found the mosquitoes, which had not troubled him before, beginning to swarm. "We now, as it were, entered their country," he says; and the voyager who enters there, as experience proves, must leave all hope of sleep behind. The Indians procured sleep by passing their nights on a scaffold of poles erected above a smudge fire. Indians encountered in the Chickasaw country assured the travelers that they were not more than ten days' distance from the sea, but they did not attempt to reach it. The Indians were hostile or treacherous. In descending to the mouth of the Arkansas they had secured proof that the Mississippi flowed into the Gulf of Mexico, and not into the Atlantic Ocean or the Gulf of California, and they feared, if they descended farther, they would fall into the hands of the Spaniards, be made prisoners, and lose the fruits of their voyage. So they turned the prows of their canoes up the river, retracing their course until they reached the mouth of the Illinois River,


and by it and the portage and Chicago River came again to Lake Michigan, passing by the Indian town of Kaskaskia, which Mr. Parkman places with such accuracy about seven miles from the town of Ottawa, Illinois. At the end of September they reached Green Bay, having been gone four months and paddled their canoes over twenty-five hundred miles.

Marquette's journals and map, the sole record of this most interesting and momentous voyage, were not treated as they deserved to be. He prepared his account and transmitted it at once to his superior, Father Dablon, who forwarded it, with a preface, to Frontenac, by whom it was sent to Europe. But it was not published by the French government, and did not see the light until printed imperfectly in 1681 by Thevenot in his "Recueil de Voyages," but with a map different from that of Marquette's, which accompanies his "Relation." This map of Thevenot's may be a reproduction of the one drawn for Count Frontenac from memory by Joliet. A copy of Marquette's "Relation" and map, however, with Dablon's introduction, was preserved in the archives of the Jesuit college in Quebec It was practically unknown, for even Charlevoix did not see it, and it was finally unearthed to be published by B. F. French in the Louisiana Historical Collections, and given, original and translation, with much supplementary matter and learned illustration, by Mr. J. G. Shea in his excellent volume on "The Discovery of the Mississippi River."

Joliet, after taking leave of Pčre Marquette, proceeded to Quebec, to communicate the results of his discoveries to Count Frontenac. At the foot of the rapids of Lachine, at Montreal, his canoe was upset, two of his men and an Indian boy were drowned, and the explorer barely saved his own life. His journal, his map, and all his papers were lost. "Nothing remains to me now but my life," he wrote to Frontenac, "and the ardent desire to employ it on any service you may direct." But Frontenac himself reported Joliet's return, and the discovery made by him and Marquette, in a letter to Colbert dated Nov. 11, 1674.

"The Sieur Joliet," he writes, "whom Mr. Talon advised me to send to the discovery of the South Sea when I came from France, returned from there three months ago, and has discovered some fine countries, with a navigation so easy by beautiful rivers, that he has found from Lake Ontario and Fort Frontenac one may go by vessel clear to the Gulf of Mexico, having but one portage to make between Lakes Ontario and Erie, about half a league long, and where a post may be set up and another vessel be employed on Lake Erie.

"These are projects to work upon when peace is well established, and the king shall please to push these discoveries.

"He has been within ten days' distance of the Gulf of Mexico, and believes that by the rivers which from the west fall into the great river which he found, and which flows from north to south, and which is as large as the St. Lawrence at Quebec, we may find communications leading into the Vermilion Sea and California.

"I send you by my secretary the chart which he has made of it, and the remarks he has been able to remember concerning it, having lost all his papers and journals in the shipwreck that overturned him within sight of Montreal, where he expected to be drowned after having made a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, and lost all his papers and a little savage whom he brought from those regions, which I greatly regret.

"He had left at Lake Superior, at Sault Ste. Marie, among the Fathers, copies of his journals, which we cannot obtain before next year, through which you will learn with more particularity about the discovery, in which he has acquitted himself very well."

The fragmentary report of Joliet, which accompanied his map as a sort of marginal comment, completes the history of this successful exploration, which, however, was never turned to any useful purpose by the Canadians or the imperial government. Marquette died and was forgotten, except among the Indians.

Marquette was the saint, his passions subdued and his soul as brave as it was tranquil. La Salle was the sinner, proud, haughty, ambitious, scheming high schemes, and sacrificing others as readily as he immolated himself in the pursuit of his great and sometimes nebulous enterprises. But Mr. Shea is transparently unjust in the comparison he makes between the two men. There is no evidence that La Salle was sordid or grasping, and he does not deserve the sneer at "the aristocrat trying to be a merchant; courtier aspiring to rule, eager for a title, but with no idea of founding a state with the whole valley of the Mississippi in his hand." He was an adventurer; but so were Columbus and Balboa, Raleigh and Drake. He was, if Mr. Shea will have it so, "a buccaneer;" but after the order of Cortes and De Soto, not after that of Morgan and Capt. Kyd. Abbé Raynal said, "New France had among its people a Norman named Robert Cavelier de La Salle, a man inspired with the double passion of amassing a large fortune and gaining an illustrious name. This person


had acquired under the training of the Jesuits, among whom his youth was passed, activity, enthusiasm, firmness of character, and high-heartedness, — qualities which that celebrated confraternity knew so well how to discern and cultivate in promising natures committed to their care. Their most audacious and enterprising pupil, La Salle, was especially impatient to seize every occasion that chance presented for distinguishing himself, and ready to create such opportunities if none occurred." This is true, as far as it goes; but the trouble with La Salle was, not that he was trained and moulded by the Jesuit discipline, but that his impetuous and imperious nature refused to submit to any discipline, any curb, even of his own experience, sorrow and suffering. His rule of life was that of Marius:
"Si fractus illabatur orbis
Impavidum ferient ruinae."

"Under the pressure of all his misfortunes," said one of the missionaries, who was companion of his wanderings, "I have never remarked the least change in him; no ill news seemed to disturb his usual equanimity; they seemed rather to spur him on to fresh efforts to retrieve his fortunes, and to make greater discoveries than he had yet effected." Such a man was no charlatan, but a hero.

Again, Marquette's discovery was the single keystone act of a series of discoveries all leading up to one point. That point — the test case in the great


induction — needed to be established, and Marquette proceeded to verify it with a certain grand single-hearted sincerity which was sublime in itself and in all its surroundings. But La Salle, man of ideas, man of designs, man of complex, far-reaching plans, had conceived a project of empire of which the successive step-by-step discoveries undertaken by him were only necessary parts of the tremendous fabric. To the execution of these schemes he brought keen intelligence, profound earnestness and enthusiasm, and a will that never bent under any pressure. Talon, the intendant, had conceived the idea of crossing Lake Ontario and forcing the Dutch and English out of New York, which would have eventually smothered them in New England. Champlain had sought a northwest passage to China. La Salle combined both plans with the occupation of the Mississippi and the West and the monopoly of the fur trade by France. This would crowd the Spaniards as well as English; it would build up an empire for France in America, and it would enrich the Sieur de la Salle beyond all rivalry of contemporary wealth. Every step he took was for the advancement of this plan, — Forts Frontenac, Niagara, Crevecoeur; the exploration of the Ohio, the Illinois, the upper and lower Mississippi, the expedition to the Gulf, the fort in Texas. It was La Salle's plan, and it became the plan finally of the French government, when, having its chain of forts from Niagara to Vincennes, to Kaskaskia, to New Orleans and Mobile, Pensacola and Presidio del Norte, the government of New France planted its cannon also at Fort Du Quesne on the Ohio and Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain at the same time that it struck at Hudson's Bay. It is no reproach to a strong government, much less to a young man with no fortune, not too many friends, and numerous active enemies, if such comprehensive and far-reaching plans fail of accomplishment. La Salle's were crushed by a combination of political, moral, and physical forces. He did not, perhaps, have the attraction of cohesion in himself, and he had to encounter subtle intrigue and trade jealousy and suspicion; to bear the brunt of ecclesiastical and civil feuds which he had no hand in causing; to be the victim of Indian wars he had not roused, and beaten, buffeted, ruined by storm, frost, pestilence, robbery, and murder.

We have no intention to follow La Salle's adventurous steps. At Fort Frontenac he could form his plans at his leisure, for he was feudal lord of all around him. He was on the road to riches, for he had the monopoly of the buffalo fur trade, and this would be immensely profitable as soon as the prairies were reached. He needed money, for he had borrowed five hundred thousand francs. He pushed Hennepin forward to the explorations in Minnesota; he established Tonti at Fort Crevecoeur, and then pressed on his preparations to complete the exploration of the Mississippi. Joliet and Marquette had traversed six hundred miles of its course. He would explore it from its far northern source to the Gulf. He mustered his men, resolved to put through his adventure at last, or perish in the attempt. "So many mishaps and evils always happening in his absence made him resolve to trust nobody any more and to lead himself all his people, march with all his equipments, and head each of his enterprises, so as to insure a happy issue."

It was on Dec. 21, 1681, that La Salle and his company, fifty-four in all, Frenchmen, Indian warriors, and squaws and children, set out from Fort Miami. The streams were frozen in places, the portages were made on sledges, yet on Feb. 6, 1682, they had reached the Mississippi, to find the river full of floating ice. In a week, the navigation free, the


straggling hunters had come in, an early start was made next morning, 13th, and at evening they had reached the mouth of the Missouri (Ozage, Membré calls it), and camped in the woods below for the night. This camp may have been — and probably was — within the present limits of St. Louis County. Young Cavelier says, "Le premier jour, on alla cabaner ŕ six lieues au coste droit, proche de l'embouchure d'une rivičre qui tombe dans le Mississipi et qui la rende forte trouble et borbeuse." (Six leagues from the mouth of the Illinois would bring one to the south shore of the Missouri, and proche de l'embouchure.) The place was fully inhabited, — "abondante en peuples," says Tonti. He adds, "There are even some villages of savages who make use of horses for war purposes and to transport the flesh of the bisons killed by them in the chase." Father Membré also speaks of the Indians. These, the earliest inhabitants of St. Louis County, were Osages. La Salle and his party proceeded down the Mississippi to the delta without any further misadventures; they entered the Gulf of Mexico by all three mouths, and, when the parties were reunited on a spot of dry ground just within the river, a column was erected, bearing the arms of France and inscribed: "Louis le Grand, Roy de France et de Navarre, rčgne; le neuvičme Avril, 1682." The Frenchmen were mustered under arms, the regulation Te Deum and other Latin chants and hymns were sung, a volley of musketry was discharged, the column planted, and La Salle proclaimed the fact (attested likewise by a proces-verbal drawn and witnessed on the spot) that he took possession of LOUISIANA in the name of the French king. The boundaries of the parchment empire thus appropriated are marked by Mobile on the west, the Rio Grande on the east, the Ohio and Allegheny Rivers on the northeast; on the northwest the territory extends to the polar circle.

La Salle now retraced his course. He established a fort on the Illinois, at "Starved Rock," near the Indian town of Kaskaskia, to defend his new trading regions from the assaults of the Iroquois; he gathered many tribes about his settlement, for his influence with the savages was almost supreme, and in Indian councils he was more powerful and more persuasive even than Pontiac or Tecumseh; and then, in 1684, he went once more to France to prepare for his last expedition. We will not follow him, but proceed now to examine the various and conflicting evidence in regard to this part of the history of exploration in the Mississippi valley.

We have alluded already to the fact that this matter has been complicated, and the discussion of it seriously embarrassed by the intrusion of spurious and fraudulent claims and the coinage of documents with false names and dates, as well as invented facts. The extent to which this has been done marks at once the general public interest in the subject and the intensity of the controversies of the period. People do not coin and forge for amusement, but for profit, and canards and invented documents will not be put forth when there is nobody to read them. The counterfeit documents on which to rest opinions, claims of discovery, and explorations did not cease with the immediate period of the discovery of the Mississippi. In 1855, Judge Law delivered a lecture before a literary institute at Cincinnati, in which, while pronouncing a eulogy upon the Jesuit missionaries of the Northwest, he seriously impeached the fair fame of Pčre Marquette. He said that the Jesuits extended their missions towards the Mississippi by three routes, — the Wabash, the Illinois, and the Wisconsin Rivers; and "that one or more of these three routes had been traversed by the Jesuit Fathers years before Marquette and Joliet launched their frail bark, in 1673, on the waters of the Mississippi, is susceptible of proof; and that the Mississippi had been known, and the tribes inhabiting visited, and the missions established, before Marquette even coasted its borders, is now well understood. As early as the year 1652, twenty years before Marquette and Joliet started on their voyage of discovery to the ‘great river Mechassippi,’ Father Jean Dequerre, Jesuit, went from the mission on the Superior to the Illinois, and established a flourishing


mission, probably the mission of St. Louis, where Peoria is now situated. He visited various Indian nations on the borders of the Mississippi, and was slain in the midst of his apostolic labors in 1661. In 1657, Father Jean Charles Drocoux, Jesuit, went to Illinois, and returned to Quebec the same year. In 1670, Father Hugues Pinet, Jesuit, went to the Illinois and established a mission among the Tamarois or Cahokias, at or near the present site of the village of Cahokia, on the borders of the Mississippi. He remained there until the year 1685, and was at that mission when Marquette and Joliet went down the Mississippi. . . . Thus it will be seen that for twenty years, to wit, from 1653 to 1673, anterior to the discovery of Marquette and Joliet, there was a succession of missions on the Illinois, and one of them, that of Cahokia, established on the very banks of the Mississippi. There are no other memorials of these missions now extant, as known to me, except those preserved in the Seminary of Quebec, from a copy of which the above notices are taken." John G. Shea, unwilling that such discreditable charges should lie against the memory of Marquette, "the angel of the Ottawa missions," investigated the matter carefully, and showed that no such missionaries as Father Duquerre and Father Drocoux ever existed. The sole authority for these and their alleged work was a discredited MS. by one Fr. X. Noiseaux, a vicar in the Quebec Seminary, who gave no authority for his statements, and whose own superiors have said of his work that "errors of every kind, contradictions, false dates, distorted facts, are found in every page."

This is but one, and a modern, instance. Le Clerc, in his large work upon "The Establishment of the Faith," quotes the testimony of Father Anastasius Douay, a companion of La Salle in his last journey, to the point that Marquette's "Relation" was a fiction, and not published until after La Salle's discovery, and that Joliet would have given no sanction to the statements it contained. This, again, is all wrong, like much else in Le Clerc's prejudiced accounts of affairs. Thevenot published his version of Marquette's journal in 1681, at least a year before La Salle's discovery was made, and two years before the news of it could reach France. But the letters of Count Frontenac, given above, are a sufficient corroboration of the work done by Marquette and Joliet, even without Marquette's journal and map. Le Clerc's position that Marquette's "Relation" is a fiction is utterly untenable. If evidence of that sort is tenable under any circumstances, we must admit Marquette's "Relation," or else consent to dispense altogether with the class of evidence to which it belongs.

Tonti, the loyal and generous, brave and devoted follower of La Salle, has been seriously injured by the fact that a spurious narrative was put forward in his name, an absolute forgery. He disclaimed all connection with its authorship. La Hontan, another writer, whose travels have obtained credit because, like Hennepin, he knew how to mix the true with the false, has told of his travels up the "Long River." No such river ever existed, nor was any such voyage ever made. Mathieu Sagean also invented the account of an El Dorado in the Northwest known only to himself; but this adventurer was illiterate, he did not know how to lie, and he only deceived a few persons, like M. de Pontchartrain, who were not to the manner born. The most prominent and conspicuous of these fabulists of the period, who seemed born with a constitutional aversion to the unadulterated truth, was Friar Louis Hennepin, a Flemish Recollect, an adventurer, who lied, libeled, cheated, and forged with utter unscrupulousness, but who, nevertheless, had many of the best qualities of the traveler. In our own day he would have distinguished himself as a newspaper correspondent. His braggart vein did not prevent him from being brave and adventurous, and as an observer he has not often been excelled, while as a raconteur he was very bright and entertaining. His travels went through many editions, and their popularity is not surprising. He was a brazen, impudent liar, but he loved a good story and knew how to tell one. As has been stated, he was sent by La Salle to explore the upper Mississippi in 1680. This he did, from the mouth of the Illinois to the Falls of St. Anthony, in a full and satisfactory manner, being taken prisoner and detained several months by the Sioux. When he got away from them he went to France and published an account of his travels and discoveries in a little volume, finely illustrated, which the public eagerly welcomed and read with avidity. In 1697, after La Salle's death, and fourteen years after his first edition, he published a new version of his travels, in which he claimed to have gone down the Mississippi, and discovered its mouth, before going up to its source. He had forborne to mention this subject previously, out of consideration for or fear of La Salle. In his first edition, however, Hennepin had given the dates, and now he had not time enough left to put his long voyage in. Consequently, he was compelled to go up and down the Mississippi in his birch canoe more rapidly than he could have done it by steam. The result was that his wretched expedient was instantly detected, and he took no credit by


the falsehoods he was trying to set up. He was a renegade and a dishonest man at the best. His first edition was dedicated to Louis XIV., the last to William III. of England, showing that he had changed his politics. He does not seem to have had any religion to change. Not content with stealing from the narratives of Marquette, La Salle, Membré, Le Clerc, and Marquette, Hennepin turned out of his way to misrepresent and libel all these, and La Salle in particular. He is the author of the story that La Salle's main object in his last voyage was not to occupy the mouth of the Mississippi, but to seize and plunder the Mexican mine of Santa Barbara.

Under such a condition of the records and documents, it is natural that the facts about the discovery and exploration of the Mississippi are confused and provocative of discussion and controversy. The partisans of La Salle have attempted to discredit or belittle the performance of Marquette and Joliet, and have set up a counter-claim of priority, which there is no proof that La Salle himself asserted. The partisans of Marquette, on the other hand, have attacked at once the credibility of the documents relating to his explorations, the value and extent of those explorations and discoveries, and the character and genius of La Salle himself. There is no necessity for all this. There can be but little doubt of these facts: First, that Marquette and Joliet reached the Mississippi in 1673, and that no white man of whom there is any record preceded them in exploring that part of the great river; second, that Hennepin, acting under the orders of La Salle, explored the upper Mississippi in 1680, no European having preceded him; and third, that La Salle, in 1682, descended the Mississippi from the embouchure of the Illinois to the Gulf of Mexico, and returned by the same route, having had no predecessors in that exploration. No one can safely or successfully dispute these three controlling facts: the evidence for each and all of them is too strong. If they are conceded, all causes of controversy are removed at once, without detracting anything from the honor and character of Marquette, the enterprise and adventurousness of Hennepin, and the glory and persistence of La Salle.

The claims put forth by M. Margry in behalf of La Salle's priority have been industriously urged by him, but they are untenable. Indeed, this laborious investigator has himself discovered and published the evidence which overthrows the pretension. In order that no injustice may be done to M. Margry, it is proper to say that this gentleman, who is a member of the French Historical Society and assistant custodian of the archives of the marine and colonies in Paris, has been most indefatigable in the search for materials for history, and especially American history. He was employed a number of years ago by General Lewis Cass to examine the French archives for information concerning the early history of Detroit, and subsequently by Parkman in securing copies of documents relating to French-Canadian history. He has published several volumes of original papers relating to our history, from his department, assisted by the government of the United States. In 1879 he was elected a member of the Wisconsin Historical Society, and in his letter of acceptance he wrote as follows in relation to some papers of his published in the French "General Journal of Public Instruction" in 1862:

"What I said concerning Cavelier de la Salle's priority in discovering the Ohio and Mississippi has been the occasion of great, and even acrimonious, controversies. I care nothing for attacks from which search after truth is excluded, and which are little else than passion. It is enough for me to state that in the American edition of my volumes, which you have, I was not allowed to put any notes of introduction, but that the map inserted in the French edition confirms what I have advanced respecting the discovery of the Ohio, and that I still very firmly believe that La Salle discovered the Mississippi by way of the lakes, by Chicago, and by the Illinois River, as far south as the 36th parallel, and all this before 1673 (the date of Marquette's discovery).

"This opinion of mine I base, first, on the narrative made by La Salle to the Abbé Renaudot.

"This narrative describes an expedition in which La Salle was engaged southwest of Lake Ontario for a distance of four hundred leagues, and down a river that must have been the Ohio. This was in 1669."

"The narrative proceeds: Some time thereafter he made a second expedition on the same river, which he quitted below Lake Erie, made a portage of six or seven leagues to embark on that lake, traversed it towards the north, ascended the river out of which it flows, passed the Lake of Dirty Water (St, Claire?), entered the Freshwater Sea (Mer Douce), doubled the point of land that cuts this sea in two (Lakes Huron and Michigan), and, descending from north to south, leaving on the west the Bay of the Puans (Green Bay), discovered a bay infinitely larger, at the bottom of which, towards the west, he found a very beautiful harbor (Chicago. Is there any earlier mention or description of that site?), and at the bottom of this river, which runs from the east to the west, he followed this river, and having arrived at about the 280th (sic) degree of longitude and the 39th of latitude, he came to another river, which, uniting with the first, flowed from the northwest to the southeast. This he followed as far as the 36th degree of latitude, where he found it advisable to stop, contenting himself with the almost certain hope of some day passing by way of this river even to the Gulf of Mexico. Having but a handful of followers, he dared not risk a further expedition, in the course of which he was likely to meet with obstacles too great for his strength. [See my work Dčcouverts et Etablissement des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale, 1614-1754], Vol. i. p. 378.]

"I base my opinion, secondly, on a letter of La Salle's niece, — the Mississippi and the river Colbert both being one. This letter, dated 1756, says the writer possessed maps which in 1675 were possessed by La Salle, and which proved that he had


already made two voyages of discovery. Among the places set down on these maps, the river Colbert, the place where La Salle had landed near the Mississippi, and the spot where he planted a cross and took possession of the country in the name of the king, are mentioned. (Vol. i. p. 379.)

"I base my opinion, thirdly, on a letter of Count Frontenac. In this letter, which was written in 1677 to the French premier, Colbert, Frontenac says that ‘the Jesuits, having learned that M. de la Salle thought of asking (from the French crown) a grant of the Illinois lake (Lake Michigan), had resolved to seek this grant themselves for Messieurs Joliet and Lebert, men wholly in their interest, and the first of whom they have so highly extolled beforehand, although he did not voyage until after the Sieur de la Salle, who himself will testify to you that the relation of the Sieur Joliet is in many things false.’ (Vol. i. p. 324.)

"In fine, I found my opinion on the total antagonism between the Jesuits and the merchants, as well as all those who represented interest or only a legitimate ambition. In opposition to the Jesuits Cavelier de la Salle always associated with the Sulpicians, or Recollets, whom Colbert had raised up against the Jesuits, in order to lessen the influence of those who would fain undermine him.

"If La Salle had wished to practice deception, and to claim a merit that was not his, nothing would have prevented his saying that he had gone farther down the river Mississippi or Colbert than he does say he went, whereas he left Joliet and Father Marquette the honor of having penetrated to that river by way of the Wisconsin, and of having descended the Mississippi River three degrees farther than he, and that before the enterprise of 1678."

This letter of M. Margry is the brief of his entire case for La Salle. The letter of La Salle's niece, Madaleine Cavelier, Dame Leforestier, written 21st of January, 1756, says, "As soon, monsieur, as your letter came I sought a safe opportunity to send you the papers of M. de la Salle. There are some charts which I have added to these papers, which should serve to prove that, in 1675, M. de la Salle had already made two voyages in these discoveries, since he had on that matter a map which I send you, by which mention is made of the place where M. la Salle landed (aborda) near the river Misipi, another place which he names the river Cobrer (Colbert?), in another he takes possession of this land in the name of the king and has a cross planted, in another place which he names Frontenac, the river St. Lorans at another place. You will see in these pieces the review which they made in the fort, which he built of stone which had been (aitet) of wood. You will find there the receipt of M. Duchesneau, for the interest for nine thousand livres, which M. de la Salle paid him to indemnify those who had made this wooden fort." This letter of the Dame Laforestier proves too much for M. Margry. The good lady does not more than indicate the contents of the papers (which are not in existence), but she describes the maps, and proves that one of them, at least, was in illustration of the exploration of 1682. If La Salle had known the Mississippi before 1675, he would not have confused its name with that of Colbert. Colbert was the name which La Salle selected for the river, just as he selected the name of Louisiana for the territory. In any event, the letter proves nothing except that La Salle made two voyages before 1675. The maps may or may not have been relevant to these voyages. There is no evidence for it beyond the unsupported conjecture of this simple-minded dame.

M. Margry relies further upon Frontenac's letter of 1677. The language of Frontenac is singular, but it cannot be read without the context. The Governor (who was mixed up in the fur trade, probably in partnership with La Salle, and suspected the Jesuits of thwarting him in this matter, as they had done in regard to the brandy trade) takes the occasion, in this letter, of preferring a charge against the whole Church in Canada. "Almost all the disorders of New France," he writes, "derive their source from the ambition of the ecclesiastics, who, wishing to join to the spiritual authority an absolute power over temporal things, cause to suffer and to murmur all those who are not entirely submissive to them. It is not simply since a year or two that the ecclesiastics have wished to make themselves an absolute empire in Canada; it appears they formed the design almost as soon as they came in here." In proof of this general indictment Frontenac produces several instances and examples, some of which are very comical. Among these instances, however, is this, "that, having learned that M. de la Salle designed to demand the concession of Lake Erie and the lake of the Illinois (Lake Michigan), of which the first is a consequence of his grant of the commerce of Lake Frontenac, which chiefly comes from Lake Erie, at the entrance of which he necessarily needs to build a fort to prevent the English from seizing it (and by the report of the Reverend Jesuit Fathers themselves they [the English] have recently sent a deserter named Turquet to reconnoitre it), — on learning this, I say, they resolved to make a demand themselves for this concession for the Sieurs Joliet and Lebert, people who entirely belong to them, and the first of whom they have so much vaunted in advance, although he did not voyage until after the Sieur de la Salle, who himself will testify to you that the relation of the Sieur Joliet is false, in many things." What voyage? What relation? The Jesuits and La Salle had counter-claims, not to the discovery of the Mississippi, — that was not in question now, — but to Lake Michigan. La Salle wanted to plant a trading-post at the upper Kaskaskia, at Peoria, the great town of the Illinois, where Father Marquette had planned to have a missionary station. Joliet had


been out with St. Lusson in 1769 on an unsuccessful journey towards Lake Superior and Lake Michigan. This was the voyage in which La Salle claimed priority over him. In 1672, when Joliet was sent out to join Marquette and seek the Mississippi, he was expected also to find out something more about the copper-mine on Lake Superior. Joliet made no "Relation" in regard to the discovery of the Mississippi. His only report was a map drawn from memory and a few fragmentary pages concerning it. His report in regard to his journey with St. Lusson and Dolier and Gallinée, on the contrary, must have been full and comprehensive. The reference to Joliet, therefore, is not to his journey with Marquette in 1672 at all, and if it had been so, the words "false in many things" would not imply that the Mississippi had not been navigated by him and Marquette.

But M. Margry depends chiefly upon the reported conversations of M. de la Salle with "a friend of the Abbé de Gallinée" (whom he considers to be the Abbé Renaudot) for the proof that La Salle was the original explorer of the Mississippi River. This interesting article has been carefully examined, in connection with the other documents furnished by M. Margry, and the conclusion is that it does not bear out any such supposition. The Abbé de Gallinée's friend probably misunderstood La Salle. He certainly got the latitude and longitude wrong. He makes the longitude of the headwaters of the Scioto or the Ohio and that of the city of Chicago the same. The paper by itself is unintelligible. Read in connection with other papers in M. Margry's volumes, however, a meaning can be reached which seems to satisfy all the conditions of the problem, without putting a reflection upon the honor or veracity of any of the principal actors in this drama of discovery. If we suppose that "the friend of the Abbé de Gallinée" misunderstood La Salle, we will find further that at no time did La Salle, or any of his friends for him, claim that he discovered the Mississippi prior to 1682. He did claim to have discovered the Ohio in the winter of 1669-70, and to have descended it an uncertain distance. He did claim to have made many other discoveries of importance in the country to the south of the great lakes. This claim is made in several shapes, as coming directly from him and from his immediate friends, in official documents and authentic memorials. Joliet, according to Parkman, conceded the claim, in two maps produced by him in 1673 and 1674. But he did not claim to have discovered the Mississippi, though he knew of Joliet's and Marquette's claim, and was recommending his services and sufferings to the court, in pursuit of a recompense to be based upon them. Talon, the intendant, Frontenac, the Governor, knew of no such claim, no such discovery, though their interests and La Salle's were identical, and though La Salle had gone to the south and west to make discoveries by Talon's own direction. Nor did La Salle's kinsmen make any such claim for him after his death in the memorial to the king reciting his services and explorations.

How then are we to interpret the conversation with the friend of the Abbé de Gallinée? That such a conversation took place there can be no doubt. That La Salle's opinions and his statements concerning his performances were misunderstood is equally clear. The reporter was not well up even in the loose, imperfect geography of the day. He absurdly says that La Salle, during the twelve years of his American journeys, had traversed the regions between the 330th degree and the 265th degree of longitude and the 55th degree and 36th degree of latitude, — a range of from Hudson's Bay to Tennessee and Arkansas, from the Grand Banks of Newfoundland to the upper Missouri River. Perhaps La Salle did go to Hudson's Bay. We know that he sought a short way to India, and that his first journeys were made in the country north of the St. Lawrence. We know that in the end he went to Matagorda Bay, low down on the Gulf of Mexico. But he had not done so at the time of this conversation, and did not pretend to have done so. His pretensions are formulated with the utmost distinctness in a paper published in M. Margry's second volume (p. 377 et seq.), in which a friend of La Salle's makes an official report to the Marquis de Seignelay (son and successor of Colbert) on his undertakings, in the shape of a memoir "on the discoveries of the Sieur de la Salle to the south and the west of the Great Lakes of New France." This is an elaborate defense of La Salle from all the charges brought against him by his enemies (enemies whom he feared because, as he himself said, "they always succeed in the end in pulling a man down"), and it was made just on the eve of his departure for the exploration of the Mississippi. In regard to this the memoir says, "The Sieur de la Salle has had sufficient proofs that the river Colbert (Mississippi) falls into the Gulf of Mexico, . . . and we will have positive news about it at the end of the year from the Sieur de la Salle." This is the language of one who intends to go and get ocular proof of that which he is already morally certain about. And here is all that La Salle claims at the end of 1681: "He has been the first to form the design of these discoveries, which he communicated, more than fifteen years ago [in 1677 namely], to M. de Courcelles, Governor, and


to M. de Talon, intendant of Canada, who approved it. He subsequently made several voyages to that region (de ce coste-lŕ), and one among others in 1669 with Messieurs Dolier and Gallinée, priests of the seminary of St. Sulpice. It is true that the Sieur Joliet, to forestall him (pour le prévenir), made a voyage in 1673 to the river Colbert; but this was simply (uniquement) to trade in that direction, without having spent any money upon it, and without attempting then nor since to make any establishment there, while on the other hand the Sieur de la Salle, with this design, caused Fort Frontenac to be constructed and built several vessels with decks; he has built several other forts, discovered the country of the Nadowesioux (Sioux) and several others, all at great expense, which he was under no obligation to incur, and the avoidance of which would have made him rich." "If he had preferred profit to glory," the memoir adds, "he had but to remain in his fort, where he enjoyed an income of more than twenty-five thousand livres a year from the commerce he had attracted there."

All this is clear and intelligible. It disposes completely of M. Margry's claims, and it only remains for us to show what were the nature of La Salle's discoveries, how he came to make them, and what their value was to himself and to the Governor and intendant who so eagerly urged him to prosecute them. His career as a discoverer properly began at his trading-post at Lachine, where he received the Indians from every quarter, studied their languages and manner, and made himself familiar with their country. This is on record, and it is also on record that in 1699, after conferences with Talon and Courcelles, he sold Lachine and started out on an exploring expedition in company with Dolier and Gallinée, the Recollect friars. They intended to seek the Ohio, but the Recollect brothers, after meeting Joliet, were persuaded by him to go around Lake Erie and seek Lake Superior, whereupon La Salle said he was too sick to go farther, and the two parties separated.

At that time the Iroquois were so formidable between Detroit and the head of Lake Ontario that this lake and Lake Erie were of no use to the French. The missionaries and traders left Montreal by the northern route, ascended the Ottawa River, made the portage to Lake Nipissing, got into the Georgian Bay, skirted along the north shore of the North Channel, and in 1660 had only heard of two traders who had passed through the Sault Ste. Marie into Lake Superior. The missionaries had immediately followed them, — Menard, Allouez, Dablon, and now Marquette, — and at this time there were missions at Sault Ste. Marie at the east, and at La Pointe in the southwest of Lake Superior, with stations possibly on Green Bay and the Strait of Mackinac, only reached, however, overland from Sault Ste. Marie. The lake routes were not available; the southern shores of Huron, Erie, and Michigan were scarcely known, and the Iroquois and their allies infested the northern routes also.

It is repeatedly mentioned that La Salle entertained Indians of the Iroquois nation at his post at Lachine. But it has not been noted, apparently, that among these Iroquois were some of the Susquehannocks, an Iroquois tribe who were generally at war with their kindred of the Five Nations, though sometimes at peace. These people, who traded with the Swedes, traded also with the French. As we shall show, they hunted up to Lake Erie as well as on the headwaters of the Potomac. La Salle sold out Lachine, Jan. 9, 1669. July 1st of that year he engaged men in his service to go with him "on the voyage for which the said Sieur de la Salle prepares himself to go to the savage and distant nations of both the North and the South Coast," and started out with Fathers Dolier and Gallinée. The latter, in his "Relation," says that M. de Coureelles begged M. Dolier to join forces with M. de la Salle, "to make together the voyage that M. de la Salle had contemplated (prémédité) for a long time towards a great river which he had conceived (in consequence of what he thought to have learned from the savages) to have its course towards the west, at the end of which, after seven or eight months' march, the said savages related that the land was cut off, — that is to say, according to their fashion of speech, that this river fell into the sea, — and that this river is called in the Iroquois tongue, Ohio. . . . The hope of getting beaver, but above all the hope of finding by this way a passage to the Vermilion Sea, into which M. de la Salle believed the Ohio fell, made him undertake this journey, so as not to leave to another the honor of finding the road to the South Sea, and by it that to China." Father Gallinée goes on to say that La Salle's commission authorized him to search closely in all the woods, rivers, and lakes of Canada in quest of natural advantages (pour voir s'il n'y auroit rien de bon), and begged the Governors of the provinces he might come to, such as Virginia, Florida, etc., to permit him to pass, and to give him aid, as they would wish us to do by their people in like case. The expedition started from


Montreal, in seven or eight canoes, on July 6, 1669, having for guide two canoes of Sonnontoueronon (Seneca) Iroquois, says M. de Gallinée. They had come to Montreal the previous year, and "had dwelt a very long time with M. de la Salle, and had told him so many marvels about the Ohio River, which they claimed to know perfectly well, that they kindled in him more than ever the desire to visit it." These Indians knew all about the Shawanese (Chiouanons), and the other Ohio tribes. Gallinée had a Dutchman for his guide. At this time the Senecas were at peace with the French, but they were at war with the Susquehannocks, or, as Gallinée terms them, "the Antastogué or Antastouais, who are the savages of New Sweden, and who continually are on the warpath around the country of the Senecas." They had just slain ten men in the very place where the Fathers and their party were awaiting an interview with the Senecas, and the good Gallinée does not seem to have liked the prospect. The object in going to the Senecas was to buy from them an Indian captive of one of the Ohio tribes who might serve to guide them to that country. The Senecas, however, refused them a guide; it was six days' journey of twelve leagues each from their town to the Ohio, whereas, from Lake Erie across to streams running into the Ohio, it was only a short portage of three days. Besides, the Ohio country was very dangerous. The Toaguenha were a bad tribe who would find their camp and scalp them at night. If they escaped these, they were sure to be slain by the Antastoes (Susquehannocks), and that would embroil the Senecas with "Onontio," the Governor of Canada.

They left the Senecas, went to the Niagara River, and thence to a village of the Gantastogué — Sonontoua Outinaouatoua — on or near Lake Erie, where La Salle fell sick, and where the party found two guides, captives of the Shawanese and the Nez-Percé tribes, one of them a Pottawattamie. La Salle selected the Shawanese for his guide. It was at this Indian town that Joliet was found, just in from the West, and here La Salle parted from the Fathers, who started for the shores of Lake Erie, La Salle announcing that he should return to Montreal. Where did La Salle go? In 1677, in his petition to the court of France for leave to establish himself at Fort Frontenac, he said, "In 1667 and the following years he made divers voyages at much expense, in which he first of any discovered much country to the south of the great lakes, among others the great river Ohio. He followed it to a place where it falls from a great height into vast morasses, at the height of 37 degrees, after having been swollen by another very large river that comes from the north; and all these waters apparently empty into the Gulf of Mexico," etc. So, then, he claimed the priority in getting at the true idea of the Western river system; in reaching and exploring the Ohio; in examining the coast-line of Lake Michigan on the south; in discovering the mouth of the Illinois River; and in making acquaintance with the Sioux nation, one tribe of which was settled on the western side of Lake Michigan, south of Green Bay. Joliet admitted his claim to the discovery of the Ohio, and the French court admitted his claim to priority at the Illinois River, for when Joliet asked leave to establish himself there with twenty men in 1677 it was refused.

If we should suppose that La Salle, in l669, after parting with Dolier and Gallinée, put himself in charge of his Shawanese guide, descended the Allegany, the Beaver, the Tuscarawas, the Muskingum, or the Scioto into the Ohio, and followed it beyond the Wabash, in conjunction with the Shawanese and perhaps the Susquehannock Indians, afterwards mounting the Wabash, making portage to the Kankakee River, thence by the Illinois into Lake Michigan — we can understand exactly how he proceeded, and what the great explorer claimed, and also how he came by his intimate knowledge of the Chicago country. We cannot explain the mystery in any other way than by conceding that between 1667 and 1671 he spent his time in exploring the country and the rivers south of the great lakes; and, as his followers deserted him, he must have had the assistance of the Indians. The immediate value of his discoveries to the Canadian government, outside of the great expanse of new territory which he brought into knowledge, was that he opened up a new southern water-route for the fur trade. The crowning offense he committed in the eyes of his enemies, fur-traders and others, was in attempting to control this route to his own personal advantage by erecting Fort Frontenac and the fort on the Illinois River. With these and a fort on the Straits of Mackinac, as he himself said, he would have entire command of the trade of


the lakes. With another fort at the mouth of the Mississippi, he would command the entire trade of the Mississippi valley.

In view of all the extended array of facts here presented, therefore, we must conclude that Marquette and Joliet first, among the French, discovered the Mississippi River, and that La Salle first explored the river and the valley of the Mississippi, and made the world acquainted with their extent, their continental relations, and the immense possibilities of their future. Marquette found the path; La Salle surveyed the thoroughfare.

Chapter III.


THE French empire in America was as magnificent in its proportions as it was short-lived. Canada extended northward to the Polar Sea, and the hardy coureurs des bois and fur-traders were more than once in conflict with the British whalers and seal-hunters on the shores of Hudson's Bay, while there were numerous naval battles in the fiorded borders of Newfoundland. Westward the only limit to New France was the Pacific Ocean and the Spanish possessions. Louisiana began where Canada left off, at the great lakes, and it claimed to extend to the Alleghany Mountains on the east. The boundary line between it and Florida was the Rio Perdido, while it claimed an indefinite proportion of territory from Western Georgia. On the west the French demanded the Rio Grande, and the Spanish government conceded the Sabine as the dividing line between Louisiana and Mexico. The Bishop of Louisiana claimed what is now Oregon as being part of his see, and the concession made by the French king to Antony Crouzat covered all the expanse of the Mississippi River and all the lands binding upon it and its tributary streams to their several sources.

In fact, this great river and its tributaries were very little known until many years after this grant. But La Salle's voyages had opened the way to further explorations, and to settlements in several places. This explorer's eagle eye had fixed upon the most commanding points between Quebec and Mexico. He chose Lachine as the outpost and bastion of Montreal; he selected Kingston (Fort Frontenac) as the best place to control Lake Ontario; he chose the site of the fort on Niagara River afterwards known as Fort Erie; his eye appreciated the advantages of Detroit and Mackinac; Chicago, Peoria, St. Joseph's, Natchez, New Orleans, and Matagorda Bay were all points of his choosing; and, as was the case with Alexander, the places which he selected for forts and trading-posts have most of them grown to be cities by the natural process of the "survival of the fittest." In the autumn of 1683, La Salle started from Illinois to go to France and prepare for his expedition to the Gulf of Mexico, leaving the faithful Tonti in command of his post, Fort St. Louis, on the Illinois. He reached La Rochelle, France, on December 23d of that year. Tonti was ordered to hold the post in Illinois, and to co-operate with his commander when he should have news of his arrival below. La Salle's last and disastrous expedition sailed from La Rochelle on July 24, 1684, with four vessels and a handsome equipment for a permanent colony in Louisiana. Through accident or treachery, they sailed beyond the mouth of the Mississippi and landed on the coast of Texas, whence La Salle was never able to extricate himself.


The explorer, in fact, never seems to have found out exactly where he was. In common with all his contemporaries he seems to have under-estimated the size of the continent and the breadth and swoop inwards of the Mexican Gulf. He thought that, because it was not a very great voyage by sea from the mouth of the Tampico River (or the Panuco, as it was then called) to the mouth of the Mississippi and to Florida,


it would not necessarily be a great journey by land. La Salle, independent of his pretensions as an original explorer, was a great geographer. The Jesuit maps are marvels of accuracy, as far as they go, — for example, the Jesuit map of Lake Superior, Sault Ste. Marie, Green Bay, and the upper portions of Lakes Michigan and Huron, — but they risk nothing upon conjecture. La Salle, on the other hand, in advance of his chief explorations, worked out the main problem of the water-shed of the American continent. He, in common with all the European colonists of his day, lived on the eastern slope of the North American continent. He and they had heard of the mountains, but had not crossed them. The lakes, the great and little rivers, even the rivers rising back of or between the tall mountain ranges of New England and New York, all flowed eventually into the Atlantic Ocean. La Salle, in common with his contemporaries, heard of streams in the regions south of the great lakes, which flowed towards the west. He, like the rest of his contemporaries, knowing the narrow breadth of the continent in the latitude of Mexico, assumed that it continued to be nearly as narrow far to the northward of the Gulf. Maps made a generation after La Salle gave the Gulf of California treble its real length and importance, gave it an inward trend about on the line of the Colorado River, so that the Pacific coast seemed to be about on the meridian of Pike's Peak and the junction of the Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers. It was assumed that the rivers which ran westward, south of the lake region, flowed west into this wrongly placed and extended "Vermilion Sea." The chronicler of Coronado's march had dispelled this illusion, but his narrative was either not read or not understood. La Salle began his explorations, and their first and most immediate result was to demonstrate that the river system of the interior of the continent, instead of flowing westward into the Gulf of California, flowed southward into the Gulf of Mexico. This was a great discovery. But it still did not quite dispel the illusion of La Salle in regard to the narrowness of the American continent. He died with the idea that the Missouri, the Arkansas, and the Rio Grande were comparatively short streams, and that by going westward the coast line of the Gulf of California and the Pacific Ocean would be discovered about where we now know the Rocky Mountains to be. La Hontan's false narrative somehow gives us the first intimation of the existence of that great chain. It is certain that this pretender did not reach, much less explore it; but some of the French coureurs des bois may have easily penetrated into those regions by the Missouri, the Nebraska, or the Saskatchewan Rivers, and La Hontan may have learned from them what he claimed to be a discovery of his own.

When La Salle's death was still a secret, or perhaps before it occurred, but when it was already known that he had failed to reach the mouth of the Mississippi River, the Jesuits in France made overtures to the Marquis de Seignelay for permission to build a


vessel at St. Louis of the Illinois — the name of La Salle's fort — and complete the exploration of the river. But the accomplished and loyal Sieur de Tonti had already made another voyage down the great river — the second that was ever undertaken — with the simple object of affording relief and succor to his commander. Fort St. Louis had been taken away from him by Governor Barré and Intendant de Chesneau, both enemies of La Salle and antagonistic to his every interest; but Tonti had succeeded in securing his restoration to the command. Now he heard that La Salle was in distress at some point on the Gulf of Mexico, and he at once proceeded to his relief. His simple letter to the French Minister of Marine on the subject speaks volumes in his favor. It was written in Montreal, after his return, being dated Aug. 24, 1686. He says, "On the news I learned last autumn at Fort St. Louis of the Illinois, that M. de la Salle had descended to the coast of Florida, that he was fighting with the savages and destitute of provisions, I believed that, under such circumstances, it would be of service to the king and agreeable to your grandeur to give him succor. That is why I started for this object on Feb. 16, 1686." He went down the river to the Gulf, restored the king's arms that La Salle had planted and the stream had washed away, made peace with the Quinipissa Indians and gave them a letter for La Salle. This letter the Indians kept for fourteen years and then delivered it to D'Iberville. Tonti could get no news of La Salle, further than that he had put into Mobile Bay on his voyage out. He returned up the river, but not until he had left some of his men in a garrison on the Arkansas River, with instructions to look out for La Salle and his men, and relieve them if possible. Well could this loyal follower declare, as he did in a letter to Cabart de Villermont, written after his return, "I have nothing to reproach myself for on this subject as regards the king's service and my friend's."

La Salle's brother, his attached retainer Joutel, and some others of the explorer's staff succeeded in extricating themselves from Texas. They descended the Arkansas River, found the post established by Tonti, and from it mounted the Mississippi to St. Louis des Illinois. There they concealed La Salle's death, nor was it disclosed by them until after they had arrived in France. When Tonti heard of it finally, he at once proceeded down the river again, with the object of relieving La Salle's settlement in Matagorda Bay, but the place had before that been captured by the Spaniards from Vera Cruz and Tampico. So ended La Salle's attempt to settle the country of Upper and Lower Louisiana. Tonti was of great service in reinforcing M. de Denonville with a body of Canadians and Illinois Indians against the Iroquois. Afterwards, in 1702, he was with D'Iberville, but his career practically ended with his efforts to rescue La Salle.

The attempts of the explorer himself were not useless, however, in promoting the very early settlement of Illinois by the French. The dates of the planting of towns in Illinois are very uncertain, as the records do not begin anything like as early as the time of these settlements, nor is it always certain that a French settlement was coeval with the day of the establishment of a mission. There is, however, one record which goes to show that the settlement of Illinois was begun very early. This is a letter of Governor-General de Denonville to M. de Champigny, intendant, dated Nov. 6, 1688, and written from Quebec. "We have nothing to say on the subject of M. de la Salle," remarks Denonville, "of whom M. Cavelier, his brother, is gone to carry news to Monseigneur; we foresee that a great number of our libertine coureurs des bois, who are among the Outaouacs and the Illinois, will be sure to undertake to go join him." Thus, even as early as 1688, there must have been a good many of these bush-rangers among the Miamis and the Illinois. They, as a rule, lived in the Indian villages, taking up with the Indian women; and, as the Illinois bands spent half of each year at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, in the "American Bottom," it is quite likely that some French cabins may have been put up in these Indian towns within a year or two after La Salle made his first exploration down the Mississippi.

La Salle's unworthy brother, Cavelier, proposed to continue his explorations; but the proposal was not very cordially received. Tonti himself, in 1694, offered to Cabart de Villermont to continue La Salle's enterprise and "accomplish" his discoveries, in order to give trouble to Spain, menace the Mexican mines, and extend the fur trade, particularly in buffalo robes. Tonti holds, moreover, that, unless the French speedily occupy the Mississippi valley, the English are sure to do so, sending parties from Carolina to seize points on the Ohio River. This, in fact, was just what Daniel Boone did in 1769. Tonti says that he had heard there were English present at a conference with the Miami Indians. The Baron la Hontan, writing from Hamburg in June, 1694, mentioned that he had met two Frenchmen who came


from Virginia. They claimed to have descended the Mississippi with La Salle, to have been with his party in Texas at the time of his death, and then to have joined the Indians, and through them to have discovered very valuable mines. La Hontan probably was romancing, however; the French resident at Hamburg could discover no traces of the adventurers. Other attempts were made besides those above enumerated to obtain the aid of the French government in completing La Salle's work, — notably by the Sieurs De Louvigny and De Mantet in 1697. In the same year one of the old friends of La Salle, the Sieur de Rémonville, and M. Argoud projected a Louisiana company and prepared some elaborate memoirs on the subject.

It was reserved for Pierre Le Moyne D'Iberville to complete the work of La Salle, perfect the discovery of the Mississippi, and the settlement of Louisiana. There can be no doubt that the French ministry had determined from the first to secure possession of the magnificent country opened up by La Salle; but there were many delays, and it was necessary to proceed carefully, because Spain was stronger than France in the Gulf of Mexico. Iberville was ordered to prepare for his first voyage as early as June, 1698, when he was assigned to the command of the frigate "Badine." He immediately drew up his estimates and made all his preparations, notifying the French ministry that a company was forming in London to establish a colony in the places to which he was going. This company, he was advised, was formed on the strength of information given by Father Hennepin, who, as has already been stated, dedicated the last edition of his work to the English king, William III., and offered to pilot an English fleet to the mouth of the Mississippi. This news about the English made the French government very anxious to have Iberville sail promptly, and repeated orders were sent to him and to the navy-yard at La Rochelle to hasten his departure. He finally sailed from Brest Oct. 24, 1698.

Two years before this the Spaniards in Florida had advanced their posts as far westward as Pensacola, which they strongly fortified. Iberville arrived at Cape François, in St. Domingo, on December 4th, and on Jan. 26, 1699, he was off Pensacola, where the Spaniards would not permit the French to land. Sailing westward, Iberville, reinforced by a fifty-gun ship under Chateaumorant, came to Dauphin Island, west of Mobile Bay, which the French commander called Massacre Island, from having found a large number of bones of men and women there. The fleet finally anchored under the lee of the Chandeleur group, while Iberville, with his smaller vessels, explored Ship Island and Cat Island (the latter so named because it was found to be full of raccoons). The colony was landed on Ship Island, where huts were erected for them. From this point Iberville and Bienville started in two large barges, with fifty men, to discover and explore the Mississippi, the insignificance of the mouth of which deceived the commander when he had finally reached it. However, the barges proceeded up the river, and at last came across the Indians who had preserved for the French Tonti's letter of April 20, 1685. Iberville ascended the Mississippi as far as the mouth of Red River, and then, returning, explored the route to the sea by way of Lake Pontchartrain. He then began the erection of a fort on the main-land at Biloxi, opposite Ship Island. This fort had four bastions and mounted twelve guns. Sauvolle, one of Iberville's brothers, was put in command, with Bienville, another brother, for his lieutenant. Iberville, having completed his fort and settled his colony, now returned to France. Sauvolle undertook some explorations of the interior, putting Bienville in command of the exploring parties. He ascended some of the rivers and bayous, and found unpleasant intimations that the English were destined to give trouble to the new colony. A war-party of Chickasaws, which had penetrated as far as Lake Pontchartrain, was officered by two Englishmen, and in the Mississippi River itself, only a few miles below the site of New Orleans, Bienville came across a British sloop-of-war of sixteen guns, under command of Captain Bar, who told the French that he was examining the banks of the river with the purpose of planting a colony. Captain Bar turned back in consequence of the representations of Bienville. But it was this voyage, and the report in Paris and Versailles that England was preparing to make an establishment of French Huguenot refugees on the Mississippi, that led to the prompt return of Iberville on his second voyage, with reinforcements and more colonists, for


Louisiana. Iberville proceeded up the Mississippi and built a fort some sixteen miles below the present site of New Orleans. Tonti having joined him, he went up the river farther, and established where the city of Natchez now stands another post, called "Rosalie," in honor of the Countess of Pontchartrain. The fort on this spot, which Iberville intended to be the capital of the province of Louisiana, was not built until sixteen years later. Bienville explored a part of the Red River at this time.

In 1702, war having broken out between France and Spain on the one side and England on the other, Mobile was made the chief French post, with a naval station at Dauphin's Island. Iberville and the officers under his command, in spite of continual attacks of fever and other climatic diseases, were indefatigable in the prosecution of their explorations. The Red, the Yazoo, the Pascagoula, and Washita Rivers were all ascended, and the Arkansas was explored above Little Rock. In 1705 the Missouri, as will be seen farther on, was explored as far as the mouth of the Kansas River. The French colony, however, was removed as far as possible from prosperity. In 1701, Sauvolle died, and in 1706 a fatal blow was received in the death of Le Moyne D'Iberville, who could not be replaced. There was sickness, there were dissensions and famine in the midst of plenty, so that the helpless and incapable colonists were dependent on provisions imported from Vera Cruz, on acorns found in the woods, and on the charity of the Indians, among whom they more than once were forced to canton themselves in order to escape starving to death. The colonists were not fit for the tasks they had undertaken, — half were incapable adventurers, in search of easy good fortunes; half were fainéants, who did not intend to work, the sweeping of jails and prisons, the worst and meanest of tramps and idlers. The colonial and home governments both helped to confirm these settlers in their incapacity by encouraging them in the fruitless search after mineral wealth, and in hunting and trapping for furs, instead of giving them land and requiring them to till it. Supplies which should have been produced on the spot, and from the rich and teeming soil, were instead regularly sent over from France, and, being looked for, no effort was made to supplement them by the culture of the soil. The government also broke up or changed sentiments frequently and in an arbitrary manner, so that no one felt inclined to plant and improve where the holdings were of such uncertain tenure. The general result of this bad policy was disastrous in the extreme. Stoddard, in his Historical Sketches, says, "The crown was liberal in both men and money. During the first thirteen years about twenty-five hundred settlers arrived, and few of them ever returned, and the money expended on the colony during the same period amounted to the enormous sum of 689,000 livres. Yet such were the sufferings of the colony that, in 1712, it contained only four hundred whites, twenty negro slaves, and three hundred head of cattle."

The government, weary of such a steady drain from which no income was returned, and strained in all its resources by the expenditures of a gigantic war, determined to adopt another method with Louisiana. To abandon the colony there was simply to hand over a great province, with the possibilities of an empire in its future, to the English. It was accordingly farmed out, under a charter of singular liberality, to Anthony Crouzat, a wealthy merchant who had had extensive dealings already with the crown. Of Crouzat's charter and his success in the government of his enormous province more will be said presently; but it is necessary first to speak further of the progress of exploration and settlement along the course of the Mississippi. In 1698, on the 14th of September, just as D'Iberville was preparing to sail on his first voyage to Louisiana, a party started in eight canoes from Michilimackinac to descend and explore the Mississippi River and establish missions at different places. This party was under the lead of Father Francis Joliet de Montigny, a native Frenchman, but ordained in Quebec. Tonti, La Salle's lieutenant in 1683, had obtained of the explorer a grant of land on the Arkansas River, which the French government confirmed to him subsequently. When he established his post here, in 1686, he was anxious to have a mission settled on the spot, and in 1689 he gave to Father Dablon, superior of the Jesuits in Canada, a deed for a piece of land, eight acres, near the fort, on which a chapel and mission-house were to be built and a lofty cross reared. Tonti's deed provided that this was to be done by November, 1690, but there are no records to prove that it was done. When it became known in Canada, however, that a colony was to be planted by D'Iberville in Louisiana, St. Valier, the bishop of Quebec, claimed that the new settlements and the whole valley


of the Mississippi were in his diocese, and, consulting the Jesuit Seminary at Quebec, procured from them the establishment of a mission on the Lower Mississippi. Montigny was chosen to be the pioneer of this mission, and was invested with the authority of vicar-general. He is spoken of as "a man of vast designs and boundless zeal;" and Gayarré, in his "History of Louisiana," eulogizes him as the worthy descendant of that Galon do Montigny who was the standard-bearer of France at the battle of Bouvines. In company with Montigny were Father Antony Davion, a priest of the same seminary, Father John Francis Buisson de St. Cosme, a native and a priest of Quebec, and the Sieur de Vincennes, who gave his name to a village of the Miami Indians on the Wabash River, he having a trading-post and a lieutenancy there. Vincennes, whose family name was Buissot, is said to have been a nephew of Louis Joliet, the companion of Father Marquette. Tonti accompanied the party as far as the Arkansas, and St. Cosme's narrative of the journey is overflowing with expressions of obligation and gratitude to him. "He facilitated our course through several nations," says St. Cosine, "winning us the friendship of some and intimidating those who from jealousy or a desire of plunder had wished to oppose our voyage. He has not only done the duty of a brave man, but also discharged the functions of a zealous missionary. He quieted the minds of our employes in the little vagaries that they might have; he supported us by his example in the exercises of devotion which the voyage permitted us to perform, very often approaching the sacraments."

From Mackinac the voyagers proceeded to Green Bay, where the Jesuits had a mission among the Winnebagoes. Pottawattomies, and Sacs and Foxes; and thence made a detour to the Illinois River, fearing to go by the Wisconsin, on account of the hostility of the Fox Indians. They descended by way of Milwaukee and Racine to Chicago, where there was a Jesuit mission to the Miami Indians. There were two Jesuit missionaries at Chicago at this time, they having a house there. The Indian village numbered over one hundred and fifty cabins, and there was another village quite as large about a league distant. The missionaries accompanied the Indians in their different migrations, and it is probable that they had a house in every considerable stopping-place of the savages. The portage which St. Cosme describes was from the Chicago River to the Kankakee, and thus into the Illinois River. Navigation on the Illinois River began at La Salle's old fort. There was another fort at Lake Peoria, where also was the village of the Peoria Indians and the Illinois mission, then in charge of Father Marest. St. Cosme thinks it the best and most promising of all the Jesuit missions, there being a number of converts, among them the principal chief of the Illinois, whose name was applied to the village of Kaskaskia.

The party reached the Mississippi on the 5th of December, and finding it free of ice, proceeded to descend at once. Below the mouth of the Missouri and the painted rocks described by La Salle, the party landed on the Illinois side and proceeded to the Indian town of Kawechias (Cahokia), of which name this seems to be the first mention, though it is evident that Montigny must have heard of it either from Tonti or Father Marest. The Illinois here were in mourning in consequence of their losses from an attack of the Shawanese and the Chickasaws, in which they had lost many warriors. It gives one a new idea of the range and military strength of the Chickasaws to find them almost simultaneously operating on Lake Pontchartrain in Louisiana and opposite St. Louis. At the town of the Tamarois, an Illinois tribe some miles below, the Indians told them that they had never seen any Black Gown, except Father Gravier, who had visited them a few days before that. This would seem to fix a limit for the date of the establishment of the missions of Cahokia and Kaskaskia, which has been very hard to determine, and has been placed much earlier than this year. From the Ohio to the Arkansas St. Cosme does not see anything remarkable except the pelicans and the canes, which now begin to grow along the river's bank. Christmas-day was spent among the Quapaw Indians. Father Davion was given a station as missionary to the Tunicas Indians and Father Montigny took one among the Taensas, supposed to be a branch of the Natchez. St. Cosme remained among the Tamarois. Father Thaumur de la Source, in a letter which accompanies St. Cosme's narrative, says, "The finest country that we have seen is all from Chicagou to the Tamarois. It is nothing but prairies and clumps of wood as far as you can see. I will mention also, that many Canadians marry among the Illinois. I shall not come down within two years to know whether they will settle this country." Father de la


Source did settle there himself, however, for Charlevoix found him at Cahokia in 1721.

D'Iberville arrived out on his second voyage on Dec. 7, 1699. He brought with him a Canadian, a kinsman of his own, by name Le Sueur, and some thirty workmen. Le Sueur had been sent to Louisiana by M. L'Huillier, farmer general, to explore for minerals. He was a voyageur, familiar with the northwest, having been one of the party of Nicholas Perrot and Father Marest who, in May, 1689, planted a cross and took possession of Minnesota in the name of the French king. He had found a mineral which he esteemed valuable in 1695, had built a fort near it on the Upper Mississippi, two hundred leagues above the mouth of the Illinois, and had obtained from the home government permission to work this green earth (which probably was thought to contain silver). Le Sueur and his miners proceeded up the Mississippi from Biloxi, arriving at Tamarois in the country of the Illinois in June, 1700. On September 1st Le Sueur reached the mouth of the Wisconsin River. He had encountered on the way up two or three detachments of Indians in canoes, and as many small parties of Canadians. The latter were in pursuit of trade, while the Indians were upon the war-path. Le Sueur still pushed up the Mississippi, beyond the mouth of the Chippeway, and in his journal describes Lake Pepin and the caverns in the adjacent hills. He left the Mississippi at the mouth of the St. Peter's (the Minnesota) River, which he ascended to the Blue Earth River, on which his fort had been established in 1695. The post was enlarged and named Fort L'Huillier. Le Sueur's narrative, as made up by La Harpe, is valuable from the amount of information it gives respecting the Sioux Indians and their habits. His mine never came to anything, and he returned to France in 1702.

While Le Sueur was ascending the Mississippi, Father Gravier was going down that stream from the Miami mission at Chicago. As Le Sueur went up the river he was met at the mouth of the Illinois by a Canadian, who gave him a letter from Father Marest, warning him of hostile acts of the Sioux above. It is possible that this messenger may have been traveling with Father Gravier's party. Father Gravier found the Kaskaskias band in the act of migrating from their town on the Illinois River and descending the Mississippi, as he seems to have supposed, to go to Louisiana. But it is more likely that they were simply making their annual journey to their lower towns on the Kaskaskia River, where, in fact, they stopped, Father Marest accompanying them. Leaving the Illinois and the priests at Tamaronha (Tamarois, — Cahokia and Kaskaskia country), Father Gravier descended the river to assist Father du Ru, who was D'Iberville's chaplain, and had a mission among the Houmas Indians. Gravier describes the buffaloes as lining the banks of the river as he went down-stream, and speaks of seeing fifty bears in a single day. These bears were always traveling from south to north. Gravier also found distinct traces of the English on the Mississippi at this early day. In one instance it was a small band of Mohegan Indians, below the mouth of the Ohio, who spoke in the Algonkin and Shawanese dialects, and traded much with the English. This may have been by the way of the Ohio and the Alleghany Rivers, the Dutch traders from Albany getting access to the headwaters of the latter stream by favor of the Iroquois. But Father Gravier also found in a village of the Arkansean Quapaws swords and guns of English make, which they said had been brought to them the previous year by an English trader, who had prejudices, and made threats against the Jesuit missionaries. This trader probably had come to the Mississippi through the country of the Chickasaws, and he most likely started from South Carolina or Georgia, though it is possible that he may have descended into the Indian country along the well-beaten path of the Cherokees, through the Cumberland and Shenandoah valleys. The fact of the presence of an Englishman on the Mississippi in 1699 seems to remove the obstacle of impossibility which stood in the way of the alleged earlier journeys in that direction undertaken by Englishmen, as, for instance, Col. Wood, in 1654, who traversed Kentucky as far as the Mississippi, and Capt. Bolt (or Batt), who reached the Mississippi through Kentucky in 1670. It also gives new interest to the legend of the twenty-three Spaniards who are reputed to have been wrecked at the mouth of the Mississippi in 1669, and to have ascended that river, the Ohio, and the Alleghany, as far as the site of the present town of Olean, thence proceeding to Onondaga, from which point they were forwarded to New York. The chief


of the Kappas, when questioned by Gravier, recollected the visit of Father Marquette to his tribe twenty-seven years before, or pretended to do so. Father Gravier evidently did not entertain a high opinion of the Lower Mississippi, either as a place for colonies or a field for missions, and he doubts if the court will consent to maintain the settlements there when it discovers that there are no mines and that all the country is subject to inundations every year. The fort on the Mississippi whence he wrote, at Poverty Point, thirty-eight miles below the site of New Orleans, was, he said, apparently selected out of regard for the mosquitoes, which he fancied must be more abundant there than in any other place in the world. "In sooth," he says, "they have given us little truce for seven or eight days, but at this moment they sting me in close ranks, and in the month of December, when we ought not to be troubled by them, there was such a furious quantity that I could not write a word without having my hands and face covered, and it was impossible for me to sleep the whole night. They stung me so in one eye that I thought I would lose it. The French of this fort told me that in the month of March there is such a prodigious quantity that the air is darkened with them, and that they cannot distinguish each other ten paces apart."

It will be noticed that in these various narratives there is distinct evidence of a floating population of Canadian French, voyageurs and coureurs des bois, along the Mississippi, and in and around the Indian towns on its banks, and between it and the lakes, from about 1685. There is no evidence, however, of any distinct French settlements in this section, except only the missions, anterior to the year 1700. The Indians themselves were migratory in their character. The missionaries accompanied them in their wanderings, so as not to lose their influence, and Mr. Shea is probably right in supposing that at the time of D'Iberville's first voyage Tonti's fort on the Illinois was the only permanent French establishment west of the lakes, unless we may add to the list Le Sueur's fort on the Blue Earth, which was abandoned by at least a part of its garrison, and Tonti's little fort and mission at Arkansas Post, in regard to the occupancy of which at that time there is no positive intelligence. It had been La Salle's plan to gather the Indian hunters of the Illinois, Miamis, and allied tribes, with the coureurs des bois, around the fort of St. Louis des Illinois, so as to have a large and strong town there, at once capable of resisting the raids of the Iroquois and of producing large results in the fur trade. The Jesuit missionaries, as they by degrees converted or brought the Illinois under their influence, succeeded in breaking up their migratory habits and in gathering them into towns. They did not, however, succeed in making them strong enough to repel the assaults of the Five Nations, and hence, when the Illinois Indians planted themselves permanently, they abandoned their large settlements of Kaskaskia, Peoria, etc., on the Illinois and on the borders of Lake Michigan, and went to reside in their winter quarters of Cahokia, Tamarois, and Kaskaskia, on and near the Mississippi, opposite St. Louis. The narratives just quoted from indicate the beginning of these towns, the population of which was reinforced by tribes dwelling lower down the river, who dreaded the assaults of the Chickasaws, and by coureurs des bois and half-breeds, who were roaming about in search of peltries. It was probably by a gradual and, in many cases, imperceptible process that these Indian towns became converted into French villages, and hence the clouds that conceal the dates of their supposed beginnings. Mr. Dillon justly says, in his "History of Indiana," "neither the occasional presence of a missionary, nor the sojournings of adventurous explorers of the country, nor the periodical visits of fur-traders, can be fairly regarded as the founding of civilized settlements." Nor can a migratory Indian town be looked upon as a fixed and stable plantation, and the prairie Indians were much more nomadic than their brethren in the East. In 1795, Little Turtle, chief of the Miamis, said to General Wayne, "The prints of my ancestors' houses are to be seen everywhere in this portion. It is well known by all my brothers present that my forefather kindled the first fire at Detroit; from thence he extended his lines to the headwaters of Scioto; from thence to its mouth; from thence down the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash; and from thence to Chicago, on Lake Michigan." In such a state of things a town could not be said to become permanent until the influence of the whites predominated, and houses took the place of lodges. The chimney is the only anchor of a house, and the Indians never built chimneys.

La Salle's fort, on the St. Joseph's River of Michigan (near the site of South Bend), was built as early as 1679, but the first permanent settlement west of


Lake Erie was made by Antoine de La Motte Cadillac at Detroit in 1701. In that year Cadillac, who was a witty attaché of Frontenac's at Quebec and had commanded at Michilimackinac in 1694-96, where he had quite a garrison, a large Indian village, and a town of fur-traders and coureurs des bois under his protection, went from Montreal to Detroit, established a fort, and laid out a town. In 1705 the French king gave La Motte authority to concede land to actual settlers. The concessions were in the shape of cumbrous leases, with many feudal conditions attached, an annual rent to be paid in peltries, timber and mineral privileges reserved to the crown, restrictions imposed for the protection of game, etc. The grantee was bound to plant or help to plant a May-pole in front of the principal manor-house every first of May; he could not sell the land without permission of government and the payment of a tax, nor mortgage without leave, nor work at particular trades without a license, nor grind his corn except at the mill of the manor, nor buy nor sell except under many restrictions. Under such circumstances it was natural for adventurers like the coureurs des bois and the fur-traders, all of whom traded spirits to the Indians for furs, to keep away from the government plantations and seek places for their settlements where they could enjoy more freedom. In 1702 the Sieur de Juchereau established such a post south of Lake Erie, in company with the Jesuit Father Mermet, either on the Ohio, as is commonly supposed, or, as some hold, at the Miami town on the Wabash which was subsequently called Vincennes. La Salle's and Tonti's fort of St. Louis des Illinois appears to have been abandoned about the year 1700, or about the time that Father Gravier speaks of the movement of the Illinois Indians to the South. It was not long after this date, certainly, that Kaskaskia became a permanent settlement. Charlevoix, when he was at Cahokia, complaining of the folly of planting a town so far inland, was told that when it was first settled it was immediately on the bank of the river, which had receded from it so far in that brief interval. The reverse of this happened at Fort Chartres, on the Mississippi, in a line with Kaskaskia. According to Capt. Pittman, "when the fort was began, in the year 1756, it was a good half-mile from the water-side; in the year 1766 it was but eighty paces; eight years ago the river was fordable to the island; the channel is now forty feet deep." Cahokia, or, as Pittman calls it, Kaoquias, "the village of Sainte Famille de Kaoquias," was the first settlement on the Mississippi. Its site was not well chosen, as it was liable to be flooded. "The land was purchased of the savages," says Pittman, "by a few Canadians, some of whom married women of the Kaoquias nation and others brought wives from Canada, and then resided there, leaving their children to succeed them."

We must conclude, in view of all the facts, that Cahokia (or Tamarouha) and Kaskaskia began to be French settlements about the time of the permanent removal of the Illinois Indians from their summer to their winter quarters. This, as Father Gravier's "Relation" shows, was in 1700. Peoria probably had at that date a colony of French trappers and hunters. Vincennes, the Miami town, became a French post in 1702 by the establishment there of the Sieur de Juchereau. The evidence for this is complete, — the only doubt having arisen from the fact that the first French explorers applied the name "Ouabache" to the whole Ohio River instead of to its Indiana branch solely. But Gravier's "Relation" shows conclusively that in 1700 this confusion no longer existed, and the Ohio and the Wabash were clearly distinguished from one another, and each was called by its own appropriate name. The language of Father Marest's "Relation" in 1712 is, "Les François étoient établis un Fort sur la fleuve Ouabache; ils demandčrent un missionaire; et le Pčre Mermet leur fut envoyé." Mermet went with Juchereau in 1702; his ministry was among the Mascoutin Indians; there never was any French fort on the Ohio, nor were the Mascoutins ever that low down. They were about Vincennes, where the Piankeshaws had a village, as also the Twightwees had one at La Salle's post on the St. Joseph's. Oct. 19, 1705, M. de Vaudreuil wrote to the French minister that he had sent "Sieur de Vinseine to the Miamis." For this M. de Pontchartrain reprimanded M. de Vaudreuil, saying, "His majesty desires that you cause the Sieur Vincennes to be severely punished, — he having carried on an open and undisguised trade." In 1712, however, M. de Vaudreuil again sent Vincennes to the Miamis. In this year, 1712, both Cahokia and Kaskaskia have an authenticated existence — by the record. There was a church and a mission in each place, — Notre Dame des Cascasquias and La Sainte Famille de Caoquias. The former had grown to be quite a considerable town. The French and Indians lived contentedly together.


"You call us your children," said an old Shawanese chief to Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison when the latter was Governor of Indiana; "why do you not make us happy as our fathers, the French, did? They never took from us our lands; indeed, they were in common between us. They planted where they pleased, and they cut wood where they pleased, and so did we. But now, if a poor Indian attempts to take a little bark from a tree to cover him from the rain, up comes a white man and threatens to shoot him, claiming the tree as his own." This speech explains precisely the reason why the French got along so amicably with the Indians, and why there is an irrepressible conflict between the Anglo-Saxon and the Indian. The Frenchman had no land hunger. He was a trapper or a trader, and his attempts at agriculture were neither elaborate nor extensive. Besides, he knew how to accommodate himself socially with the savages, entered into all their sports and games, and took a squaw in every village to which he came.

The Illinois were a social race. They had none of the taciturnity with which their kinsmen are, perhaps wrongly, credited, but had the manners and the vices of a city population. From the first they seemed to have formed a strong attachment for the French. La Salle and Tonti made a powerful impression upon them, and the Jesuit missionaries knew how to maintain and extend their influence. Thus the Frenchman was always welcome to the villages of the Illinois, and, whether the missionary or trader went west by the route of the Illinois River or by that of the Wabash, he had to pass by an Illinois town. The coureur des bois did not care to leave his hunting-grounds so far behind him as to carry his peltries to Quebec or Montreal, and the fur-trader was only too happy to meet him half-way in the Indian towns and relieve him of his goods at an enormous enhancement of the profit. Thus the Indian towns at the portages and landing-places gradually became the homes of the hunters and trappers and the visiting-points of the traders, and thus we can understand what M. de Denonville wrote in his memoir to the home government dated 8th March, 1688, that the French had "divers establishments" on the river Mississippi, "as well as on that of the Oyo, Ouabache, etc., which flow into the said river Mississippi." Kaskaskia and Cahokia were seated in "a country prolific in all the bounties of nature." The soil produced every sort of fruit and grain, — "the deer, the buffalo, and the elk furnished in those days bountiful supplies, the rivers abounded with fish, while the furry and the feathered tribes afforded articles for comfort and for trade. Surrounded thus by good things, what more could a Frenchman have desired, unless it were a violin and a glass of claret? The former we are told they had, and we have good authority for saying that they drank excellent wine from their own grapes." There are deeds on record at Kaskaskia which bear the date of 1712, says the authority just quoted. This town was beautifully situated on the point of land formed by the junction of the Kaskaskia River with the Mississippi, — not immediately at the confluence, but three or four miles above, as Philadelphia was located with respect to the Delaware and Schuylkill Rivers. The site of the town is a deep alluvial plain, with high bluffs on the side of the Kaskaskia River opposite. In Cahokia the land is too low, and liable to be flooded by every rise of the Mississippi. After the establishment of Fort Chartres in 1718, Kaskaskia became the seat of government of Upper Louisiana, and was of consequence enough to be assumed as the centre from which all distances were measured in the surrounding country. In 1721 it was the capital of the Louisiana "district, of Illinois." From this date the French settlements on the Mississippi must be treated as integral parts of the Louisiana system.

That system did not overflow with liberality nor any other kind of grace. It was military at one pole and intensely ecclesiastical at the other. Louis XIV. was besought by the Huguenot refugees in England and America for leave to move in a body into Louisiana, colonize it, and loyally hold it as a fief of the crown. They would doubtless have developed and improved the country rapidly. But the king replied that he had not expelled them from France to enable them to build up their heresy in America, and in the code of 1724, for regulating the province of Louisiana, — a code promulgated by royal ordinance "in order to maintain the discipline of the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church," — the director-general and officers were commanded "to remove from said country all the Jews who may have taken up their abode there; the departure of whom, as declared enemies of the Christian name, we command within three months, including the day when these presents are published, under pain of forfeiture of their bodies and estates." In article second of the code all slaves are commanded to be baptized and educated in the same church, and article third says, "We prohibit any other religious rites than those of the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church, requiring that those who violate this shall be punished as rebels, disobedient to


our commands. We prohibit all meetings for this purpose: such we declare to be unlawful and seditious assemblages, subject to the same penalties inflicted upon masters who shall permit or suffer it with respect to their slaves."

The military hand did not rest less lightly than the ecclesiastical. Before Crozat took charge of the colony the administration, while quarreling among themselves, united to oppress and "regulate" the colonists. Nobody was free except the sixty or seventy Canadians who led a roving and dissolute life among the Indians. The imbecile government meddled with everything, and created a hundred abuses under the pretext of correcting one. It sought to repair its impotence by its ubiquity. It could not teach the colonists to keep themselves from starving, but it could force them to regard the province as a prison. Thus, Bienville, the most enlightened and energetic man in Louisiana, and the one who had its interests most sincerely at heart, could write to the home government in the following terms: "I have ordered several citizens of La Rochelle to be closely watched, because they wish to quit the country. They have scraped up something by keeping taverns. Therefore it appears to me to be nothing but justice to force them to remain in the country, on the substance of which they have fattened." Bienville also asked leave to exchange Indian slaves for negro slaves in the West Indies. "We shall give," he said, "three Indians for two negroes. The Indians, when in the islands, will not be able to run away, the country being unknown to them, and the negroes will not dare to become fugitives in Louisiana, because the Indians would kill them." In 1712, Anthony Crozat obtained his charter from the king. It was time, for the colony was almost at the last gasp. The letters patent to Crozat cover an immense and extraordinary grant. It was a gigantic monopoly of an embryo empire. It said that "upon the information we have received concerning the disposition and situation of the countries known at present by the name of the province of Louisiana, we are of opinion that there may be established therein a considerable commerce, so much the more advantageous to our kingdom, in that there has been hitherto a necessity of fetching from foreigners the greatest part of the commodities which may be brought from thence; and because, in exchange thereof, we need carry thither nothing but commodities of the growth and manufacture of our own kingdom, we have resolved to grant the commerce of the country of Louisiana to the Sieur Anthony Crozat, our counselor, secretary of the household, crown, and revenue, to whom we intrust the execution of this project. We are the more readily inclined hereunto, because his zeal and the singular knowledge he has acquired in maritime commerce encourage us to hope for as good success as he has hitherto had in the divers and sundry enterprises he has gone upon, and which have procured to our kingdom great quantities of gold and silver in such conjunctures as have rendered them very welcome to us. For these reasons, being desirous to show our favor to him, and to regulate the conditions upon which we mean to grant him the said commerce, after having deliberated this affair in our own council, of our certain knowledge, full power, and royal authority, we, by these presents, signed by our own hand, have appointed and do appoint the said Sieur Crozat solely to carry on a trade in all the lands possessed by us, and bounded by New Mexico and by the lands of the English of Carolina, all the establishments, ports, havens, rivers, principally the port and haven of the isle Dauphine, heretofore called Monacre; the river of St. Louis, heretofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as the Illinois; together with the river St. Philip, heretofore called Missouri, and of St. Jerome, heretofore called Ouabache, with all the countries, territories, lakes within land, and rivers which fall directly or indirectly into that part of the river St. Louis." Crozat was to have a fifteen years' lease of this territory; to search for and open mines and reap the profits of mining, less one-fifth to the crown, and to send a vessel once a year to Africa for slaves. He was to own in perpetuity all the land he improved, the buildings he put up, and the manufactures he established; and for nine years he was to receive fifty thousand livres a year for public expenses, after that to bear all the charges of government himself; and he was required to send two ships to Louisiana every year, laden with colonists and supplies.


Crozat found his new province in a slipshod state. There were five or six forts, three or four hundred beggarly colonists, and about seventy-five Canadian coureurs who took the king's pay as militia. The new manager of the colony was a business man. He sent for La Motte de Cadillac from Canada to act as Governor, retained Bienville as lieutenant-governor, and reinforcing the colony with men and goods, directed a vigorous search after mines, while seeking the means of introducing French goods into Mexico. Gayarré laughs at Cadillac, who seems to have been as proud and poor as Frontenac, but no Governor could have built up Louisiana under the circumstances, no matter what his abilities. Cadillac wrote home that the inhabitants were no better than the country, — they were the scum and refuse of Canada, ruffians, vagabonds, profligates. He declared that the colony was not worth a straw as it was, but he hoped to make something of it. He did not succeed, though he came near doing so, if his advice to the ministry, to give the colonists as much land as they wanted, without conditions, had been taken. It was not taken, however, and Cadillac was sent off on a wild-goose chase after gold-mines, while Bienville, with whom the Governor quarreled, though his was the only clear head in the province, secured peace with the Natchez Indians. Cadillac encountered much laughter and opposition in his efforts to carry out his ideas of government. "There are as many Governors here as there are officers," he wrote. "Every one would like to perform his duties according to his own interpretation of them." The colony, he said, was "a monster without head or tail, and its government is a shapeless absurdity. . . . Verily, I do not believe that there is in the whole universe such another government." Crozat finally dismissed him, in the bluntest way, for incompetence, but the new Governor, De l'Epinay, did not succeed any better, and finally, in August, 1717, Crozat threw up his charter.

The Regent d'Orleans was practically king of France in this time of the minority of Louis XV., and the kingdom was overwhelmed with the debts incurred by Louis XIV. in pursuit of glory. Crozat had accomplished nothing for Louisiana and for France, but some of his agents had extended the limits of the French possessions in several directions. St. Denys, a hero of romance, had planted the French standard far up on the Red River, and on the Rio Grande and the Rio Bravo. Another and permanent post was established on the Sabine. Charleville had reached the Cumberland River, opened trade with the Shawanese, and established a post where Nashville now is, in 1713, while Fort Toulouse was built on the Coosa River, above the mouth of the Tallapoosa, and Bienville completed Fort Rosalie at Natchez in 1716. The immense province of Crozat had paid nothing to legitimate enterprise, but that fact probably made it more valuable for purposes of speculation, and France was just in that bankrupt and desperate condition which, fits a country to become the prey of speculators. The regent was an adventurer himself, and adventurers flocked about him. Legitimate financiering offered no prospect or hope, and this opened the door wide to illegitimate financiering. When Crozat surrendered his charter, the Council of State received it gladly, resolving that it was to the interest of France that Louisiana should be fostered and preserved; that this was an undertaking beyond the strength and resources of any individual; and, as such enterprises would not be proper for a king, on account of the inseparable commercial details, Louisiana should be intrusted to a company. This was the origin of the Company of the Indies, chartered by the Parliament of Paris less than a month after Crozat withdrew from the colonial business. The Company of the Indies was the contrivance of the faro banker John Law, the friend of the regent, who had undertaken to restore the collapsed finances of the state by creating something out of nothing. He had started the Bank of France, and, to give a show of stability to the operations of this stock-jobbing concern, he proposed the Western Company, or the Company of the Indies, another stock-jobbing concern, for its support. One bubble could not sustain itself, but the bubble which rested on another bubble had something solid under it, so people thought. The bank would be very profitable if it had the revenues of the Indies Company out of which to get its dividends. Louisiana was only a dream in France, but Law and the regent took care that it should be a handsomely gilded dream. All France for a while was seized with the infatuation of sudden riches, and the result was the most gigantic speculation ever known, followed by the worst financial crash and the most wide-spread ruin.

The Western Company speculation, however, which crippled France, was not without its advantages to Louisiana. The company had a monopoly of the revenues of the province, but it needed to improve the condition of the province in order to show any revenues. Some, at least, of the one hundred million livres of the original subscription of Louisiana stock had to be spent in Louisiana. The company was under bonds to introduce into the province six thousand whites and three thousand negro slaves. Bienville became Governor. He determined to settle on the river, and in 1718 he selected the site and planted


the present city of New Orleans, giving to it the name of the dissolute regent. A company of two hundred miners and assayers, under command of Francis Renault, was dispatched to the Upper Mississippi. On his way to Louisiana Renault stopped at San Domingo and bought five hundred negro slaves, whom he took to the Illinois country, — the beginning of slavery in Missouri, for Renault's slaves worked in the lead-mines west of Ste. Genevieve. Boisbriant, the king's lieutenant for Louisiana, who arrived out in the spring of 1718, proceeded up the river, assumed the government of the Illinois district, and built Fort Chartres, on the Mississippi, not far from Kaskaskia. This post thus became the centre and seat of government of the Illinois district, and population gathered around about it. To hasten the colonization of Louisiana, the company made numerous and extensive grants of land, with provisions attached requiring the importation of settlers. Law obtained a tract of twelve miles square on the Arkansas, to which he transplanted fifteen hundred German emigrants from Alsace; Leblanc and others got a grant on the Yazoo, which they planted; Bernard la Harpe secured a grant at Natchitoches; De Meuse at Point Coupée; St. Reiné among the Tunicas; Diron d'Artagnette at Baton Rouge; Paris Duvernay at Bayou Manchac; Du Muys at Tchoupitoulas; the Marquis d'Artagnac at Cannes Brulées; Madame de Chaumonot at Pascagoula, etc. The settlements on the Sabine and at Natchitoches and the exploits of St. Denys alarmed the Spaniards, who now pushed several posts into Texas, occupying and fortifying San Antonio de Bexar, Bahia, and Goliad, and then advancing as far as Nacogdoches and founding the mission of San Miguel de Linarez. La Harpe, who built Natchitoches in 1719, made many explorations westward into Texas, conciliating the Indian tribes and setting up trading-posts. He now pushed beyond the Spaniards and established a trading-post still farther up the Red River, at an Indian town one hundred and fifty leagues beyond Fort Natchitoches, in what is now Arkansas. War having broken out between France and Spain, Bienville reduced Pensacola, while a Spanish expedition crossed from Santa Fé to the Missouri River. This expedition was intended to excite the Pawnee or Osage Indians to make war on the Missouri Indians, who were allies of the French. The party crossed to the Missouri River, in the neighborhood of Sabine County, where they fell in with the Missouris, and. mistaking them for the Osages or Pawnees, revealed their plans to them, and were in consequence massacred in the night. This bold attack led the French to erect a fort on an island in the Missouri River, about the mouth of the Osage River.

Five hundred slaves were brought over from Africa in 1719, and by 1722 there were 2100 Guinea negroes in the colony, the annual importation after that ranging from one hundred to three hundred. A man slave sold for 600 livres and a "likely" woman for 500 livres. In February, 1720, five hundred and eighty-two emigrants arrived out from France. They included some women from the streets, and even from the houses of correction and the hospitals of Paris, who were thought to be good enough to become wives of the Canadian colonists. Many other settlers began to come out, and explorations were pushed and trading-posts established in various quarters. The years 1722-23 were full of disaster and gloom for Louisiana. Law's Mississippi bubble had burst, the company was a wreck, and the seven thousand recent emigrants in the new province found their supplies suddenly shut off. The result was famine, and many starved to death. Indian wars also broke out in several places, and the garrison at Fort Orleans in the Missouri (near Jefferson City) was massacred. The Chickasaws captured the Yazoo fort, and finally the Natchez Indians broke into revolt, and were exterminated before they would submit. Terrible storms devastated the crops and laid the fields waste, and the troops in some of the garrisons mutinied. In 1733, however, when the government of the India Company ceased, it was seen that the colony had grown and developed greatly. The population was over seven thousand, including some men of enterprise and wealth, agriculture had become the established pursuit of the people, and there were a great number of new and prosperous settlements. In the Illinois and Wabash sections in particular great crops were produced, supplying the lower sections and yielding besides an exportable surplus. The peltry trade from this section was valuable and important, and a good many flourishing towns had sprung up here. The whole country had an established civil government, and the vicar-general at New Orleans, representing the diocese of Quebec, saw that religious instruction was amply supplied. In short, there can be no doubt of the exactness of the thoughtful Stoddard's conclusion, that "whoever takes a correct view of the transactions of the Mississippi Company must be convinced that it was of infinite utility to Louisiana, perhaps the preservation of it, particularly as it possessed energy and resources. . . . From this period may be dated the gradual progress of the colony to a more eligible condition, though it was occasionally interrupted by the Indians and Spaniards."

It was about this time that Louisiana began to feel


the proximity of the English upon its eastern border. The Chickasaw Indians, and sometimes the Choctaws, were more or less under the influence of English traders and hostile to the French. Some of the dispersed Natchez took refuge among the Chickasaws, and when Bienville demanded their surrender another war began. Bienville from New Orleans and D'Artagnette from Fort Chartres marched against the Chickasaws in 1736. Their stronghold was on the headwaters of the Tallahatchee, and at Pontotoc they were able to defeat the French army under Bienville and his Choctaw allies, compelling the veteran to retreat, while D'Artagnette, Vincennes, their Canadian forces and their allies, the Illinois Indians, headed by Chicago, were crushed on the Yallabusha, in an assault upon another of the Chickasaw towns. The Illinois ran away, the best of the Canadian troops were slain, and D'Artagnette and Vincennes, taken prisoners, with the faithful Senat, the Jesuit missionary, were reserved for the stake and the torture. Bienville renewed the attack on the Indians in 1740, but his military genius had left him with his youth, and a treaty with the Chickasaws showed that he dreaded to encounter them again. With this his public career of forty years in Louisiana ceased, and he was superseded by the Marquis de Vaudreuil. From this time until the outbreak of war with England and the English colonies in 1754, Lower and Upper Louisiana had a season of quiet prosperity and continual advancement. In 1754. M. de Vaudreuil became Governor-General of Canada, and M. de Kerlerec succeeded him as Governor of Louisiana. The French had increased their settlements, and colonists were coming in every year, as they had been steadily doing since 1740. Poverty and shiftlessness had given place to a diversified and profitable husbandry, the culture of indigo, sugar, and tobacco being added to that of the cereals, and Louisiana now began to export largely.

But the pressure and encroachments of the English increased steadily. The French had explored the Ohio, ascertained the geography of Upper Louisiana, and attempted to connect it permanently with Canada and lower Louisiana by a line of forts, which were placed pretty much where La Salle had long ago indicated. The expectation of the French seemed to be that the barrier of the Appalachian Mountains would constitute a perpetual boundary between their territory and that of the English. The French courted and won favor with the Eastern Indians, who were greatly exasperated at the appropriation of their lands in Pennsylvania. In 1753 the disaffection of the Eastern tribes seemed so general that the French were encouraged by it to advance their frontiers. They erected forts at Crown Point, Niagara, Rivičre du Boeuf, and at the junction of the Alleghany and Monongahela Rivers. These advances were too significant to be disregarded by the English, who had already learned the value of the lands west of the mountains. A series of military operations ensued, which resulted in the conquest of Canada and the expulsion of the French from all those parts of Upper Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi River. This was the immediate cause of the settlement of St. Louis.

It is difficult to name the precise period when the English government and colonies became acquainted with the resources and the capabilities of the Mississippi valley. The French were certainly much more forward in acquiring a knowledge of these regions, as they were also in settling them. But it is still the fact that the charters under James I. and his successors, while giving a definite front upon the Atlantic Ocean, with distinctive parallels of latitude to mark the boundaries between the different colonies and companies, claimed that the territory granted extended in every case through to "the South Sea." What that meant exactly neither grantor nor grantees knew in anywise, but the time was now coming when an interpretation of the charters and patents would be forced. The grant of "Carolana," which has already been spoken of, was never perfected by a settlement, and it only led to a feeble and ineffective protest when Oglethorpe planted his colony in Georgia. The English explorations towards the Mississippi and the ascents of that river, if they ever were made, bore no fruit, and it seems probable that the earliest knowledge of the fact that there were regions of surpassing fertility on the western side of the Appalachian Mountains was gained by the English in 1710, when Lieutenant-Governor Spottswood, of Virginia, at the head of the exploring party fantastically named by him "The Knights of the Golden Horse-Shoe," crossed the Blue Ridge Mountains and saw the fertile lands of the valley of Virginia, and beyond. But, while the French were completing their chain of posts from Quebec to New Orleans, the English contented themselves with checking their rivals in the Chickasaw country, interfering with them on the Gulf of Mexico, and challenging their advances in the section between Lakes Ontario and Champlain. The first indication of an intention to advance the frontier practically (aside from the careful reservations made in European treaties and the assiduous nursing of Iroquois pretensions to the indefinite extension of their hunting-grounds westward) was made in the establishment of Fort Oswego, in 1722. In fact, the English knew astonishingly


little of the sections over which the French coureurs des bois had been roaming and ranging at will for a generation. We have only scant and uncertain traditions of English traders passing thitherwards now and then, and these experimental journeys could not have been very numerous, for every English trader who crossed the mountains knew that he risked his scalp at every mile of his route. Spottswood, as the result of his explorations, proposed to the British ministry in 1716 to form a company for settling on the Ohio, and James Logan, Secretary of Pennsylvania, who often met the Delaware, Shawanese, and Iroquois Indians, and was well advised of what was being done by the French in Ohio and Indiana, was almost importunate in insisting on the necessity of establishing British outposts in Western Pennsylvania, on the mountains, and on Lake Erie and the Ohio River. The ministry was indolent, however; home affairs were concern enough for it, and it was loath "to give umbrage to the French."

In 1729, Joshua Gee, a hard-headed Englishman, published in London an ingenious discourse on trade, in which he insisted that it was essential to the maintenance of British commercial supremacy that colonies should be extended westward to the Mississippi and its tributaries. About 1730, John Salling and Thomas Morlen, adventurous Virginians and borderers, crossed the Blue Ridge, it is reported, intent upon making an exploration of the "Upper Country," which the inveterate hostility between the Indians and the Virginia "Long-Knives" had kept an unknown region. They crossed into the valley, traversed it as far as the headwaters of the James River, and had come near the Roanoke when they were captured by Cherokees. Morlen made his escape; Salling was carried prisoner into Tennessee and adopted as a member of the tribe. Subsequently, while on a hunt in Kentucky, Sailing was captured by the Illinois Indians and taken to Kaskaskia. After various adventures and six years of captivity, he was finally ransomed by the Governor of Canada and exchanged through Fort Orange, New York, and Williamsburg. His story, on his return, of the rich and fertile regions and mighty rivers and prairies he had seen fired the popular imagination. Winchester, Va., had just been settled, and John Lewis and John Mackey, wishing to find new settlements, employed Salling as their guide. The three established themselves in the valley of Virginia, near the head of the James, and here, in 1736, John Lewis was visited by Burden, agent of Lord Fairfax, who had a patent for extensive tracts in the northern neck. While Burden was with the Lewises he captured a bison calf, which, on his return to Williamsburg, he presented to Governor Gooch. That official, in return, made Burden a grant of half a million acres of land west of the Blue Ridge and the Shenandoah, upon condition that he settled a hundred families upon the tract within ten years. Burden complied with the terms of this grant, and did it so well that some of the most distinguished families in Virginia are derived from the colonists on Burden's grant. Among these may be named the McDowells, Crawfords, McClures, Alexanders, Wallaces, Pattons, Prestons, Moores, Matthews, etc., names familiar likewise in Western annals.

In 1742, John Howard crossed the mountains from Virginia, descended the Ohio in a skin canoe, and was taken prisoner by the French on the Mississippi. This journey, however, has none but tradition to rest upon, though De Haas seems to fancy that the English claims to "priority of discovery" have partially their source in Howard's supposititious journey, the real priority claim standing upon Cabot's discovery alone, and the assumption that that gave rights which extended clear across the continent. This was supplemented by the purchase of the claims of the Iroquois Indians, who pretended to the right, by conquest, of all the territory north of the Cherokee country and east of the Mississippi. The Five Nations had indeed made successful raids upon all this region, and they asserted their supremacy throughout all of it, saving only so much as was occupied by the Miami confederacy. If this claim had been good the English were rightful owners, for they had certainly bought out the Iroquois pretensions, both in the treaty of 1684, negotiated by Lord Howard and Governor Dongan, and in that of 1726, when the Indian confederacy ceded all their lands to England, in trust for themselves, however, "to be protected and defended by his majesty, to and for the use of the grantors and their heirs." France, by the treaty of Utrecht, was debarred from invading the territory of England's Indian allies, and consequently, if the validity of the Indian claim could be established, it carried everything else with it. But this cannot be done. The convenience and the policy equally of the European nations required them to agree, by common consent, to the principle that Indian titles covered no more than the good will of the Indian nations conveying them. The Indian's deed was a relinquishment, valid against himself, but not necessarily of effect in favor of others. With his conveyance all his own rights ceased, but he had not the power at will to designate


the successors to whom he wished those rights to pass. The treaties referred to, therefore, and equally the treaty of Lancaster in 1744, must be regarded as nugatory in their effects upon the French rights of possession in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys. This Lancaster treaty had been negotiated between the Six Nations and commissioners from Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, with the aid of the well-known Pennsylvanian interpreter, Conrad Weiser.

In 1744, at the same place, another treaty was negotiated, to which not only the Iroquois, but the Twightwees (or Miamis) and the Shawanese, were equally parlies, and all these Indians surrendered lands upon the condition of protection. The fact of the negotiation of these treaties shows that the colonial and imperial governments of the English had awakened to the fact of the value of the lands in the "Western country." The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle had not distinctly defined the boundaries between the British and French possessions in the West; both claimed large territories which the Indians still possessed, but which were becoming prospectively valuable as immigration increased and cheap land was less easily accessible. The claim of the English by right of discovery, such as made by men like Howard, was speedily backed by claims founded on possession and occupancy; for English traders at least, if not settlers, began to pour into the new country. The technical form of the general English pretension was as follows: "That all the lands or countries westward from the Atlantic Ocean to the South Sea, between 48 and 34 degrees of north latitude, were expressly included in the grant of King James the First to divers of his subjects, so long since as 1606, and afterwards confirmed in 1620; and under this grant the colony of Virginia claims extent so far west as the South Sea, and the ancient colonies of the Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut were by their respective charters made to extend to the said South Sea, so that not only the right to the sea-coast, but to all inland countries from sea to sea, has at all times been asserted by the crown of England."

An active and often fatal rivalry now began in the Ohio country between English pioneers and French occupants and traders, the latter, as a rule, having the sympathy of the Indian tribes. The French historians, while in general terms they impeach the treachery of "perfide Albion" in these struggles, have not shown themselves unintelligent to the general issue and the causes which led to it. M. Barbé Marbois, in his very manly and satisfactory history of the cession of Louisiana (in which indeed he was a leading actor), speaking of the times of which we now write, says, "The chase, the amusement of civilized man, is the principal business of savages. The French, having become equally capable of fatigue with the Indians, were always ready to accompany them, and to second them in all circumstances; they therefore scarcely ever experienced the treachery so commonly employed towards the English, who attempted to form isolated settlements. But, besides the inconvenience arising from this dispersion, there was another obstacle to the progress of the French colony: the officers from Europe had, for the most part, only false notions with respect to colonial government. They were named through favor, and the most important places were oftentimes only filled by dependents, who accepted them in hopes of making or re-establishing their fortunes." The wide dispersion of the French settlers, which made them incapable of offering an effectual resistance to British encroachments, seems, however, to have proceeded from the fact that the French traders, trappers, and hunters followed the Indians from place to place. It suited the convenience of their business for them to do so, and then, moreover, they thus eluded the petty inspections and local tyranny of the Canadian and Louisiana governments, which men accustomed to the woods and the lakes and rivers found it very hard to bear.

But the Indians soon discovered that, if the French


were more kindly and sociable, the English traders paid them better prices and made the business of hunting more lucrative. The British traders had more capital, less time to spare, and they bought rapidly. To make the business they were upon go off still more rapidly, they were very liberal with their rum and spirits. The Pennsylvanian traders went into the Ohio wilderness in considerable numbers, and they found means to interfere materially with the business of the French. They were rough men, mountaineers, rude in manners, carrying their lives in their hands. Their dress was half Indian; they were experts in the use of the rifle, and they did not scruple to use their deadliest weapons in their frequent feuds. The roughest and most adventurous of these border characters were generally employed as retainers of the fur-trader; they drove his pack-horses in the long train across the mountains and rivers; protected him from outlaws and Indians, and, when he had reached camp, they scattered about among the Indian towns, hunting-camps, and wig-wams, trading goods, suitable to the wilderness traffic for furs and peltry. The trade which thus sprung up was valuable enough to the bordermen of Pennsylvania to excite the emulation of Maryland and Virginia; one consequence of which was the establishment of the Ohio Company in 1749. Lawrence and Augustine Washington were both connected with this scheme; but the founders and chief persons in the enterprise were John Hanbury, a London merchant of wealth, and Thomas Lee, president of the Council of Virginia. When Lee died, Lawrence Washington became chief manager of the Ohio Company, and promoted its interests with intelligence and judgment. Conrad Weiser, the Lancaster (Pa.) interpreter, had been to a meeting of the Shawanese at their village of Logstown (on the north side of the Ohio River, seventeen miles below the site of Pittsburgh) in 1748, and he had seen how valuable the lands were all through this section. His mission, in fact, while it was in part to conciliate the Shawanese and make them presents, in order to neutralize the influence of Peter Chartiez, a French half-breed (who had recently dwelt in Philadelphia, but was now a refugee among the Shawanese, and seeking to engage them in hostile acts against the English), was, in fact, also to learn whether or not the tribes could be induced to look favorably upon a large acquisition of land upon the Ohio by the English. Col. Thomas Lee had been one of the commissioners of Virginia at the Lancaster treaty in 1744, where he had become acquainted both with Weiser and the Shawanese. When Weiser returned from his visit to Logstown the Ohio Company was formed, with ten other Virginians in it besides Lee and the two Washingtons; the king, upon being petitioned, at once ordered the government of Virginia to grant to the company half a million acres of land west of the mountains, to be held free of quitrent for ten years, two-fifths of the land to be located forthwith, and settled by planting one hundred families upon it within seven years; besides which, a fort was to be built for the protection of the settlement. About the same time other companies for the colonization of the West were formed in Virginia, including the Loyal Company, which had 800,000 acres, and the Greenbrier Company, which was granted 100,000 acres.

The Ohio Company, however, could not move so briskly but it was anticipated by the French. Before its charter was drawn and in hand Vaudreuil's successor, the Marquis de la Galisonničre, Governor of Canada, sent Louis Celeron de Bienville, with a battalion of three hundred men, to the Ohio to make peace with the Indians and renew the French possession of the country. Celeron at several points on his march planted stakes, with plates of lead at their base, bearing inscriptions in French to the effect that in 1749, Louis XV7dot;, through Commandant Celeron, had buried these plates "as a monument of renewal of possession which we have taken of the said river and all its tributaries; and of all the land on both sides as far as the sources of said rivers; inasmuch as the preceding kings of France have enjoyed it, and maintained it by their arms and by treaties, especially by those of Ryswick, Utrecht, and Aix-la-Chapelle." Celeron also captured sundry Pennsylvania traders in Ohio, and sent them home to Governor Hamilton, with letters notifying him that in the future all such intruders would be rigorously dealt with. At the same time the Miami Indians sent wampum-belts to Governor Hamilton, notifying him that the French, with their buried plates, were trying to steal the country from the Indians, and assuring him that their friendship for the English would endure as long as the sun and moon ran round the earth. Governor Hamilton and the Pennsylvania Council sent an envoy to the Ohio Indians in the autumn of 1749, in the person of George Croghan, a veteran trader, who knew the Western country very well. He was amply supplied with presents, and had with him Andrew Montour, a Canadian half-breed, for interpreter. The Ohio Company had just sent out an agent to explore lands on the Ohio on its account. This was Christopher Gist, a native of Maryland, a hardy and expert pioneer, whose home was on the banks of the Yadkin, in the same section from which Daniel


Boone afterwards started out on his path to Kentucky. Gist made his way to the Ohio by the Indian path through Cumberland, Md., the path which later became the bed of the National turnpike road. At Logstown he found the "half-king," Tanacharisson, a Seneca chief, in power. The half-king was a member or vassal of the Iroquois confederacy, but his people were mixed, — some Iroquois, some Delawares, some Miamis and Shawanese. Gist found some of Croghan's rough people in Logstown, and discovered Croghan was only a few days in advance of him. He pursued at once and overtook the Pennsylvania agent at Muskingum, a town where the Mingoes and the Wyandots had pitched their wigwams. Gist and Croghan now concluded to act in concert on account of the hostility of the French. They raised the English flag and called a council of the Ohio Indians to meet at Logstown in the spring. They next explored the chief parts of Ohio, including Piqua, chief town of the Twightwee or Miami confederacy, over which the sachem of the Piankeshaws then presided. A treaty of alliance was made with the Miamis, who sent home some French envoys with rather a hostile message. Gist descended the Ohio almost to Louisville, then he crossed over into Kentucky, followed the river of that name to its source in the Cumberland Mountains, crossed the headwaters of the Great Kanawha, the ranges of the Alleghany and Blue Ridge, and finally reached his home on the Yadkin, having made a journey of over a thousand miles, the greater part through an unexplored wilderness.

The French at once dispatched Captain Joncaire, "a veteran diplomatist of the wilderness," to prevent the Ohio Indians from concluding the proposed treaty with the English. Joncaire was the best possible person to have charge of such a mission. He had been captured by the Iroquois when a child, adopted into the tribe, learned their language and manners and customs, and, since his return to civilization, had been repeatedly employed as ambassador to or mediator between the Indians, and he had not unfrequently led their war-parties. But the council at Logstown was proof against even Joncaire's persuasions, though it was said of him that he had the wit of a Frenchman and the eloquence of an Iroquois. They rejected his gifts and his propositions. The English, they told him, were their brothers, and "Onontio" (the Governor of Canada in Indian phrase) had no rights or pretensions on the Ohio except such as the Indians could afford to disdain. The commissioners of Virginia, Messrs. Fry, Lomax, and Paton, in the conference at Logstown in the spring of 1752, finally procured from the Miamis, Shawanese, Delawares, and Western Iroquois a deed confirming the Lancaster treaty of 1744 in its full extent, consenting to a settlement on the Ohio, or rather southeast of it, and guaranteeing to it the protection of the Twightwee confederacy. Meantime, the alliance of the English with the Miamis had been in some measure sealed in blood. The French had attacked some Pennsylvania traders at a post at Pickawillany, near Dayton, Ohio; the Miamis defended them and were defeated, losing fourteen warriors, while the traders were carried off prisoners to Canada. This war, thus begun, was maintained on the Ohio and extended to Canada, while there was still apparently profound peace and the most elaborate entente cordiale between France and England in Europe. Practically, it did not cease until the French were expelled from Canada and from all their territory in America.

Joncaire blustered and threatened, but Gist, having returned to the Ohio, completed his surveys of the territory ceded by the Indians to the Ohio Company, and laid out a town and fort on Chartier's Creek, near the site of Pittsburgh. Gist had fixed his residence west of Laurel Hill, not far from the Youghiogheny, and eleven families of pioneers crossed the mountains with him. But the French were not ready to yield the Ohio country yet awhile, and, in spite of treaties, they knew how to deal with the Indians better than the English. An old Delaware sachem, seeing Gist planting his surveying stakes along the Ohio all the way from the Monongahela to the Kanawha, said to him. "The French claim all the land on one side the Ohio, the English claim all on the other side; now, where does the Indians' land lie?" But the Indians knew of old that their French fathers were not near so land-hungry as their English "brothers." Besides, the French were building forts, and arming them, in a systematic and persistent fashion. In 1753 they had completed their works at Presqu'isle (Erie), on Lake Erie; Fort Le Boeuf, on French Creek (Waterford, Pa.), and Venango, mouth of the same stream. On the opposite side of the stream to Venango, Fort Mitchell was built. Before the end of that year Fort Du Quesne was also projected, and a fort at Logstown.

These encroachments on what was claimed to be English territory caused a degree of agitation in the colonies. The Governor-General of Canada had told Tanacharisson, the half-king, that none of the Ohio lands were the Miamis' or belonged to the English either, and that the French meant to build a fort at the forks of the Ohio. The Ohio Company complained loudly to Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, and he did not disregard the appeal. He was


himself a stockholder in the company. He sent a commissioner, Capt. William Trent, to expostulate with the French. Capt. Trent went to Logstown, and thence to Piqua. He found the place in ruins and the French flag flying above it. He lost heart and came home, his commission not discharged. Dinwiddie now selected George Washington to do the important errand. Washington was in the militia; he was a surveyor of experience, though only twenty-two years old, and he was familiar with the affairs of the Ohio Company, of which his brother Lawrence, just deceased, had been managing director. His instructions were chiefly to find out what the French were doing in Ohio, and what forces they had there. He was also to communicate with the friendly Indians, and renew relations with them as allies of Virginia. Washington set off at once, being joined at Wills' Creek by the pioneer, Christopher Gist. Both the journal of Washington and that of Gist in relation to this expedition have often been published, and there is no need to recite their contents over again. Washington found out that the French on the Ohio were receiving reinforcements from New Orleans as well as from Canada. After a conference with the Indians at Logstown, Washington passed on to Venango, where he was entertained by Joncaire in a jovial way. The French claimed the whole Ohio country in virtue of La Salle's discovery, and vowed that they would prevent it from being settled by the English. After a visit to the French post at Presqu'isle, and encountering numerous delays from the French and dangers from the Indians, Washington and Gist were enabled to return home. They had not accomplished much in the way of diplomacy, but had gathered information such as left no room for doubt of the formidable character of the French forces in Ohio, and their determination to prevent the Virginians and Pcnnsylvanians from making settlements there. It was evident, also, that they were preparing to occupy the Ohio River in the spring. Capt. Trent was ordered by Governor Dinwiddie to the frontier, to occupy and fortify the site in the forks of the Ohio. Washington was to raise a company and go out to take command of the new and important post. Dinwiddie besought the other colonies to aid him in resisting the French invasion, but New York sent only money, and Pennsylvania debated whether it really was invasion or not. Meantime, before the Virginia troops could take the field, the French were active. They mustered in force at Venango in April, 1754, descended the Alleghany in their bateaux, and captured the new fort at the mouth of that river, with its puny garrison. This was the first act of the war, which ended only with the end of New France and French rule in America. Capt. Contrecoeur, who demanded the surrender of the fort, claimed that the country upon the Ohio had been confirmed to his king by the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle. He also accused the English of employing Indians in the beginning of the struggle for supremacy. The war which ensued was certainly as much an Indian war as it was an intercolonial struggle between France and Great Britain for the control of the North American continent. It was attended with a thousand atrocities, and the deep hatreds engendered by the massacres of settlers on the borders of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania still subsist among their great-grandchildren, who are to-day the pioneers of the far West. The capture of Nova Scotia was a substantial fruit of the early English operations, but the defeat of Braddock brought the tomahawk and scalping-knife into regions which had been exempted from Indian raids for fifty years, and sent a thrill of horror through every British colony. The Shawanese raided the valley of the Blue Ridge, and the Cherokees broke up the settlements on the Clinch and Holston Rivers, while in Pennsylvania the Delawares, at their headquarters at Kittaning, overawed the whole State, and compelled forts to be erected at the pass of the Swatara, at the forks of the Schuylkill, at Shippensburg, Carlisle, and Gnadenhütten.

The next year was one of disaster to the British army and of misery to the British colonies. But in 1757 William Pitt became Prime Minister of Great Britain, and proceeded to organize victory on sea and land and in three continents at once. By the end of 1758 England had recovered all she had lost and acquired a new prestige. Fort Frontenac and Fort Du Quesne both fell after the capture of Louisburg by Boscawen, and Christian Frederick Post, the brave and devoted Moravian missionary, after a perilous journey in the heart of the savage wilderness, succeeded in paving the way for the pacification of the Indians. In 1759, Wolfe captured Quebec, while Amherst occupied Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and Sir William Johnson, successor to Prideaux, received the surrender of Fort Niagara. On Sept. 8, 1760, M. de Vaudreuil, Governor-General of Canada, capitulated in form, and the English were given undisturbed possession of every French post and town in the province of New France. The war was still prosecuted, however, in Europe until February, 1763, when the peace of Paris was negotiated. England restored Havana to Spain, but received in return East and West Florida France ceded to Spain, by a secret article of the treaty


all of Louisiana lying west of the Mississippi, while England took from France not only the whole of Canada, but also all of Louisiana east of the Mississippi, the boundary being "fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the middle of the river Mississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence, by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and the Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea," including also Mobile and every place on the east side of the Mississippi except the city of New Orleans and the island on which it stands. The navigation of the Mississippi was made free to both nations.

By this treaty sixteen French posts and towns north of the Ohio River were surrendered to the English, including Vincennes, mouth of the Ohio, Cahokia, Kaskaskia, and Fort Chartres. There were also in this "Illinois country," as the region west of the Wabash was called, the villages of St. Charles and Ste. Genevieve on the west side of the Mississippi, and Prairie du Rocher on the east side. But, in fact, at first the cession was only nominal. The French were loyal in the extreme to their ancient government, and the Indians were the allies and the friends of the French, with whom they had always lived on the best terms of intimacy. The British garrisons in the various posts which had been surrendered by Vaudreuil's capitulation were only sure of the ground inside their ramparts, and not always safe even within these narrow limits. The Indians looked upon the British as their natural foes, and did not consent to believe themselves obliged to submit either in consequence of the capitulation or the treaty. The French traders and coureurs des bois hated the English bitterly, and encouraged the Indians in their hostile attitude. The results of this were soon seen in the conspiracy of Pontiac, when nearly every post in Canada and the West was surprised and captured by the Ottawas and their allies, who, however, invariably spared and protected the French, while murdering and torturing the English. This conspiracy broke out only two months after the ratification of the treaty of Paris, and, when Pontiac could no longer maintain the war, he fled, broken and dispirited, to the Illinois towns, and took refuge there and in St. Louis among his friends the French.

When George Croghan, the famous pioneer and scout, now the commissioner of Sir William Johnson, went west in 1765 to learn the disposition of the French and secure their aid, if possible, in preventing a recurrence of Indian wars, he was not prepossessed by what he saw at Vincennes, where he was taken by a party of Indians who had made him their prisoner. "On my arrival there," he wrote, "I found a village of about eighty or ninety French families settled on the east side of this river, being one of the finest situations that can be found. . . . The French inhabitants hereabouts are an idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much worse than the Indians. They took a secret pleasure at our misfortunes, and the moment we arrived they came to the Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder. . . . The French have great influence over these Indians, and never fail in telling them many lies to the prejudice of his majesty's interest, by making the English nation odious and hateful to them. I had the greatest difficulties in removing these prejudices. As these Indians are a weak, foolish, and credulous people, they are easily imposed on by a designing people, who have led them hitherto as they pleased. . . . The Indian (Twightwee) village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit during the late Indian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment, came to this post, where ever since they have spirited up the Indians against the English. All the French residing here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief and spiriting up the Indians against the English, and should by no means be suffered to remain here." Croghan is a prejudiced witness, but his facts are valuable. They are corroborated from other sources, all going to show that the French in the Illinois settlements were impelled to seek the other side of the Mississippi not only by their dislike of the English and their attachment to French institutions, but also by the dislike and suspicion manifested by the English towards them.

The Illinois settlements at the time of the treaty of Paris were under the government of M. de St. Ange de Bellerive, commanding at Fort Chartres. He was subordinate to M. d'Abadie, Director-General of Louisiana, who lived in New Orleans. The secret of the surrender of the country west of the Mississippi to Spain was not known or suspected by the French authorities, and, as soon as they knew of the treaty of Paris and that the Illinois country had been abandoned to the English, both D'Abadie and St. Ange exerted themselves to extend and increase the French settlements on the west bank. D'Abadie, in June, 1763, had granted to Pierre Laclede Liguest and his associates a charter, giving them power to trade with the Indians in Missouri and establish the necessary posts among them. Laclede, with his party, including Auguste and Pierre Chouteau, ascended the Mississippi River for New Orleans, and reached Ste. Genevieve on November 3d. It is here that the history of St. Louis properly begins.


There were only two French settlements at that time on the western bank of the Mississippi above the post of Arkansas. One was a trading-post on the present site of New Madrid, the date of the establishment of which, according to doubtful tradition, was 1740. The place was simply a resort of traders and hunters, who killed great numbers of bears and manufactured bear's grease for sale, shipping it to New Orleans by the Kaskaskia traders. The creoles consequently called the bend of the river on which the settlement was established L'Anse de la Graisse, or Greasy Bend. The old village of Ste. Genevieve, the other settlement within the limits of Missouri at this time, was founded about 1755. Here it was that Laclede landed, and here he might have established himself, except for the fact that the beautiful plateau on which the town stood (three miles below the present town) was too far from the mouth of the Missouri River to suit his purposes. He crossed to Fort Chartres, and, wintering his party there, explored the western bank of the river for a site for his town.

In 1765, Captain Stirling, of the British army, came to the Illinois settlements by way of Detroit, and received the surrender of Fort Chartres from St. Ange, the latter retiring with his garrison of twenty-one men to the western side of the river. Stirling demanded the allegiance of the people of the French settlements, and guaranteed to them the protection of the British government for their persons, estates, and religion. This did not, however, reconcile them to the English rule, and so many crossed the river to the French settlements on the west bank that Fort Chartres lost seventy out of eighty families, and Cahokia very nearly in proportion. It was the disbanding of a happy people, not overly rich nor prosperous; not enterprising at all, except in the hunt and the adventurous long voyage of canoe and flat-boat, but kindly, merry, hospitable. Their villages, built in long, narrow streets on the margin of a prairie or the wood-fringed bank of a stream, were made compact and crowded, so that each might hear his neighbor's voice and have the chance to vie with him in volubility. Their houses were simple, plain, uniform, but solidly built, of stone or adobe, and each with its porch and garden. Every village had its "common-field" and its "commons," in which each householder had an equal fee-simple property, and the "common-field," essentially a communal estate, was tilled by municipal regulation, for the joint benefit of all the community. The "common," in the same way, afforded pasturage for the stock of the village.

"Care," says the compiler Monette, "was a stranger in the villages, and was rarely entertained many days as a guest. Amusements, festivals, and holy days were frequent." All danced alike, the patriarch and the infant, the matron and the priest; all had the same faith, the same forms of worship; all dressed alike, and had the same simple manners and the same round of domestic tradition. All spoke the same patois, a soft and bastard French, lacking the verve and elasticity of the French of Paris, and pervaded by the genuine creole languor and drawl. The men wore the blanket capote, with hood and cape, long vest, blue shirt, and short breeches. In winter the hood of the capote protected the head; in summer, a blue cotton handkerchief was worn about it. The women dressed in the short jacket and petticoat which is so common a garb of the peasantry; in winter they wore stout moccasins and clogs, but in summer went barefoot.

The government was mild and paternal; the commandant had both civil and military jurisdiction and despotic power, but he lived among his people like the father of a family; he treated them kindly, they obeyed, respected, and loved him. They had few schools, little learning, no science. Education was of the simplest; its limits were what the village curé permitted and what the parish clerk was capable of imparting. Their courts were void of form and technicalities, and the many delays, uncertainties, and formalities of the English and American courts, when first introduced into this "terrestrial paradise" of Illinois, became a source of much annoyance and inconvenience, and often of grievous loss, to the unsophisticated habitans.

Chapter IV.


"IT was nearly two centuries and a quarter after the brilliant but ill-fated expedition of De Soto before any systematic effort was made for the settlement of the valley of the Upper Mississippi. In 1673,


Marquette and Joliet sailed down the Wisconsin in birch canoes, and then with their frail craft explored the Mississippi to the mouth of the Arkansas. In 1680, Hennepin traced the Upper Mississippi from the confluence of the Illinois to the Falls of St. Anthony. In 1682, La Salle, starting from Illinois, descended the Mississippi to its mouth. These intrepid and heroic pioneers revealed to the world the magnitude of the Mississippi and the richness of the valley which it drained. But so gradual was the progress of settlement, that it was more than eighty years after the explorations of La Salle had made known the wondrous wealth of the Mississippi valley before the trading-post of St. Louis was founded.

"But at length the resources of Upper Louisiana began to attract the attention of commercial enterprise, and in 1762 the firm of Maxent, Laclede & Co. obtained from the Governor-General of Louisiana an exclusive control of the fur trade of the Missouri and other tribes of Indians as far north as the river St. Peter. This monopoly was a guarantee of wealth, and the company immediately took steps to avail themselves of the valuable privileges of their charter. Liguest was the youngest member of the firm, and to him was assigned the task of selecting a site for a trading-post in Upper Louisiana. Nature had


specially fitted him for this service. He was fortunately endowed with the attributes of bravery, sagacity, and love of adventure, which insure success in pioneer enterprises.

"Under the royal license and the instructions of his firm, Liguest at once began active preparations for his northern expedition. With a few hardy men, attracted by their fondness for wild adventure, he left


New Orleans Aug. 3, 1763. His boats, unshapely in structure and heavily laden with goods destined for the Indian trade, were ill adapted to encounter the impetuous current of the Mississippi. It required an exertion of the utmost strength of the oarsmen to force the unwieldy craft up the stream. Even on the lower river there were at that time very few villages, but from Natchez to the settlements in the Illinois country — a distance of about seven hundred miles — the wilderness was peopled only by savages. At length, after months of weary toil, Laclede reached Ste. Genevieve. This village was then the only large French settlement on the west side of the Mississippi. The exact year of its foundation is not known, but there is legal evidence of its existence in 1754. Tradition ascribes its origin to the proximate date of 1735. But in 1763, though a place of commercial importance, it had no room for the storage of Laclede's goods, or for the entertainment of his men. At this time M. de Neyon de Villiers was commandant of Fort de Chartres. Informed of the difficulties which beset Liguest, De Neyon relieved his embarrassment by an invitation to store his merchandise at Fort de Chartres until he had erected his own warehouse at the trading-post which he was about to establish. After a brief rest from the fatigues of his voyage, Laclede resumed his journey, and reached Fort de Chartres in just three months from the day he left New Orleans.

"Placing his goods in the custody of the fort, he again set forth to accomplish the object of his mission. With a few companions he ascended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Missouri, carefully observing all the natural advantages of situation. On his return, with a full knowledge of the merits of the several localities, he promptly chose the spot on which St. Louis now stands as the site of his trading-post. Its local superiority relieved him of the embarrassment of a doubtful choice. High, salubrious, and central, the situation possessed the twofold excellence of fitness for healthful residence and of matchless facilities for commercial exchange. Liguest expressed his delight at the attractions of the place in a prediction whose fulfillment has rendered it historic. Upon his return to Fort de Chartres, in the fullness of his enthusiasm, he assured the commandant that "he had found a situation where he intended to establish a settlement which might become hereafter one of the finest cities of America."

"Auguste Chouteau, then a lad of thirteen, had


accompanied Laclede on his voyage. Bright and active, he won the confidence of his patron and was promoted to trusts beyond his years. In the events which attended the founding of St. Louis his name occupies a place of historic prominence. Before leaving the site which he had selected, Laclede marked the trees for the future identification of the locality, and informed young Chouteau that as soon as the Mississippi was free from ice he must return to this spot, fell the forest, and put up cabins for his men. The winter months were spent in active preparations for the future settlement. An open spring permitted an early resumption of the work of colonization. Acting under the direction of Liguest, young Chouteau left Fort de Chartres with about thirty men, and arrived at the selected site on the 14th of February, 1764. Early on the morning


of the 15th his men began the humble labors which subsequent events have rendered memorable. They cleared a space in the primeval forest and sheltered themselves with temporary scaffoldings. They then put up a tool-shed and a few log huts. These first buildings, the rude beginnings of a metropolitan greatness, were erected on the block on which Barnum's Hotel now stands. Laclede selected a site for his own residence, and laid out a plan for the future village.


"St. Louis owes its title to a mingled sentiment of piety and patriotism. Under the illusion that the vast domain lying west of the Mississippi was still a French possession, Liguest named the


newly-founded post in honor of Louis XV., the reigning sovereign of France.

"According to tradition, his companions, in grateful recognition of his services, desired to call the place Laclede, but the founder modestly declined the justly deserved distinction.

"The arrival of the English troops at Fort de Chartres, to take possession of the territory which the treaty of Paris had ceded to the British crown, was daily expected. In anticipation of this event, Laclede deemed it important to remove his merchandise to St. Louis prior to the occupancy of the country by the English. But a singular incident detained him for a time in St. Louis. The growing settlement, menaced by an unforeseen danger, demanded his presence and protection. It was a fortunate accident that there were no Indian villages in the immediate neighborhood of the new post. Possibly this fact may have been one of the reasons that led to the selection of the site. Jealousy of an invasion of their heritage might have incited the natives to hostilities fatal to the helpless colony.

"The Illinois Indians claimed to be the owners of the ground on which St. Louis stands. But they never disturbed the French settlers, and never demanded remuneration for the occupancy of their land.

"Yet even the remoteness of the Indian villages did not wholly exempt the colonists from savage annoyance. Having heard of the presence of Frenchmen in their country, a band of about one hundred Missouri warriors, with several hundred women and children, came down to the settlement. The date of their arrival was Oct. 10, 1764. The ostensible object of the visit was to procure a supply of provisions. The food given for the purpose of conciliating the savages proved a dangerous gift. The visitors were so delighted with the hospitality of their reception that they avowed a determination never to leave their generous entertainers. For a while Liguest tried by pacific measures to rid himself of his troublesome guests. He was then digging a cellar for his new house. The squaws were employed in making the excavation. They carried away the dirt in wooden platters and baskets. It was hoped that their aversion to steady work would induce them to leave the place, but the wages which they received reconciled them to their labor. The warriors would not work. Larceny was their only regular industry. The temptation for them to steal whatever they could lay their hands on was too great for successful resistance. At length the patience of Liguest became exhausted. Seeing no probability of their voluntary departure, he tried the virtue of intimidation. He threatened, in the event that they did not at once retire from the village, to bring over the French troops that were stationed at Fort de Chartres and expel them by force of arms. The menace proved effective. Reluctantly the Indians withdrew, and never again molested the settlers. Relieved at last of this source of solicitude, Laclede at once returned to Fort de Chartres to superintend the removal of his merchandise. A


desire to insure the safety of his goods was not his only motive in making this transfer. He disliked the English, and did not wish to be the recipient even of their favors. This aversion to the British fostered the growth of the infant settlement. The Seven Years' War in Europe had recently closed, but the bitterness of feeling which it excited still pervaded the colonies of the New World. The Peace of Paris changed the bounds of empire in America as well as in Europe. By this readjustment of imperial limits all of Louisiana lying on the east side of the Mississippi, with the single exception of the island of New Orleans, became a dependency of Great Britain. But the French residents of Eastern Louisiana indignantly resented the transfer. They preferred to abandon their homes rather than become subjects of the British crown. When, in June, 1764, in accordance with the instructions of Governor d'Abadie, M. de Villiers, the last French commandant of the Illinois conntry, withdrew from the province in anticipation of the arrival of the English forces, many French families from Fort de Chartres, St. Philippe, and Prairie du Rocher accompanied him to New Orleans. Others, entertaining the erroneous belief that the west bank was still a part of the French empire, went to St. Louis.

"It is stated that the immigrants from Illinois were so alarmed by the visits of the Missouri Indians in the fall of 1764 that they fled to the east side of the Mississippi. Their flight reduced the colony to its original number. But after the withdrawal of the Indians the settlers, reassured of safety, returned to St. Louis.

"The Indians also hated the stern and imperious character of the English, and consequently transferred to St. Louis a large part of the fur trade which they had formerly carried on with Fort de Chartres, Kaskaskia, and Cahokia. This combination of circumstances so materially increased the population and business of St. Louis, that the village became in the first year of its life one of the most important places in Upper Louisiana.

"St. Louis soon became the germ of other settlements. Carondelet, St. Charles, Bonhomme, Florissant, and Portage des Sioux are the offspring of this fruitful young colony.

"In a letter dated the 21st of April, 1764, the King of France officially announced to M. d'Abadie, the Governor-General of the province of Louisiana, that by the secret treaty of 1762 the island of New Orleans, and all of the French territory on the west side of the Mississippi, had been ceded to Spain. When, in the following October, this change of allegiance was proclaimed to the people of Louisiana, there was a sudden and violent outburst of public indignation. The citizens denounced with bitter execration the dastardly impolicy of the French monarch, who had, by this inglorious act of surrender, alienated loyal subjects and relinquished a magnificent empire. When, in the course of time, the news reached Upper Louisiana, this feeling of public dissatisfaction was equally intense. An active opposition to the change of domination was organized. Spain, fearing armed resistance to its authority, resorted to amicable measures, and deferred the exercise of its sovereignty. Governor d'Abadie died Feb. 4, 1765, and it was said that mortification at his inability to execute the commands of his royal master hastened his death.


"At first no organized form of civil government existed in St. Louis. The few mechanics and hunters who accompanied Laclede were bound to each other by the ties of personal friendship and common interests. The restraints of law were not needed to preserve public order.

"His imperial charter doubtless vested in Liguest discretionary powers of government. But, unwilling to transcend the express privilege of his royal license, Liguest preferred to devote his attention exclusively to his mercantile interests. Indisposed to assume political responsibility, he exercised only those civil functions that were essential to the welfare of his infant colony. It was indispensable that the settlers should have a title to the ground on which they built their cabins. Accordingly Laclede granted allotments of land, with the right of use until the inchoate claim was confirmed by an authority competent to confer a full title.

"But the accession of immigrants was gradually changing the condition of the young settlement. When M. De Neyon evacuated Fort de Chartres, June 15, 1764, he confided to St. Ange de Bellerive the important duty of surrendering the country to the English authorities. The principal forts to be delivered to the British were Peoria. on the Illinois River; Marsiac, on the Ohio; and Vincennes, on the Wabash. A fort on the Osage River and another on the Kansas, about four hundred miles from the mouth of the Missouri, though not comprised in the territory ceded to the English, were also included in the order of evacuation.

"St. Ange, with one captain, two lieutenants, and a company of forty men, remained in charge of the post until the arrival of the British troops. On the 10th of October, 1765, St. Ange, in the name of the King of France, delivered to Capt. Sterling, the accredited commissioner of his British majesty, formal possession of the Illinois country. Soon after the act of transfer St. Ange withdrew his command to St. Louis. The presence of an indolent soldiery


did not improve the morals or tranquillity of the colony. The need of an organized government to repress the growing tendencies to disorder and to punish violations of the law became urgent. Under the stress of a felt necessity, and without the sanction of Spanish authority, the people unanimously vested in St. Ange the powers of civil government until the arrival of his legally-appointed successor. It was reasonably presumed that Spain would promptly imitate the example of England in taking possession of its newly-acquired territory. It was not at all anticipated that years would elapse before the assertion of the Spanish right of sovereignty.

"St. Ange was now over sixty years of age. A veteran in military experience, he held the rank of captain in the French service. He was well fitted for the trust, which the public voice had summoned him to administer. His practical wisdom, fair dealing, and natural tact alike endeared him to his countrymen and to the Indians. His powerful influence among the natives was not at all diminished by the knowledge of his strong attachment to Pontiac, the famous chief of the Ottawa Indians. The popular authority temporarily conferred upon St. Ange all the powers that legitimately belong to a Governor. But personal preference restricted the executive functions of the new magistrate to the maintenance of public order, concessions of land, and the direction of the military department of the government. If St. Ange had performed the civil duties of his office, the public records would bear evidence of the fact. But the archives contain no legal documents attested by St. Ange as acting Governor. But the civil functions which M. de Bellerive declined to exercise were discharged by Judge Lefebvre and Joseph Labuscičre. Lefebvre, a native of France, had sought his fortunes in the New World. During his stay in New Orleans, he obtained from M. de Vaudreuil, the Governor-General of Louisiana, the grant of an exclusive right of trade with the Indians of the Illinois district. He came to Fort de Chartres in 1744. During his residence at that post he held the office of judge.

"Joseph Labuscičre came to the Illinois country from Canada. At Fort de Chartres he followed the vocation of notary and scrivener.

"These Frenchmen, sharing the antipathy which


their countrymen felt towards the English, came to St. Louis shortly after its settlement, and were soon associated with St. Ange in the administration of affairs. Some papers relating to private business were executed before Labuscičre, acting in the capacity of notary, early in 1766. The first of these papers, dated Jan. 21, 1766, is the oldest document recorded in the archives of St. Louis. The system of registered land grants was commenced in April, 1766. The first concessions bore the signatures of St. Ange as acting Governor, and of Joseph Lefebvre as former judge. Presumably it was De Bellerive's object to lessen, by this association of another name with his own, his personal responsibility for granting lands which no longer belonged to the French crown. Lefebvre died in August, 1766. After his death all legal documents were executed by Labuscičre, and kept in his custody. Though the land grants were all drawn by Labuscičre, they were signed by both the acting Governor and the notary. When, in May, 1770, the Spanish authorities took possession of St. Louis, Labuscičre delivered to Governor Piernas one hundred and ninety-four legal documents. The accuracy of the papers was attested simply by the signature of the notary. The acting Governor did not indorse


the certificate of correctness. These facts justify the inference that St. Ange did not administer the civil functions of the government.

"It is a singular incident in the history of St. Louis that its first form of government, though instituted in a period of rigid imperialism, was distinctly republican in character. The authority under which De Bellerive ruled was conferred by popular action


In its methods of creation this self-constituted government was purely democratic. The King of France could not legally appoint the lieutenant-governor of a province that had ceased to be a part of the French empire. Still less could the vice-regent in New Orleans do an act which his sovereign was not empowered to perform. But though the Governor-General could not confirm the action of the St. Louis


colonists with the full sanction of law, he yet sustained the popular choice by his personal approval, — the appointment of officers whose purely ministerial functions did not involve the grant of lands vested in the Director-General of Louisiana, until Spain assumed control of its possessions. In the exercise of this right, Governor Aubri completed the organization of the civil government of St. Louis by the appointment of two judges, an attorney-general, and a notary.

"Several events, interesting from the novelty of their first occurrence in the little colony, took place in 1766. The first marriage recorded in the archives was celebrated on the 20th of April, 1766. In the following May the rite of baptism was first administered. No church having yet been built, Father Meurin performed the ceremony in a tent.

"The first recorded mortgage was executed on the 29th of September, 1766. The first grist-mills of St. Louis were probably built in the same year.

"In the summer of 1767, the hopes of a reunion with the mother-country — which the loyal Frenchmen had never ceased to cherish — were effectually extinguished by the announcement that Spain had appointed officers to take possession of Louisiana. After the terms of the treaty of 1762 had been proclaimed to the residents of Louisiana the people were unremitting in strenuous endeavors to prevent the surrender of the ceded province. They remonstrated


against the transfer to Spain, and petitioned for a retrocession to France. But protests and supplications were alike unavailing. The treaty of 1762 imposed humiliating duties upon the French king. But Louis XV. did not shrink from the fulfillment of his inglorious obligations. It is certainly creditable to the monarch that he did not aggravate an ignoble policy by a violation of his plighted faith. But when the colonists found that their prayers had been unheeded and that Spain was actively preparing to enforce its authority, the popular resentment threatened to culminate in open revolt. What could not be accomplished by entreaty it was resolved to effect by force.

"Meanwhile, the King of Spain had appointed Don Antonio de Ulloa the Viceroy of Louisiana, and sent him with a body of troops to establish Spanish authority in the province. De Ulloa reached New Orleans March 5, 1766. Rios, the Spanish officer sent to take military possession of Upper Louisiana, arrived at St. Louis Aug. 11, 1768. Both of these officers found the temper of the people so hostile that they did not venture to establish the government which they had come to administer. They were unwilling to incur the responsibility of exercising an authority which could only be enforced by an effusion of blood. Though Rios went through the formality of taking military possession of Upper Louisiana, he did not venture to assume any civil functions. During the whole period of his stay in St. Louis, St. Ange still continued to administer the government. The futility of peaceful efforts to inaugurate Spanish supremacy constrained De Ulloa to relinquish an office whose duties he was not permitted to discharge. It is probable that De Ulloa, in view of his intended evacuation of the province, instructed Rios to retire from Upper Louisiana. At all events, on the 17th of July, 1769, this officer withdrew his forces from St. Louis, and the province was again free from the presence of foreign soldiers. The departure of the Spanish troops was hailed by the French settlers with acclamations of joy.

"The inclemency of the winter of 1768-69 was extraordinary. It was so cold that orange-trees were killed on the borders of the Gulf, and ice was formed on the banks of the Lower Mississippi.

"One of the memorable incidents of 1769 was the arrival of Pontiac in St. Louis. He came to visit his friend, St. Ange de Bellerive. He was received with a hospitality highly gratifying to the illustrious chieftain. The public curiosity was delighted with the opportunity of seeing a warrior who had shown such conspicuous evidences of greatness. His patriotic devotion to the interests of his race, his grasp of mind and power of military organization, his skill in planning campaigns, and his exploits on the field of battle, had rendered his name justly famous in the annals of Indian warfare. A chief whose martial prowess had caused the slaughter of two thousand Englishmen was naturally an object of interest to the French, but the appearance of the warrior disappointed expectation. He had become a sot. Thwarted in his great ambition to expel the English and unite all the Indian tribes in one powerful confederation, he had sought to drown the memory of his blighted hopes in the forgetfulness of inebriation. While the guest of St. Ange he received an invitation to visit his French friends in Cahokia. The danger of venturing into the presence of English foes was imminent, but all efforts to dissuade him from accepting the perilous hospitality failed. In spite of friendly remonstrance he went to Cahokia, and, after partaking too freely of the bounty of his French hosts, wandered away into the woods in the helpless stupor of intoxication. While in this defenseless condition Pontiac was murdered by a Kaskaskian Indian, whom an English trader had bribed to kill him. St. Ange deeply regretted the death of his friend. In accordance with his instructions, the body was brought to St. Louis and buried with military honors; but as no stone was erected to mark the place of interment the spot was in the lapse of time forgotten, and now the tread of myriad footsteps passes daily over the unknown grave of the illustrious chieftain.

"It was during this period that St. Louis received the nickname of ‘Pain Court.’ In the early times but few of the French settlers devoted themselves to farming. Hunting and trading with the Indians were more attractive pursuits. The limited village did not always produce an adequate supply of grain. The sobriquet probably owes its origin to a spirit of good-natured raillery. St. Louis, with a jocular reference to the poverty of its inhabitants, had called Carondelet ‘Vide Poche.’ The frequent scarcity of bread in St. Louis afforded an opportunity for retaliation, and ‘Vide Poche’ avenged its comical insult by applying to St. Louis the nickname which for many years supplied its rivals with a fund of derisive allusions.

"Trifling incidents sometimes suggest startling


comparisons. The contrast between the little village with its scanty supply of breadstuff and the metropolis which is now one of the great grain centres of the world is impressive. That a mart whose manufacture is now more than two million barrels of flour, and whose yearly receipts and shipments of grain exceed eighty-three million bushels, ever felt a lack of bread seems incredible."

Chapter V.


ST. Louis is the central point of the greatest river system on the globe. The valley of the Amazon embraces a broader area of territory, but that of the Mississippi is still the greatest of all valleys in every respect which concerns man and the sustenance, progress, and development of the human race; and St. Louis is situated at the controlling-point of this valley. In variety, extent, and utility of productions the Mississippi exceeds all other rivers. Unlike any other of the great rivers which span continents in the course of their progress, the Mississippi flows from the north to the south. The Nile, its nearest parallel, descends from south to north. The Amazon, the Orinoco, the St. Lawrence, the Plate, the Yangste, the Hoangho, the Danube, move in a general direction from west to east, thus failing to embrace that great extent of latitude of climate and of productions which their immense areas of water-shed would otherwise entitle them to. But the Mississippi, while its headwaters are cooled by the trickling rills and the clear lakes denoting the beds of ancient glaciers, and its stalwart body is invigorated by the strength of the temperate zone, bathes its tawny and impetuous feet in the tropics. The pine and the hemlock crown its head, the oak and the walnut give robustness to its middle, and it rests amid the regions of the cypress and the palm. If we should conceive the river, indeed, under the image of a tree, rooted in the Gulf of Mexico, we would find the great city of which we write situated precisely at the most convenient and eligible point to the three great branches which unite to make the trunk stream: the Missouri, the Upper Mississippi, and the Ohio.

This point is not only the geographical and hydro-graphical centre of the Mississippi basin; it is also the centre of greatest production. We have shown already how all the various streams of immigration and population seeking settlements and homes converge upon St. Louis. In the same way, St. Louis is the point of gathering for market of the products of the wheat region of the Northwest, the cereal plain lying between Lakes Michigan and Superior and the headwaters of the Missouri, extending north from the Missouri, the Illinois, and the Wisconsin Rivers into the higher parts of Manitoba. It is the centre also of the great corn and wheat country of the thirty-eighth to forty-first parallels, which begins in Western Kansas and extends to Western Virginia. It is the distributing point of the products of the elevated grazing plains of Texas and the far West, and its control of coal, iron, and wood, the materials of cheap manufacturing production, are making it the point to which the cotton crop of the Southwest necessarily gravitates. The upper and lower waters of the valley tributaries, both of them, bring to St. Louis the woods used in all manufactures in which timber, lumber, and their components are factors. The city is just upon the western edge of the Illinois coal-basin and upon the eastern edge of the Missouri coal-basin. It is adjacent to two great deposits of lead, and the largest masses of iron ore in the world are immediately convenient to its furnaces and foundries.

This valley of the Mississippi, and especially the part of it nearest to St. Louis, has always been recognized peculiarly as a centre of prolific agricultural production. When the French first explored the river they found "the great American bottom," on the opposite side to St. Louis, the seat of numerous and prolific Indian tribes, who cultivated corn and raised large crops, the prairies around covered with herds of bison and the river teeming with fish. These Indians had planted themselves among a great collection of mounds, the vestiges of a still older but entirely extinct civilization, of which not even a tradition survived. The plain from Cahokia to Kaskaskia and the banks of the river opposite, from the mouth of the Missouri to Ste. Genevieve, bear conclusive evidence of having been at one time the site of a great city, the centre of an agricultural people, who had fixed habitations and constructed gigantic public works. These works did not consist merely of mounds and the lines of fortifications; they comprised also works of civil engineering, of vast conception, executed on the largest scale. The Mound-builders not only built levees, protecting their fields from inundation, and enabling them in times of drought to irrigate wide spaces; they adopted besides a vast system, similar to that developed in Italy during the last century under the intelligent supervision of Leopold, Grand Duke of Tuscany, for preventing inundations


and restoring swamps and marshes to cultivation by intercepting the silt brought down by floods, and with it at once raising the level and increasing the fertility of their lands.

This system, which was applied on a moderate scale in ancient Egypt, was brought to great perfection by the Mound-builders, and some vestiges of the extrusive works constructed by them may still be traced. The plan of these works was, by means of a succession of dams and waste-weirs, to intercept the muddy flood-waters, retain them until their earthy contents had been precipitated, and then drain off the clear water. The deposits of alluvium thus secured would, in a succession of years, suffice to raise the surface of the country above flood-mark and convert swamp into dry and solid ground. A race which is competent to promote agriculture by a comprehensive system of civil engineering must be very far advanced in the scale of civilization. Now, St. Louis and the opposite plain was the site of the Memphis of this elder race, and they owed their civilization to the surpassing fertility and the wonderful climatic advantages of the place where they had planted themselves, just as the Nile made Thebes and Memphis, and Nineveh and Babylon were the products of the Tigris and the Euphrates. Rivers create a loess of population quite as fully as they pile up a loess of fertile soil.

The basin of the Mississippi, of which St. Louis is the key, comprises an area of 2,455,000 square miles. It extends through thirty degrees of longitude and twenty-three degrees of latitude, — an area greater than


that of all Europe when Russia, Sweden, and Norway are left out of the account. The basin of the Upper Mississippi has an area of 169,000 square miles, and a height of 1680 feet above the sea-level. The river, at 1330 miles above its mouth, has a width of 5000 feet, and a mean discharge of 105,000 cubic feet per second. The Missouri is 3000 feet wide at the mouth, with a mean discharge of 120,000 cubic feet per


second, and the area of its basin is 518,000 square miles. The Lower Mississippi has a width of 2470 feet at its mouth, and its basin comprises an area of 1,244,000 square miles. Its mean discharge per second is 675,000 cubic feet. The Mississippi and its tributaries afford an internal navigation of 9000 miles for steamboats. The main stream is navigable from its mouth to St. Paul, 1944 miles, and from St.


Anthony to Sauk Rapids, 80 miles. The Missouri is navigable at ordinary water to a point sixty miles above the mouth of the Yellowstone, 1894 miles, and at high water to Fort Benton, 2644 miles. The Ohio is navigable to Pittsburgh, 975 miles; the Monongahela to Geneva, 91 miles; the Tennessee to Muscle Shoals 600 miles; the Cumberland to Burksville, 370 miles; and there is slack-water navigation amounting to 550 miles on other Ohio tributaries. The Minnesota River is navigable to Patterson's Rapids, 295 miles; the St. Croix to St. Croix, 60 miles; the Illinois to La Salle,


220 miles. "At the mouth of the Missouri the Mississippi first assumes its characteristic appearance of a turbid and boiling torrent, immense in volume and force. From that point its waters pursue their devious way for more than thirteen hundred miles, destroying banks and islands at one locality, reconstructing them at another, absorbing tributary after tributary without visible increase in size, until at length it is in turn absorbed in the great volume of the Gulf." The course of the lower river is in a series of curves, from ten to twelve miles in diameter, with a very regular sweep around near to the point of departure. These loops, or horseshoe bends, where the river sometimes cuts through in a straight course at high water, form bayous, crescent-shaped lakes, shut out from the current by sand-bars. The bluffs are the only properly habitable parts adjoining the stream, and, along the lower river, these nearly all occur on the east side. They are beds of river or ancient lacustrine deposit, resembling and similar in character to the Rhenish loess, consisting of beds of yellowish loam, sand, and clay, resting upon still more ancient beds of lignite.

The delta of the Mississippi River properly begins at Cape Girardeau, Missouri, where the superfluous waters first seek an outlet, through the St. Francis, White, and other rivers, into the Red River. Below these are found the Atchafalaya, supposed to be the original outlet of the Red River, and the bayous called Manchac, Plaquemine, and Lafourche. Above Cape Girardeau the stream loses gradually its exclusively alluvial river character and begins to admit the confinement of regular banks. The upper river is clear as the Rhone, and even at St. Louis the sediment-laden current of the turbid Missouri has not yet commingled with the clear blue of the upper stream, nor reduced it to the apparent color and consistency of tar, boiling and bubbling in some mighty caldron.

The geology of the river-bed is peculiar. From Cairo to the Gulf the bed does not contain any of the river's own alluvium. The alluvium is found abundantly in the overflowed bottom-lands on each side of the stream, but where the current flows a trough has been hollowed out deep down in a tough blue clay, which the force and volume of the mighty body of water keeps always scoured out and clean. From the mouth of the Ohio to that of the Missouri the same trough is found, but the bed is St. Louis limestone to a great extent. The blue clay is cretaceous in origin, the remains of the bed of a vast cretaceous sea that once extended from the base of the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic coast. At the time this deposit was formed the Mississippi River had no existence. In the tertiary epoch, which succeeded this upper cretaceous, the oceanic lake was narrowed to an estuary, banks of loess being formed on either side. Inside this range of bluffs another deposit of recent alluvium was formed, and the river, thus contracted, cut its trough down through the alluvium, the loess, and the tertiary, until it had made a bed for itself in the cretaceous clay. The river was thus subsequent to the tertiary period, but it had begun to flow as at present, only with a much greater volume of water, previous to the deposition of the loess. The fossils found in the different strata prove this chronology with clearness and accuracy. In the tertiary none but marine fossils are found; in the loess are many fresh-water shells and the remains of quadrupeds allied to existing genera. The present position of the loess or bluff formation presupposes, however, a vertical movement or upheaval of two hundred and fifty feet. The alluvium deposit varies from twenty-five feet deep at Cairo, Ill., to forty feet at New Orleans, and its breadth at Napoleon, Ark., is seventy-five miles; this, however, is the widest point. The sediment from which this alluvium deposit continually falls down is in the proportion of one to fifteen hundred by weight, and one to twenty-nine hundred by bulk in suspension in the water. The mean annual discharge is assumed at 19,500,000,000,000 cubic feet; consequently, 812,500,000,000 pounds of sediment, equal to a deposit of one square mile two hundred and forty-one feet deep, are yearly emptied into the Gulf of Mexico.

Humphrey and Abbot's tables show that the maximum depth of the Mississippi is 118 feet, at Natchez; the mean depth between the Red and Arkansas Rivers is 96 feet. The least low-water depths on the bars are: at St. Louis, 2 feet; Memphis, 5 feet; Natchez, 6 feet. The range between high and low water is, at Rock Island, 16 feet; at the mouth of the Missouri, 35 feet; at St. Louis, 37 feet; at Cairo, 51 feet; at Carrolton, 14 feet; at the head of the Passes, 2.3 feet. The fall of the Lower Mississippi is 32/100 of a foot per mile; of the Ohio, 43/100 of a foot; of the Missouri, below Fort Union, 95/100 of a foot; of the Upper Mississippi, below St. Paul, 42/100 of a foot.

A portion of the valley of the Mississippi has a


volcanic character, and is subject to earthquake disturbance. New Madrid is the centre of this region of disturbance, the waves of which, however, have more than once extended in a milder form to St. Louis. In the end of the year 1811, and from that time on to 1813, a series of severe shocks was felt at New Madrid, sufficient in violence to modify the surface of the country materially, and to destroy forever its prospect, which was then excellent, for becoming a trade and business centre of importance. H. M. Brackenridge, the intelligent and agreeable author of "Views of Louisiana" and "Recollections of the West," visited the place in 1811, just previous to the telluric outbreak, and his description is that of an exceptionally good witness. The district had three-fifths as great a population as that of St. Louis, and it was an objective-point of considerable immigration both from the East and from New Orleans. Vessels descending from the Ohio River regularly made it their stopping-place, and Brackenridge says that "though in a low state of improvement at present, it ought to become important. It will be the store-house of the produce of an extensive and fertile country; and from the St. Francis, and the lakes which lie southwest, it may derive important advantage. New Madrid was laid out twenty-four years ago, by Col. George Morgan, on an extensive scale and an elegant plan. It was chosen as one of the best situations on the river. The town contains four hundred inhabitants, one-third Americans, living in a scattered way, over a great space of ground." One of the largest mounds in the Western country, twelve hundred feet in circumference and forty feet high, was here, and Brackenridge found traces of a great ancient population. The country in the vicinity comprised a vast plain of the richest soil, "handsomely diversified with prairie and woodland;" it was esteemed healthy and was beautiful in appearance.

The earthquakes desolated it, "creating yawning fissures, and converting dry land into lakes, some of which are fifty miles in circumference." The shocks occurred in connection with a telluric activity


distributed over half a hemisphere; an island was elevated three hundred and twenty feet above the sea in the Azores; the city of Caraccas, in Venezuela, was destroyed, with ten thousand of its inhabitants; the volcano of St. Vincent broke into eruption, and subterranean noises of a frightful character were heard on the llanos of Calabazo, which shocks were distinctly felt, and their character noted, at Cincinnati.


New Madrid was one focus of this wide-spread disturbance, and the shocks were repeated almost hourly for so many months, that the inhabitants who remained finally became inured and comparatively indifferent to them. The district was sparsely settled, the log cabins in which the people dwelt were not easily overthrown, and this prevented the loss of life which shocks of such severity must otherwise have


caused. There are several interesting accounts of the earthquakes by eye-witnesses, or by those who conversed with eye-witnesses, while the shocks were still fresh in their memories. The first tremor was felt on the night of Dec. 16, 1811, after a term of pleasant, warm, hazy weather, like that of the Indian summer. The gay French population was still at the dance


when the first violent convulsion came, throwing down houses and fences. Great consternation prevailed, all rushed out-doors, and all began to pray. The shocks continued during twenty or thirty months, sometimes coming on gradually and increasing in force; sometimes the first shock the most violent and coming suddenly. The waves came from the west or southwest. Fissures six and seven hundred feet long and twenty or thirty feet wide were formed, through which water or sand was spouted forty feet into the air, attended with electric flashes and sparks. Great oaks were cleft in twain, and mighty walnuts and cypresses submerged forty feet under water, at the bottom of newly-formed lakes. Hon. Lewis F. Linn, United States Senator from Missouri, in a letter written in 1836, incidentally gave a graphic account of some features of this earthquake. He was trying to explain the origin of those hills in the St. Francis River country which the French call "cotes sans dessein," by ascribing them to telluric agitations. "In the region now under consideration," he wrote, "during the continuance of so appalling a phenomenon, which commenced by distant rumbling sounds, succeeded by discharges as if a thousand pieces of artillery were suddenly exploded, the earth rocked to and fro, vast chasms opened, from whence issued columns of water, sand, and coal, accompanied by hissing sounds, caused, perhaps, by the escape of pent-up steam, while ever


and anon flashes of electricity gleamed through the troubled clouds of night, rendering the darkness doubly horrible. The current of the Mississippi, pending this elemental strife, was driven back upon its source with the greatest velocity for several hours, in consequence of an elevation of its bed. But this noble river was not thus to be stayed in its course. Its accumulated waters came booming on, and, overtopping the barrier thus suddenly raised, carried everything before them with resistless power. . . . The day that succeeded this night of terror brought no solace in its dawn. Shock followed shock; a dense black cloud of vapor overshadowed the land, through which no straggling sunbeam found its way to cheer the desponding heart of man, who, in silent communion with himself, was compelled to acknowledge his meekness and dependence on the everlasting God." Timothy Flint, the intelligent traveler, visited this region seven years after the earthquake, and has left the following graphic account of it:

"From all the accounts," he says, "corrected one by another, and compared with the very imperfect narratives which were published, I infer that the shock of these earthquakes, in the immediate centre of their force, must have equaled, in the terrible heavings of the earth, anything of the kind that has been recorded. I do not believe that the public have ever yet had any adequate idea of the violence of the concussions. We are accustomed to measure this by the buildings overturned and the mortality that results. Here, the country was thinly settled. The houses, fortunately, were frail, and of logs, — the most difficult to overturn that could he constructed. Yet, as it was, whole tracts were plunged in the bed of the river. The graveyard at New Madrid, with all its sleeping tenants, was precipitated into the bend of the stream. Most of the houses were thrown down. Large lakes, twenty miles in extent, were made in an hour; other lakes were drained. The whole country, to the mouth of the Ohio in one direction, and to the St. Francis in the other, including a front of three hundred miles, was convulsed to such a degree as to create lakes and islands, the number of which is not known, and to cover a tract of many miles in extent, near the Little Prairie, with water, three or four feet deep; and when the water disappeared, a stratum of sand, of the same thickness, was left in the place. Trees split in the midst, and lashed one with another, are still visible over great tracts of country, inclining in every direction, and at every angle to the earth and the horizon. They described the undulations of the earth as resembling waves, increasing in elevation as they advanced, and when they had attained a certain fearful height, the earth would burst, and vast volumes of water and sand and pit-coal were discharged as high as the tops of the trees. I have seen a hundred of these chasms which remained fearfully deep, although in a very tender alluvial soil, and after a lapse of seven years. Whole districts were covered with white sand, so as to become uninhabitable. The water at first covered the whole country, particularly at the Little Prairie; and it must, indeed, have been a scene of horror, in these deep forests, and in the gloom of the darkest night, and by wading in the water to the middle, for the inhabitants to fly from these concussions, which were occurring every few hours, with a noise equally terrible to beasts and birds, as well as to man. The birds themselves lost all power and disposition to fly, and retreated to the bosoms of men, their fellow-sufferers in the general convulsion. A few persons sank in these chasms, and were providentially extricated. One person died of affright; and one perished miserably on an island which retained its original level in the midst of a wide lake created by the earthquake. . . .A number perished, who sank with their boats in the river. A bursting of the earth just below the village of New Madrid arrested the mighty stream in its course and caused a reflux of its waves, by which, in a little time, a great number of boats were swept by the ascending current into the mouth of the bayou, carried out, and left upon the dry earth, where the accumulating waters of the river had again changed the current. There were a great number of severe shocks, but two series of concussions were particularly terrible, far more so than the rest; and they remark that the shocks were clearly distinguishable into two classes: those in which the motion was horizontal, and those in which it was perpendicular. The latter was attended with the explosions and the terrible mixture of noises that preceded and accompanied the earthquakes in a louder degree, but were by no means so desolating and destructive as the other. When they were felt, the houses crumbled, and trees waved together, and the ground sank, and all the destructive phenomena were conspicuous. In the interval of the earthquakes, there was one evening — and that a brilliant and cloudless one — in which the western sky was a continued glare of vivid flashes of lightning and of repeated peals of subterranean thunder, seeming to proceed, as the flashes did, from below the horizon. They remark that the night, so conspicuous for subterranean thunder, was the same period in which the fatal earthquakes of Caraccas occurred; and they seem to suppose those flashes and that event parts of the same scene."

The chasms had a general direction from southwest to northeast, and were of an extent to swallow up not only men, but houses. They occurred at intervals of less than half a mile, and the people felled tall trees across them, riding upon the trunks and in the branches to escape being engulfed. The destruction of property and values was so great that Congress was forced to come to the relief of the people, passing a law granting to each proprietor whose land was destroyed a section of land in the Boone-Lick country, the desolated farm being relinquished to the government. Some of the fissures still discharge gases and blasts of air, and earthquake shocks are occasionally felt in the section, but none of such severity as those described.

The fertility of nearly all the soils in the valley of the Mississippi is as phenomenal as its extent is great. This does not apply merely to the alluvium and lands produced originally or subsequently reinvigorated by inundation, but also to the yellow loam of the loess or bluff-formations and the deep, black soil of the prairies, both level and rolling. All are deep and seemingly inexhaustible. Volney made the discovery in the course of his travels, and subsequent observation


and experiment have confirmed it, that the productiveness and fertility of the valley of the Mississippi are due to the northeast trade-winds of the Atlantic Ocean, which, entering the Gulf of Mexico and crossing the peninsula of Yucatan, finally make their way, surcharged with moisture, up the valley of the great river as southeast and rain-bearing winds. The prairies, says Dr. Foster, are not due to the texture of the soil, nor to annual burnings, nor, as Lesquereux, the geologist of Illinois, supposes, to peat-growth, but to unequal supply of moisture and an alternating excess and deficiency of rain-fall throughout the year. That the prairies never were forest regions is evident from the fact that no entombed tree-trunks are found in the prairie sloughs, as they have been in all swamps and marshes of forest sections. The irregular and deficient supply of moisture, while it causes the disappearance of trees, does not materially affect agriculture until the highly-elevated plains of the West are reached; in fact, according to Dr. J. G. Cooper, "most crops will succeed much better with less rain than is necessary for most trees to thrive." The rains which water the Mississippi basin are unequally distributed as to the seasons of the year, those of spring and summer being largely in excess. In winter the mouth of the Mississippi is in the area of greatest precipitation, eighteen inches, this excessive amount declining, as we ascend and approach the confines of the densely-wooded region, to seven inches; in the prairies the condition of moisture varies from five to three inches; in the treeless plains, from two inches to nothing. In autumn the river-mouths are in the area of greatest precipitation, twelve inches, decreasing to eight inches on the edge of the forest; ranging from eight to five inches in the prairie, and from four inches to nothing on the plains. In summer the range is as follows: densely-wooded region, fifteen to twelve inches; prairies, twelve to eight inches; plains, eight to four inches. In spring the range is fifteen inches at mouth of river and Pensacola, ten inches at Fort Laramie, and Chicago and Cheyenne each eight inches. Dr. Foster remarks that "a region where the annual precipitation is slightly in excess of twenty inches, I infer from observation, is unfavorable to the growth of trees, even were that moisture equally distributed, but where three-fourths of it is precipitated during the spring and summer, the grasses flourish and mature to the exclusion of arborescent forms. The effect of this peculiarity of the climate is to extend the cultivation of the cereals much farther west than could be done if the moisture were equally distributed, and to afford rich pasturage to immense herds of buffalo, up to the verge of the Rocky Mountains, over a region which, if the rains were equally distributed, would present still more inhospitable features." Of course, this motion of the atmosphere and mode of precipitation of its moisture has much to do with the climate of the country. Climate is a result of numerous and complex conditions. The geographical position of a country, and also its topographical configuration, must be taken into the consideration. The climate of Missouri is typical, in many respects, of the general climate of the "interior," — a climate of extremes both in temperature and degrees of moisture. The altitude above the sea of that part of Missouri which binds upon the Mississippi River varies from two hundred and seventy-five feet in the southeast corner to four hundred and forty-five feet in the northeast, — a rise of only one hundred and seventy feet in five degrees of latitude, or not much more than six inches to the mile. Nothing can better prove the fact that Eastern Missouri lies within the great prairie plain of the interior. The Missouri River rises from four hundred feet at its mouth to over one thousand feet at the State line, a fact which shows that the true prairie begins to merge into the elevated plain before half the State has been traversed from east to west. These are all circumstances germane to any consideration of the climatology and geology of St. Louis. The accurate observations of thermometrical and barometrical variations at St. Louis extend over a period of more than forty years. The mean temperature of St. Louis is found to lie between 53 degrees 24 minutes and 58 degrees, or say about 55 degrees 30 minutes Fahr., and the range of extremes is from 22 1/2 degrees below zero to 104 degrees above, — equal to an extreme fluctuation of 126 1/2 degrees. Dr. Englemann has prepared a table illustrating the seranges, which is published in connection with Campbell's "Atlas of Missouri." It is as follows:
  Winter. Spring. Summer. Autumn. Whole Year.
Mean temperature 33.3° 55.4° 76.8° 56.3° 55.6°
Highest mean 40.4° 62.2° 80.1° 60.5° 58.2°
Lowest mean 26.4° 48.6° 72.0° 51.3° 53.4°
Range of highest temperature 49° to 81° 85° to 97° 93° to 104° 82° to 102° 93° to 104°
Range of lowest temperature -22° to +4° 0° to 28° 43° to 57° -1° to +28° -22° to +10°

No such ranges and fluctuations are known upon the sea-coast. The extreme daily range of temperature in spring and winter is sometimes as great as 50 degrees, in fall and summer 40 degrees. The last frosts in spring occur between March 13th and May 2d, the average being April 5th; in autumn the earliest frosts set in between October 4th and November 26th, the mean being October 27th, the limits between the freezing-points


thus ranging from 184 to 252 days, with an average of 205 days. Dr. Englemann observes that "the progress of vegetable development can best be appreciated by the observation of common and well-known wild or cultivated trees and shrubs. Thus we find that the first in bloom is the alder and the hazel, next — not rarely retarded by intervening cold spells — the soft or silver-leaf maple; and a few days after this, our common white elm blooms, between February 24th and April 15th, on an average, March 19th. During the next following days roses, syringas, gooseberries, and many other bushes, and the weeping willows, show their young leaves. About two weeks after the elms — between March 18th and April 25th, on an average about April 2d — the peach-trees open their first blossoms, and are one week later in full bloom. Plum and pear-trees and sweet cherries blossom about the same time, or a few days later, and then the sour cherries, and the glory of our rich woods, the redbuds. Between March 21st and May 1st (mean April 14th) the early apple-trees begin to bloom; and between March 28th and May 10th (mean April 20th) may be said to be in full bloom. Syringas bloom about the same time, crab-apples five or six days later, and a few days after them the quince-bushes. The acacia, or black locust, native of our southeastern border, and cultivated everywhere about farms and in towns, begins to bloom between April 11th and May 23d, on an average May 1st, and six to ten days later is in its fullest fragrant glory. Ripening strawberries and cherries and blooming roses closely follow it, and the catalpa, a very singular bloomer, comes in full development generally between two or three weeks after the acacia. The maturity and harvest of the winter wheat immediately succeeds the catalpa, between June 10th and July 1st, usually about June 20th."

In connection with this branch of climatology, a very careful and intelligent observer, the late Hon. Thomas Allen, long ago (in 1847, in fact) furnished an interesting paper to the Horticulturist, then conducted by the lamented Downing. That eminent writer on rural affairs, almost the founder of landscape-gardening in the United States, could appreciate good things in his line, and was delighted with Mr. Allen's contribution, of which he said he had seen no account of the West so full of real information to those interested in rural affairs, and none in which that intelligence was conveyed "so concisely, justly, and correctly." We shall have occasion farther on to quote other portions of Mr. Allen's paper; what he says of temperature, and the germination, flowering, and ripening of plants, is as follows:

"The climate does not correspond with that of the same latitude on the sea-coast. It differs in respect to the prevalency of certain winds, in variableness, and in being perhaps not hotter, but drier in summer. Our spring seasons are often wet; our summers frequently dry. The autumn is often a perpetual ‘Indian summer,’ delightful as can be imagined. Yet frost appears sometimes in October, and November may bring severely cold weather. The consequences upon vegetation of a dry summer, succeeded by a fine and late-growing autumn, we may have occasion to advert to. The winters are generally mild; the average mean temperature of the winter months for several years being, for example, about 30°. Snow sometimes falls in various depths under twelve inches, but rapidly disappears. It not unfrequently happens that we can plow in every winter month, and for weeks together artificial heat is not required in our green-houses. Two winters ago ice was not formed in sufficient quantities to supply our ice-houses. Yet I have heard it said that the Mississippi has been known to be frozen over below the mouth of the Ohio. Last winter that river was firmly closed above and more than sixty miles below this city for more than a month. In the mean time there were many warm and sunny days.

"The month of February often tempts all vegetation by its genial warmth, and the horticulturist has to lament the premature swelling of his fruit-buds, doomed, alas! to repeated and killing frosts in March and even in April. Indeed, the month of January is sometimes as mild here as the month of March generally is in Philadelphia. For example, the mean temperature of that month in 1845 was 41°. Ducks and geese began to fly northward, bluebirds appeared, and several shrubs put forth leaves. Coldest point, 22°; warmest, 71°; range, 49°. The mean of February was 43°; of March 42°; but the range was greater in both these months than in January. Coldest point in March, 20°; warmest, 74°; range, 54°. In April the mean was 64°; coldest, 30°; warmest, 85°; range, 55°. And in all the months of the year we have sudden and great variations, the thermometer often ranging 20° within two or three hours. The frosts of early April generally find the apricot, the peach, the cherry, the plum, in full bloom. I have heard some of the older inhabitants insist that a full crop of peaches is not realized more than once in five years, owing to premature blossoming. My own experience is corroborative of the general fact, which also applies to apricots and nectarines. Yet some of our trees wholly escape, and are overburdened with fruit, as is the case the present year, notwithstanding severe frosts near the middle of April.

"In 1841 the greatest cold was 6° below zero, January 17th. The greatest heat 102°, July 13th. Variation, 108°. Greatest heat in February, 79°; greatest cold, 4°. We consider a cold February and March most favorable for our fruit. The mean of February, 1845, was 43°. We had very little fruit that year. The mean of February, 1846, was 32°. We have an abundant crop. The greatest heat of the present unusually hot year all over the country was 98° early in July. No rain of any consequence for more than two months.

"The average mean temperature of seven years prior to 1836, according to our late Association of Natural Sciences, was as follows:
January 29.5
February 34.5
March 42.7
April 58.6
May 65.2
June 73.1
July 78.1
August 74.6
September 66.9
October 55.8
November 49.2
December 33.7
Annual range, 108° 55.2
This is 5.2° hotter than what is said to be the medium annual temperature of the whole earth. It is six or seven degrees hotter than the average temperature of London; two or three degrees less than that of Washington City; one or two degrees less than that of Cincinnati, Ohio, and New Harmony, Ind.; if the published meteorological statistics of those places are correct. Only two degrees hotter than that of Philadelphia, and eight degrees hotter than that of Boston. About eleven degrees less than that of New Orleans. Yet St. Louis has the reputation of being excessively hot.


"The annual and monthly range of the thermometer is much greater at St. Louis than at London or New Orleans. It is less than at Albany and Newburgh, and much less than at many other towns in New York. There is more uniformity and more humidity in the climate of London than in that of St. Louis. The thermometer will indicate as high a degree of ‘greatest heat’ at Albany in summer as it will in St. Louis; and in winter it will show the ‘greatest cold’ at Albany. But we have the greatest heat for the greatest length of time at St. Louis, and the sun's rays seem to be more direct and scorching. We have no mountains, except in the south interior part of Missouri, while the country is comparatively flat far off to the north and south, and vast prairies stretch to the east and west of us. The prevailing winds follow the general course of our Great Valley, modified at times by the blasts from the great plains in the west, and from the prairies and lakes to the east and northeast. Fortunately for us, the east wind does not often for many continuous days bring to us the epidemic effluviae which are generated in the great Senegambian Bottom, that stretches along the opposite shores.

"The average number of dry days of four years was 260 for each year; of wet days, 105; of sunshine, 314; of no sunshine, 51; of thunder-storms, 53.

"The summer of the present year has been unusually dry, favorable for insects injurious to fruit, and would have proved entirely destructive to corn and potatoes but for the rains of the last of August. But the year 1844 was more destructive from too much wet. I think, however, that, as we have no mountains, and the primitive forest is gradually disappearing, future observations will show that the average number of dry days will increase, and that the moisture of our soil and the waters of our streams and small lakes will diminish.

"The nights of summer often feel as oppressively hot as the days, but not always. The thermometer sometimes falls twenty degrees soon after sunset. There is, in bright moonlight nights, an extensive radiation from the surface of the fields. The thermometer will indicate eight or ten degrees lower temperature at the surface than it will at ten feet above. Dew is rapidly distilled. The night air is humid. Fogs sometimes arise, but they are not frequent. The commonest diseases of the country are bilious and remittent. New immigrants can scarcely labor in the field under the scorching sun of summer. Ague and fever is often found in the low grounds and along the river ‘bottoms.’ Where vegetation is most luxuriant there is the greatest decomposition. A vegetable diet is the most suitable for the summer months. Fruit also, in moderation, I believe to be better than animal food in warm climates. Fully ripe, and sound and healthy itself, it seems naturally adapted and intended for the use (not abuse) of man, but more particularly in that climate where the man and the fruit grow together.

"The following table is an approximation to the times of the flowering, etc., of the fruit-trees in St. Louis:
Apricots March 2 to March 10.
Peaches March 17 to April 1.
Cherries March 30 to April 5.
Plums March 30 to April 5.
Early apples April 5 to April 15.
Gooseberries April 5 to April --
Pears April 5 to April --
Winter apples April 25
Strawberries, ripe May 15.
Raspberries, ripe June 12.
Currants, ripe June 12.
Cherries, ripe June 12.
Apricots, ripe July 4.
Blackberries, ripe July 15.
Plums, ripe July 17.
Siberian crab, ripe July 17.

"Peaches and Isabella grapes begin to ripen early in August, and are abundant the last of that month.

"The Red Juneating Apple, or Early Red Margaret, sometimes bears two crops in one season (the second inferior to the first), and I have seen it blooming the third time the same season.

"We sow seeds for early salad and cabbage under glass in January and February. Plant Irish potatoes for early crop in February. Sow parsneps, carrots, radishes, lettuce, onions, cress, and early peas in open ground last of February or early in March. About first of April, transplant broccoli, cauliflower, cabbage, lettuce, spinach, and plant sweet potatoes in hot-bed. Sow annuals (flowers) about the first of May. Begin to cut asparagus early in April, and green peas are on our table as early as the middle of May. We have had frosts, however, even after that time. Plant sweet potato sets about first of May. Dig early potatoes early in June. Corn of the Golden Sioux and Tuscarora kinds, and summer squash, eatable June 20th. Gather garden seeds about the last of July. Early planting is essential to get crops well set before the summer drouth.

"ANIMATED NATURE. — Crows stay with us all winter, and roost on the shrub-oaks of the rolling land back of St. Louis, in tens of thousands, flying to tho east side of the river early in the morning. They are chiefly injurious to corn in the ear. Robins, larks, bluebirds, and buntings appear in the warm days of winter. Wild pigeons sometimes fly north as early as 1st of February. Ducks, geese, brant, and cranes fly north in February and March. Quails and pinnated grouse are abundant all the year. Sparrow-hawks are very numerous in autumn, and feed on large grasshoppers. Birds in variety appear in March. Bees are often tempted out of their hives in winter; some years begin to work in March, and I have taken full boxes of newly-made honey as early as the 5th of May. The same hive will, in favorable seasons, bear robbing three times, and throw off, perhaps, three or four swarms of young bees. Insects in countless number and variety flourish from early spring till November, attacking, some of them, every kind of shrub, tree, fruit, and animal. The red spider, the aphis, and the scaly insect infest our greenhouses. The striped bug and others attack the Cucurbitaceae, often destructively. The curculio, the peach-grub, and the apple-worm are all numerous, and in some seasons overwhelming. The grasshopper, in summer, in dry seasons, is nearly as injurious as the locust. The army-worm occasionally mows our meadows for us. The gopher, or pouched rat, and the mole are injurious to our gardens; and the former sometimes burrows under the apple-tree and destroys the bark of the roots. But we are diminishing the number of these little animals. Rats and mice are also numerous. We protect the birds and the toads, and multiply ducks and turkeys to aid us in our warfare against the insects.

"You will observe, then, that our soil is good; our summers long, and our winters mild; that our climate is quite variable; that we are liable to have warm Februaries and late frosts; wet springs and summers of drouth; late growing autumns, suddenly terminated, and myriads of insects in great variety. We have, therefore, our advantages and discouragements. Some years, then, we shall be blessed with great crops, while in others we shall be nearly destitute of any. Some of the evils to which we are exposed are susceptible of amelioration, others are beyond our control. The average results encourage us to persevere in planting orchards, cultivating gardens, and otherwise improving our estates."

The Mississippi at St. Louis freezes over about once in four or five years, partly in consequence of heavy


ice floating down from above. When frozen it remains closed to navigation from one or two to four, and even six weeks, the ice sometimes being solid enough to permit the passage of the heaviest teams.

The comparatively dry climate of Missouri is shown by the "relative humidity" of the atmosphere, which is only sixty-six per cent. of complete saturation, the driest season, as has already been shown, being the spring. There is a large percentage of clear weather, the autumn particularly being distinguished for the number of cloudless days. The average number of clear days in a year is 143; of partially clear days, 173; of days entirely cloudy, only 49. The average annual rain-fall at St. Louis, according to Dr. Englemann, is 41 inches, the variations between particular years, however, being as great as from 25 to 68 inches. Snow is not very frequent, nor are there many "laying" snows, though deep ones sometimes occur, obstructing travel. The earliest falls of snow known to meteorological observers were on October 5th, the latest on April 16th. The Mississippi is generally low in the fall and winter months, rising between April and June. The highest rise above low-water mark is about forty-four feet, the average about twenty-five feet.

Of the geology proper of St. Louis County there is not a great deal to say in a work of this character, which does not pretend to scientific fullness nor precision. There is a superstructure of rocks and soils of the quaternary system, embracing alluvium, bottom prairie, bluff, or loess, and drift. Immediately underlying this is the carboniferous system, the characteristic rock of which in St. Louis is the St. Louis limestone, which attains its greatest development and a depth or thickness of from two hundred to two hundred and fifty feet at this point. In some parts of the county a saccharoidal sandstone, one hundred and twenty-five feet deep, belonging to the magnesian limestone series, and the lower Silurian system, may be found beneath the St. Louis limestone; but, for all practical purposes, the latter may be assumed to be the foundation rock. Upon it rests a ferruginous sandstone, of the carboniferous or mountain limestone series, the normal thickness of which is 195 feet. The lower coal-measures, 140 feet, are above this; next succeeds drift, 35 feet thick; bluff, or loess, the normal thickness of which is 200 feet; bottom prairie, 35 feet thick, and alluvium, 30 feet thick. These maximum depths of strata are of course not all found at St. Louis, nor in St. Louis County. The bluff, or loess, at St. Louis, as measured at St. George's quarry and the site of the Big Mound, is fifty feet thick. This formation contains many fossils, and organic remains of lacustrine, amphibious and land species, indicating its origin in the deposits made by a fresh-water lake, surrounded by land and fed by rivers. In the words of Prof. Swallow, who first determined its character and gave its name to the bluff-formation (which Lyell had previously identified as similar to the loess of Europe and China), "These facts carry the mind back to a time when a large portion of this great valley was covered by a vast lake, into which, from the surrounding land, flowed various rivers and swollen streams. We see the waters peopled with numerous mollusks, the industrious beaver building his habitation, the nimble squirrel, the fleet deer, the sedate elephant, and huge mastodon, lords of the soil. There must have been land to sustain the elephant and mastodon and Helices; fresh water and land for the beaver; and fresh water for the Cyclas and Lymneas."

The important formation denominated St. Louis limestone is made up of beds of hard, crystalline, gray and blue cherty limestone, "interstratified with thin layers of argillaceous shale." Some strata consist of a bastard silico-magnesian limestone. Sometimes the fracture is dull and earthy, sometimes conchoidal. Often it shows changes in color, is alternately silicious and argillaceous, and has a peculiar jointed structure, like the sutures of the human skull. Its stratigraphical position is between the ferruginous sandstone and the Archimedes limestone; its range in Missouri is not extensive outside of St. Louis County, and its economical value is very great. Some forms, as those in which magnesia predominates, have excellent hydraulic properties; the calcareous strata yield a very pure and superior lime for general use, and the calcareous and silicious strata are good for building purposes, flagging and curbing, and macadamizing. The fossils found in the St. Louis limestone are numerous and characteristic, including Lithostrotian Canadense, Syringopora, Echinocidaris, Terebratula Roisyii, T. Spirifer, Fenestella, Productus cora, Echinocrinus, Palaeochinus, Crinoidea, Palaeochinus multipora, Poteriocrinus longidactylus, Avicula, Pecten Missouriensis, Arca, Cardiomorpha, Actinocrinus parvus, etc.

In the bluff or loess formation in St. Louis and vicinity the fossils found include Amnicola lapidaria, Helix concava, H. thyroideus, H. striatella, H. monodon, H. electrina, H. arborea, H. hirsuta, H. lineata, H. minuta, H. labyrinthica, Helicina occulta, Limnea fragilis, L. reflexa, Physa plicata, P. gyrinea, Planorbis trivolvis, Pupa armifera, Succinea obliqua, S. campestris, Valvata tricarinata, etc. In the Archimedes limestone of St. Louis County the


characteristic fossils are Pentremites florealis, P. laterniformis, Productus punctatus, Euomphalus planorbis, Archimedipora archimedes, and Psammodus.

Dr. Shumard gives what he considers a typical section of the strata and general lithological features of the St. Louis limestone, from a point on the Mississippi River about a mile and a half below the arsenal. Commencing ten feet above the water-level, the ascending series is as follows:

1. Bluish-gray, coarse-textured, sub-crystalline limestone, in thin strata, with characteristic fossils and fish-remains 13
2. Light-gray and bluish-gray silico-calcareous rock, with nodules and thin seams of chert 5
3. Buff and bluish-gray, hard, silicious limestone, finely granular in texture 6
4. Same as preceding, with much chert through it 8
5. Compact, light-gray, silicious limestone, thick beds, even fracture 7
6. Light-drab, compact, brittle limestone, with smooth, angular fracture 3
7. Gray, mottled limestone, fine granular texture, mottled with chert 44
8. Bluish-gray, sub-crystalline limestone, with cavities of brown calcareous spar 10
9. Light-drab, compact, lithographic limestone, smooth, splintery fracture 2
10. Earthy, decomposing, ferruginous limestone 1
11. Gray, close-textured limestone 4 1/2
12. Earthy, decomposing, ferruginous limestone 0 3/4
13. Light-drab, variegated, brittle, lithographic stone 1 2/3
14. Light-drab, fine-textured, lithographic limestone, smooth, splintery fracture, fine spar veins, with clouding of delicate flesh-color and reddish-brown 4 3/4
15. Same as No. 9 7
Total thickness 116 2/3

At St. Louis the strata of this limestone are nearly horizontal, and continue so until near Carondelet, when they rapidly dip to the southwest, and pass under the bed of the Mississippi. The slight dip of the strata at St. Louis is westerly.

The quaternary deposit overlying this bed-rock of the city is about twenty feet thick at the site of Chouteau's Pond, near Poplar Street, comprising, in the ascending series:

  Ft. In.
1. Light ash-colored ferruginous clay 2 3
2. Fine silicious sand   6
3. Ash-colored clay   4
4. Yellow and gray sandy clay 2 9
5. Fine sand 5  
6. Soil and subsoil 5  

The limestone at Barrett's Station, of which the St. Louis custom-house is built, is the Archimedes limestone, from a bed twenty-one feet in thickness. In various parts of the county the Encrinital limestone is found underlying this, of a thickness differing according to the locality. Underneath is the Chemung group, and beneath that again, in the western part of the county, the Trenton group.

The bluff, or loess, is found in all parts of the county when excavations are made, varying in thickness from ten to forty feet. It was in this deposit that the bones of the mastodon were found, in Flora gardens. The Big Mound consisted of this bluff stratum, having a depth of thirty feet. At the Bremen quarries it is twenty-five feet thick. The clays of this loess are excellent for brick-making and coarse pottery, and the pebbles are superior for grading and graveling purposes.

The carboniferous system is largely developed in St. Louis County, yielding four-fifths of the entire underlying rock, and extending from the Mississippi River westward. It includes all the formations of the general slate system, from the middle coal series to the Encrinital limestone inclusive. The coal-measures occupy an area of about one hundred and sixty square miles in the northeastern part of the county. The middle coal-measure, as examined at Charbonniere, on the Missouri, shows sixty feet of slope, six feet of rough limestone masses imbedded in clay, six feet impure fire-brick clay, two feet hard, compact blue-gray hydraulic limestone, eight feet yellow argillaceous shale, stained with ochre, thirteen feet of purple, sandy shale, with micaceous particles intermingled, forty-six feet blue, argillaceous shale, six feet greenish fossiliferous shale, eight feet dark sandy shale, and then the coal-seam, eighteen inches thick. Under this seam is found the micaceous sandstone, which overlies the lower coal series. It is soft, brown, finegrained, crumbling, lying in thick beds, and oxidates and is disintegrated easily on exposure to the air. In some places it lies upon a five-foot bed of fire-clay. In others it is compact enough to be quarried and used for building purposes.

Underneath this group of strata the lower coal-measures are always to be sought. The descending series is clay, fire-clay, limestone, shales, and then coal. At a shaft on the Rivičre des Peres, six miles from St. Louis, we find the following order in the descending series:

1. Yellow clay 5
2. Light-colored sandy clay 4
3. "Tumbling rock" (limestone blocks in claybeds) 6
4. Red clay 6
5. Blue clay 7
6. Light-gray earthy limestone 3 1/2
7. Very compact, hard, dark-gray limestone 2 1/2
8. Dark-blue shale 2
9. Coal 5
10. Slope (unexposed rocks) 80
11. St. Louis limestone 26

The coal, where mined, is usually found at a depth not exceeding forty feet; the maximum thickness is about five feet; the minimum working thickness is not much under three feet, and the yield is about eighty bushels per diem per hand, — twenty-eight bushels representing the long ton. All the coal of


St. Louis County is of the bituminous variety, burning with a good flame and yielding a gray ash. In some cases, leaf-like laminae of sulphuret of iron are found in it, and in others, thin plates of crystalline carbonate of iron, vertical to the strata. The fossil plants in this coal are usually too much carbonized for identification, though the structure of Calamites and Equisetae have been recognized. In regard to the extent of these coal deposits of St. Louis County, Spencer Smith writes to the effect that it is much greater than is commonly supposed. The county is in the centre of the great Western coal-field, the largest in the world. The measures here are not out-lying nor distinct from those of the general bed, but, on the contrary, are homogeneous with it. Mr. Smith says, —

"The Cheltenham and Gravois beds and their vicinity are supposed by many to be the only localities where coal can be found in this county. This is a mistake. There is a large tract of the St. Louis coal-field still comparatively unexplored. An examination of Dr. Shumard's geological map will show that there is an extensive coal-basin, of which the North Missouri Railroad is nearly the diameter.

"Commencing at Grand Prairie, we may trace the coal-measures along the bluffs of the Mississippi at Watkins' Creek, thence westwardly, crossing Cold Water Creek to the Missouri River, thence along this river to Charbonniere, where the coal crops out in the bed of the river. From near St. Charles the boundary may be traced southeasterly toward the Mississippi, including the Cheltenham and Gravois mines.

"This report, made in 1855, did not exaggerate the extent of this field, but rather restricted it, as some discoveries of coal outside boundaries there described demonstrate. "What distinguishes the coal-field of the district along the North Missouri Road is the circumstance that it contains coal-seams which are entirely wanting in the district heretofore mined. All the coal obtained in the Cheltenham field is from the lowest beds of the ‘lower coal series;’ the ‘middle and upper series’ are wanting. Along the Missouri River, and in other places which have been examined, the ‘middle series’ is known to exist. If we concede (and proofs derived from the geological reports of all those who have surveyed this district are very strong) that it is a part of the other coal-fields known to exist farther north, then where the series is complete there are six beds of greater or less thickness. Of these the second is the one most valuable, the thickest and the best coal.

"So here we see a large district in which the coal-measures are known to exist, but which have never been practically examined. A few years since a few attempts were made, but they all stopped at the first vein of coal, supposing it to be the bed which had been worked for so many years at Cheltenham. This thin vein is known to exist nearly over the whole coal district, and overlying the best workable beds. Deeper explorations would probably strike those lower series where all such beds heretofore been found.

"It will thus be seen that the geological survey indicated the existence of coal in this region, and later observations have served to confirm that report."

The fire-brick clay of St. Louis is excellent in quality and inexhaustible in quantity. The St. Louis limestone is esteemed one of the best and cheapest building materials anywhere to be found. The magnesian limestone or marble, both of St. Louis and the adjacent counties, is very fine, pure, white, and resists enormous pressure.

It is a property of the St. Louis as of some other limestones that it is a highly cavernous rock, water infiltrating through it readily and hollowing it out. Numerous "sink-holes" on and near the site of the city indicate the existence of caves beneath it; and indeed some of these have been explored and more or less utilized, though as yet none have been found to bear comparison with the stupendous and wonderful caves of Kentucky and Virginia. The city had hardly outgrown the proportions of a village, however, before it began to receive the distinctive title of "Mound City," from the remarkable artificial structures which crowned the terraces of the bluff. The "Big Mound" of St. Louis, once one of the most striking and remarkable features of its landscape, was finally cut down and carted away in 1869, its cubic masses used to make a railroad "fill." Before it disappeared, however, it had come to be recognized, in connection with the mounds at Cahokia and other places in the Great American Bottom, on the opposite side of the river, as being among the most remarkable archaeological remains in America, and much conjecture and a great deal of controversy have been employed upon it.

Brackenridge, in his "Views of Louisiana," has remarked upon the curious circumstance that the early French writers, the most intimately acquainted of any Europeans with Indian manners and customs, and the only Europeans who dwelt with the Indians in their villages and lodges, have made no mention of the numerous antiquities of the Mississippi valley. Yet they were permanent residents at Cahokia from about the beginning of the eighteenth century. Capt. Carver appears to have been the first writer who noticed the mounds, and attributed their origin to a race more civilized


than that which occupied the country in which he found them. Brackenridge, who had spent his childhood in Ste. Genevieve, returned to the West in 1810, and traveled through the country extensively, and in a spirit of intelligent pursuit of knowledge and careful observation. His account of the St. Louis mounds is very clear. He had frequently examined them, he said. "They are situated on the second bank just above the town, and disposed in a singular manner; there are nine in all, and form three sides of a parallelogram, the open side towards the country being protected, however, by three smaller mounds, placed in a circular manner. The space inclosed is about four hundred yards in length and two hundred in breadth. About six hundred yards above there is a single mound, with a broad stage on the river side; it is thirty feet in height and one hundred and fifty in length; the top is a mere ridge of five or six feet wide. Below the first mounds there is a curious work, called the Falling Garden. Advantage is taken of the second bank, nearly fifty feet in height at this place, and three regular stages or steps are formed by earth brought from a distance. This work is much admired. It suggests the idea of a place of assembly for the purpose of counseling on public occasions."

In taking away the Big Mound in St. Louis in 1869, many human remains were found at different depths below the surface. Some of the contemporary accounts of the removal of the mound, and the progress of the excavation, are curious, not to say comical, and one adventurous newspaper wit invented the discovery of a secret tunnel, leading under the Mississippi and communicating with the interior of the big tumulus at Cahokia. What follows below embraces a very good account of some of the conjectures in regard to the origin of the mound, and a very good description of its appearance at the time of its removal:

"A paper was read some weeks ago before the St. Louis Academy of Science by Professor Spencer Smith, and afterwards published with their approval, which advocated with considerable pertinacity and show of argument that the Big Mound was a natural formation; that it was not the work of any primeval nation, who here expended years of labor without any design; that it was improbable that this immense heap of earth was piled up by human hands; that no evidence of design was found which required us to believe it to be of artificial construction; that it was worse than useless as a fortification; that as a point of lookout it does not command a wide extent of country much greater than the smaller one farther down the river; that no charred remains of bones or wood were found, indicating it to be a place of sacrifice; that no remains of tools were found either in the mound or its vicinity showing the implement used to heap it up; that some bones and a few Indian ornaments were exhumed near the top, but not in any position which gave evidence of design in placing them there; and finally, because it is not of an oblong shape, sloping north, having its steepest side down-stream, and because the earth found on the top resembles the sediment deposited in the reservoir. Therefore it must, ex necessitate, be a river deposit or a sand-bar. Professor John Russell, of the Missouri Statesman, so we are informed, was the first to suggest this explanation, which has been taken up by Professor Smith, and is the prevailing opinion among the members of the Academy of Science. A simple statement of the facts in the case may point to another possible explanation.

"The Big Mound was situated on the northeast corner of Mound and Broadway. It was in vertical height thirty-five feet from the grade of the adjacent street, of oblong shape, in a north and south direction, with a regularly defined outline and base. In an old lawsuit, Maguire vs. Taylor, for sixteen arpents of land at the northeast corner of the mound, we find some incidental descriptions which were worth quoting. One statement is that its sides were well defined, and the foot of the mound was as well defined as the north wall of the court-house. In fact, in a deed of Brazeau to Labaum, in 1798, the foot of the Big Mound is made the point of departure for a precise and technical description. Farther on we find the following: ‘The Big Mound, a most noted monument in St. Louis, called by the French La Grange de Terre (earth barn), is an artificial erection situated on the first bank of the prairie, west of the bank of the Mississippi, at the distance of about twenty-eight arpents north of the northern wall of the fortifications of the old Spanish town of St. Louis, and about four and one-half arpents west of the bank of the river. . . . The bank on which the mound stand is the eastern boundary of the Grand Prairie, covered by the St. Louis common-fields, and the land descends with a gentle slope from the brow of it to the small prairie or bottom-land between it and the river. This bank of the prairie is about four and one-half arpents west of the river-bank, where the mound stands, and about sixty feet above the level of the prairie, along the brow, and it runs nearly parallel with the river at that distance from it for a mile or so southwards.’

"The crest or highest point of the mound, at the time the excavation commenced, was by measurement one hundred feet east of Broadway. A vertical section at this point to the base of the hill, showing wavering lines of demarkation between four different homogeneous strata, well indicated as the distance from the street, but hardly distinguishable upon a closer examination.

"The depth of these strata varied, but averaged eight feet, the lowest one being ten feet, and of a solid, original, compact, yellow, adhesive clayey formation. The three upper strata above this foundation were dark in color, resembling a loam or soil, and friable in structure, constituting a homogeneous earth, easily separated and thrown down by the heavy pointed iron bars which were thrust into them. The top of the mound slanted eastwardly about seventy feet, and, with the exception of a single grave, which was made within the memory of men still living, near the apex of the mound, all the remains were found in this substratum of clay, thirty-five feet east of the apex, twenty-five feet below a horizontal line drawn from the top, in a long trench or grave dug four feet deep in the original clay, by eighteen feet wide and about seventy feet long, extending under the length of the mound on its eastern slope. The western side of the grave is distinctly defined, and shows the marks of the instruments used in its construction. The earth fell off from this side, leaving it sharp and regular, and showing the stains and discolorations made by the gases escaping from the decomposing body below. The bodies were placed in a reclining position, east and west, with the head toward the east, and were in a very advanced state of decay, the bones


being very dry and porous and easily pulverized in the hand. Several pieces placed in water floated one-half above. The soil around them was very dry and the whole without odor. These bones were all of a rather large size.

"The writer measured one femur, which was of the length of twenty inches. The fragments of jaw-bones containing teeth are quite large and the teeth sound. The writer has now before him a piece of blanket exhumed, the vegetable fibres of which, twenty in number in the width of an inch, have a scorched appearance. It is of very coarse manufacture, and comes apart on the slightest picking. Some tufts of dark-red, coarse, straight hair, of a pungent odor, were also taken out. Some of the most interesting relics found are now in possession of one of the firemen at the Lyon Engine-House, opposite the site of the mound. They consist of two copper vessels identical in shape, shaped like the bowl of a large spoon, with sharp projections extending from the convex surface of the ornament. They were found placed behind the ears on each side of the skull, with the concave surface down, under which was an oblong bead the size of a pecan perforated through its length. A quantity of smaller beads of the same kind were found near in a circular position, evidently having been strung and wound around the neck and over the head of the recumbent warrior. They might have been placed in this position by the medicine-man of the tribe, with a confidence in some superstitious object which would thus be accomplished. There were also found an immense number of perforated disks from a quarter of an inch to one and a half inches in diameter, and varying in thickness. They are rounded quite regularly, with polished sides, and a perforation whose diameter diminishes towards the centre. Their principal composition is carbonate of lime, and they are made from a marine shell from the Atlantic or the Gulf, several of which, very large, were exhumed from the same grave. The disks were strung together and used for money or ornament or both. It would be an interesting inquiry to know how far these circular pieces resemble the perforated disks found in the low-water lacustrine explorations in Switzerland, where the remains of a primeval nation were found who lived in houses built on piers extended into the lakes, described in the last annual report of the Smithsonian Institute. There were also found in the mound some very small shells with perforations.

"There are, then, two questions to be determined: first, is this mound of natural or artificial construction? and, second, if artificial, what is its probable age?

"We think that the fact that the row of graves found was placed twenty-five feet below the surface, and nearly under the centre of what was the former perfect shape of the mound, is a fatal objection to the sand-bar theory, unless you presuppose that the land at this high elevation above the bed of the river was once free from water, then afterwards inhabited by the race who made the graves, and after that overflowed again by the river which made the sand-bar deposit. This is equivalent to saying that the valley of the Mississippi was inhabited before the period when it was one vast lake, and carries us back to geological eras. But this is no geological question. These graves are situated in the crest of the Pliocene period. There are no upheavals here, nor inverted geological strata. It is a mere question of the antiquities of the human race, and relates to a period long subsequent to the latest geological era. The graves must have been placed there since the subsidence of the water. But then, how did the earth come to be piled over these remains? In a very simple manner. It was placed there by the race that made the graves. The homogeneous nature of the superposed soil, the regular and well-defined shape of the mound, and the fact that these relics are found under it at its base, prove that it must have been placed there by artificial means. Their object was to erect a tomb, a place of worship, a fortification, or a monument of the simple earth, more lasting, as the poet has it, than brass, as this has proved to be. The fact that no charred remains nor implements were found in or near the place is no conclusive proof. We are inclined to ascribe a much greater antiquity to this monument than is commonly supposed for two reasons: one, that although the highest conditions for a perfect preservation of the bones were met here, in the total exclusion of air or water in a very dry soil, yet the remains were mouldered in most instances to almost impalpable dust. In the moist climate of Great Britain, under the most unfavorable circumstances as regards preservation, entire and well-preserved skeletons are often found of an undoubted antiquity of at least eighteen centuries.

"Then again, this mound is found in one of the highest terraces left by the subsidence of water in the valley of the river. At the time it was built its banks were eaved by the old Father of Waters. Also in the absence of any tradition whatever among the Indians themselves concerning the origin of this monument, for the memory of it is lost to tradition among the original or pre-Spanish occupants of the soil, we are inclined to ascribe its erection to a so-called prehistoric race.

"As to the capacity of such a race to build a structure of this size and extent, we think that the moderns, in the pride of their recent inventions, are very much inclined to underrate the men of antiquity.

"The great number of similar mounds, some of which are evidently intended for fortifications, covered by regular and artfully constructedapproaches, and many much larger than this, scattered all over what now constitutes the United States, shows that this land was at one time occupied by a different race of men than the Indians, and the fact that the race needed such immense fortifications for their protection indicates that the population must have been more numerous, and, in order to support the sieges which were to be sustained in these defenses, must have been more agricultural in their character to produce the necessary provisions. The agricultural portion of such a population could easily support the unproductive labor requisite to build the mound. With respect of their being destitute of the necessary implements, we must not be too certain as to the inferiority of the ancients in respect to mechanical appliances and the arts. Who knows what an immense amount of information was destroyed by one fell swoop of the Saracens, who, in the early centuries, burnt the Alexandria Library, the smoke of whose burning ascended for three weeks, and obscured the light of the sun from the earth? Who knows what ancient arts, carefully described in those old manuscripts, then perished? The compass and gunpowder were in possession of the Chinese centuries before the Christian era. Who knows what treasuries of art and knowledge lie yet entombed in the musty, and to the modern Chinese themselves antique, incriptions contained in their dusty cobwebbed libraries? The ancient Saracenic manuscripts deposited in the University of Salamanca and other Moorish libraries are yet to be ransacked before their treasures are unearthed. The ancient race that peopled this continent were every way competent to erect this monument.

"The world is much older than the chronology of Bishop Butler. The history of the human race is yet to be written, and the men of antiquity are yet to have justice done them."

The mound at one time was built upon and occupied by the residences of many of the old French settlers. A newspaper paragraph, written at the time of its leveling, says, —


"Col. Chambers once was a member of the committee that waited on old Mr. Benoist, recently deceased, in reference to the mound. The committee wanted Mr. Benoist to donate his part in the mound to the city; the other proprietors, it was expected, would then follow, and give up their parts also to the city. The plan was to change the whole mound and its surroundings, which at the time occupied about three or four blocks, into a public garden, with a kind of a pavilion on the elevated ground in the centre, with other localities for public entertainment; to plant it with trees and shrubbery, and surround it by an iron rail-fence. Mr. Benoist, though a generous gentleman in many other ways, refused, and the whole plan fell to the ground on account of his opposition."

At a contemporary meeting of the Missouri Historical Society, Jan. 7, 1869, the Hon. John F. Darby, always deeply interested in the history and archaeology of St. Louis, gave some reminiscences of the mound.

"This mound," said he, "was a subject which had often been treated of by Col. Benton when he was editor of the St. Louis Enquirer, and he wrote many papers upon it. Then, within the speaker's recollection, the bluffs ran along the Mississippi River from the Big Mound to the foot of Market Street. When the river was low, there was a large flat rock at the bottom of the street near the mound and at the foot of Market Street, on which timber and drift-wood would occasionally lodge. On the bluff there was a foot-print in limestone rock. This rock was cut out and taken to New Harmony, Ind., about the same time that Owen was starting his new philosophy. The general impression that he (Mr. Darby) then had of the Big Mound was that it was not artificial, but natural. At about 1819 a good many Indians visited St. Louis. Some of them lived in Franklin County, such as the Shawnees. They would come here, march along the streets, and do their begging by singing and reciting; very frequently they would get tobacco and other articles. When they were here on one of their visits one of their chiefs died, and he was buried at the top of the Big Mound. They buried another chief on the Manchester road, near the residence of Mr. Marshall. In 1826 they came regularly, put a post at the head of the grave, and painted it red. The first time that he had the honor of being on the Big Mound was in 1822, when he was a boy. He ran up it on the Christmas-day of that year, and there was then an undergrowth of vegetation on a second bank or ledge. He referred to the meeting of the first Legislature in the Missouri Hotel as it now stands, to the popularity of David Barton, which caused his being sent to the Senate immediately, and to Col. Benton's contest. He said that they met one morning in the hotel and counted how many votes they needed; they found that they could elect Col. Benton by one vote, and that was by a man named Ralls, boarding at the hotel, who was sick on his death-bed. When the votes were being taken they brought Ralls down-stairs on his death-bed, and his name being called he voted for Col. Benton. They took him upstairs, he died directly afterwards, and they immortalized him by calling the county of Rails after him. Mr. Darby next noticed the fatal duel between Joshua Barton and Tom Rector. The Rectors were a numerous family, and it was agreed that if Tom got killed another should take his place, and so on, and if he killed Barton he should step out and wave his hat. The origin of the duel was the writing of something by Barton which offended Rector. Burton accepted the challenge on the express condition that Tom Rector would admit that what he had written was true. Rector admitted that it was true, but it was offensive, and he demanded satisfaction. The duel came off on the second bank or ledge of the Big Mound, among the undergrowth. The Rectors went up on the top of the Big Mound to see it. Tom Rector shot Barton, walked to one side, pulled off his hat, waved it as a signal, and the Rectors made one victorious, tremendous shout. There were several smaller mounds, on one of which the first water-works were constructed. It is not uncommon to find them on the banks of the Mississippi and Missouri. A little to the northwest of the Big Mound there was a small pond.

"The president said that a person had made a calculation that if the excavation or pond had been filled by earth from the Big Mound the whole place would be level. This favored the theory that the mound was an artificial one."

There can be no rational doubt of the artificial character of the mounds in the Mississippi valley. There can equally be no rational doubt that the Mound-builders were very different in their habits and manners of life from the wild Indians of the present day. The latter are nomads, the former dwelt in towns and cities, had temples, fortifications, and permanent structures of great extent. The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico approach to what we may conceive to have been the habits of this race, but it cannot be determined, and perhaps never will, that these Indians are the descendants of the prehistoric race which, at a very remote period, peopled the Mississippi valley from the Rocky Mountains to the Alleghanies, and from Lake Superior to the Gulf.

As to the genuineness of their remains, however, all doubts must be set aside. Drift, erosion, loess, no possible geological hypothesis can set aside the facts which prove these remains to be the work of man. This was proved long ago by Thomas Jefferson, Bishop Madison, and Dr. Barton. The works of the Mound-builders comprise fortifications, of which there are almost innumerable examples throughout the great valley, burrows, or places of burial, and mounds or pyramids. The fortifications are usually such an intrenched bank as we might suppose to have been thrown up to guard and make firm the base of a stockade or a row of palisades. The burrows were the ordinary burial-mounds of savages, found always in the vicinity of a village site. The mounds are more elaborate, perhaps more ancient, larger, and may have served for temples, burial-places, forts, or all three together. H. M. Brackenridge, in his "Views of Louisiana," has given a full account of the mounds of Cahokia as they appeared to him in 1810:

"I crossed the Mississippi at St. Louis," he says, "and after passing through the wood which borders the river, about half a mile in width, entered an extensive open plain. In fifteen minutes I found myself in the midst of a group of mounds, mostly of a circular shape, and at a distance resembling enormous haystacks scattered through a meadow. One of the largest, which I ascended, was about two hundred paces in circumference at the bottom, the form nearly square, though it had evidently


undergone considerable alteration from the wasting of the rains. The top was level, with an area sufficient to contain several hundred men. The prospect from this mound is very beautiful; looking towards the bluffs, which are dimly seen at the distance of six or eight miles, the bottom at this place being very wide, I had a level plain before me, varied by islets of wood and a few solitary trees; to the right the prairie is bounded by the horizon, to the left, the course of the Cahokia may be distinguished by the margin of wood upon its banks, and crossing the valley diagonally south-southwest. Around me I counted twenty mounds or pyramids, besides a great number of small artificial elevations; those mounds form something more than a semicircle, about a mile in extent, its diameter formed by the river.

"Pursuing my walk along the bank of the Cahokia, I passed eight others in the distance of three miles before I arrived at the principal assemblage. When I reached the foot of the largest mound, I was struck with the degree of astonishment not unlike that which is experienced in contemplating the Egyptian pyramids, and could not help exclaiming, ‘What a stupendous pile of earth!’ To heap up such a mass must have required years and the labor of thousands. It stands immediately on the bank of the Cahokia, and on the side next it is covered with lofty trees. Were it not for the regularity and design which it manifests, the circumstance of its being on alluvial ground, and the other mounds scattered around it, we could scarcely believe it the work of human hands, in a country which we have generally believed never to have been inhabited by any but a few lazy Indians. The shape is that of a parallelogram, standing from north to south; on the south side there is a broad apron or step about half-way down, and from this another projection into the plain about fifteen feet wide, which was probably intended as an ascent to the mound. By stepping round the base I computed the circumference to be at least six hundred yards, and the height of the mound about ninety feet. The step or apron has been used as a kitchen-garden by the monks of La Trappe, and the top is sowed with wheat. Nearly west there is one of a smaller size, and fifteen others are scattered through the plain. Two are also seen on the bluffs, at the distance of three miles. Several of these mounds are almost conical. As the sward had been burnt the earth was frequently naked, and I could trace with ease any unevenness of surface, so as to discover whether it was artificial or accidental. I everywhere observed a great number of small elevations of earth, to the height of a few feet, at regular distances from each other, and which appeared to observe some order. Near them I also observed pieces of flint and fragments of earthen vessels.

"I was perfectly satisfied that here once existed a city similar to those of Mexico described by the first conquerors. Although it might not have been a Licopolis, Persepolis, or Thebes, it is not improbable that it contained many thousand inhabitants. This plain, now reposing in the stillness of death, was once the scene of a busy and crowded population; these temples, now devoted to the idolaters of silence, once resounded with the shouts of war or the songs of peace. The mounds were the sites of temples or monuments to the great men. It is evident this could not have been the work of thirty scattered tribes. If the human species had at any time been permitted in this country to have increased freely, and there is every probability of the fact, it must, as in Mexico, have become astonishingly numerous. The same space of ground would have sufficed to maintain fifty times the number of the present inhabitants with ease, their agriculture having no other object than mere sustenance. Among a numerous population the power of a chief must necessarily be more absolute, and where there are no laws, degenerate into despotism. . . . Hence there would not be wanting a sufficient number of hands to erect mounds or pyramids."

The great mound at Cahokia described by Brackenridge is called "Monk's Mound," from the fact that, as hinted by him above, it was the site of a conventual establishment of the ascetic monks of La Trappe, who settled there about 1809. They devoted themselves to industrial pursuits, and one of their advertisements is now before us, taken from the St. Louis Republican of Jan. 24, 1811, as follows:

"NOTICE. — Several persons having showed to the monks of La Trappe a desire to purchase watches, if they would sell them for trade, the said monks, in order to satisfy everybody, give notice to the public that until the end of the year 1811 they will sell watches, clocks, and other silversmith's work, and also fine horses, for the following articles in trade, viz.: wheat, corn, linen, beef, pork, cattle, leather, tallow, blankets, etc.

"Superior of the Monks,
"Cantine Mounds, nine miles above Cahokia.

"N. B. — The above-mentioned articles will be sold at a lower price to whoever shall pay cash."

With some abridgment, we reproduce the account of them given by Brackenridge in his interesting narrative of his visit to Cahokia in 1811:

"The buildings which the Trappists at present occupy are merely temporary. They consist of four or five cabins on a mound about fifty yards from the large one, and which is about one hundred and fifty feet square. Their other buildings, stables, cribs, etc., ten or fifteen in number, are scattered about on the plain below. I was informed that they intended to build on the terrace of the large mound. This will produce a fine effect, especially if painted white; it would be seen five or six miles across the plain, and from some points of view ten or twelve. They have about one hundred acres inclosed in three different fields, including the large mound and several others. On entering the yard I found a number of persons at work, some hauling and storing away the crop of corn, others shaping timber for some intended edifice. A considerable number of these were boys from ten to fourteen years of age. The effect on my mind was inexpressibly strange at seeing them pass and repass in perfect silence. What force must it require to subdue the sportive disposition of boyhood! But nothing is so strong as nature. I admired the cheerful drollery of a poor mulatto lad with one leg who was attending the horse-mill. As the other boys passed by, he always contrived by some odd gesticulation to attract their attention. He generally succeeded in exciting a smile. It was a faint gleam of sunshine which seemed to say that their happiness was not entirely obscured by the lurid gloom that surrounded them.

"Fatigued with this scene, which I contemplated apparently unobserved, I ascended the mound which contains their dwellings. This is nearly twenty-five feet in height, the ascent aided by a slanting road. I wandered about here for some time in expectation of being noticed. It was in vain that I nodded to the reverend fathers or peeped into the cabins. In the course of fifteen minutes, Father Joseph, a sprightly, intelligent man in the prime of life, who, I learned, had the government of the monastery in the absence of Father Urbain, came up to me, and, after some conversation, invited me into the watchmakers' shop. I was not a little surprised to find here a shop better furnished than any in St. Louis. Part of it was occupied as the


laboratory and library; the library, I confess, but indifferent. A few medical works of no great repute, and the rest composed of the dreams of the fathers and the miraculous wonders of the world of saints.

"Two men were at work, and two boys appeared also busily employed. One poor fellow of ten or eleven years of age, seated by a stove and employed in making strokes upon a slate, attracted my attention and pity. He appeared to have just risen from the bed of sickness, or rather from the tomb.

"Father Joseph inquired whether I had dined, and being informed in the negative, had something prepared. My fare was simple, consisting entirely of vegetables, though not less acceptable, for it was given with good will. Having returned thanks to the good fathers for their hospitality, I took my leave.

"I learned that the family of the Trappists consists of about eighty persons, a considerable number of whom are at present from home. The boys are generally Americans; the men are principally Germans and French, with a few Americans. It is said they expect an accession from Europe of about two hundred. It is about a year since they have been settled in this place. The last summer they were much afflicted with fevers, six or seven died, and very few escaped severe illness. The boys particularly appeared of a pale or sallow complexion. They deny, however, that the place is unhealthy. They say that, as in most parts of this country, the emigrant must expect to undergo a seasoning, and that those who died were chiefly old men who had been previously afflicted with chronic complaints. But the meagre diet upon which these people subsist must also have contributed not a little.

"There are things in which no one can deny them praise. They are extremely industrious in various useful employments, and there are excellent workmen among them in a variety of trades. An asylum is offered to such unfortunate wretches (certainly very rare in America) who, aged and friendless, are in danger of perishing of want."

In a later account of a visit to Monk's Mound, in 1837, the writer says, —

"A ride across the American Bottom from East St. Louis to the bluffs, on the Collinsville plank road, discloses to the eye of the curious a large number of ancient mounds. Perhaps a dozen or more of these interesting formations, which are generally supposed to have been built by an extinct race only known as the ‘Mound-builders,’ may be counted as the bluffs are neared. These mounds are of various sizes and forms. Some are conical, with irregular shapes on either side. Some are truncated, and others have the sugar-loaf form. The largest of the singular elevations are located about two miles west of the bluffs, between the main road and Cahokia Creek, which is known as ‘Monk's Mound.’ It rises above the surrounding plain to the height of ninety feet, and the base is said to cover an area of forty acres. Its precipitous sides are deeply seamed with furrows, caused apparently by melting snows and rains. The sides of these gullies are elevated and rounded, forming paths, up which the ascent is made, and they are seen to spread from the apex towards the base like the legs of a spider. Some portions of the mound are terraced, and portions are overgrown with forest-trees. There is also an apple-orchard near the base. The summit can be easily reached on all sides, but up one of the gullies a wagon road has at some former period been constructed. The summit is a flat plateau of several acres, with a dwelling near the centre, and a garden now under a good state of cultivation on the north side. The name by which the great mound is extensively known is derived from the monks of La Trappe, who established themselves hero in about the year 1810. The mound once belonged to an Irish gentleman who was clerk of the St. Clair County Court. It was bought from him by Maj. Nicholas Jarrot, of Cahokia, and given by him to the monks, and after it was abandoned by them it again reverted to Maj. Jarrot. Mr. Guy Morrison, late of Collinsville, bought it, and we believe at one time built a house there. Some of these facts were communicated to us by Madame Jarrot, the venerable relict of Maj. Jarrot, who still survives in tolerably good health, although in her ninety-third year.

"The building on the summit of the mound is untenanted. It is a low frame structure containing a number of rooms, with a veranda extending along the west and south sides. We who visited the establishment supposed the establishment to be the deserted habitation of the silent old monks, and prompted by a spirit of curiosity, we effected an entrance through one of the windows and proceeded to explore its hidden recesses. It was a ratty old place, and contained nothing which suggested to our minds the peculiar mode of life practiced by the pious members of this religious order. There were old barrels, old broken bottles, old hats, and old scraps of broken furniture scattered here and there. Everything about the premises had a general flavor of mild decay. We were, however, after relics and found none. We subsequently learnt that the dwelling was built long after the monks had evacuated the premises, by a Mr. Hill, who kept a school there. His grave, located near the dwelling, on one of the angles of the mound, was pointed out to us.

"Half-way down the north slope of the mound the mouth of a tunnel is seen, which was dug out several years ago by some explorers with a view of finding the relics of some ancient Mound-builders. But the success which rewarded the labor we were unable to ascertain from the residents in the vicinity, who take no more interest in the matter than the man in the moon. From the character of the strata which compose these formations there is no evidence that the mound is the work of human hands, but, on the contrary, it is a ‘spared monument’ of the adjoining bluff, — formations left standing apart by the powerful currents of the ancient seas that at one time inundated the Mississippi valley and swept over the American Bottom. Similar mound-like formations are seen all along the bluffs, as at Caseyville, of which there could be no dispute as to the origin. The foot-hills at Golden City, and between Denver and the Rocky Mountains, present similar forms, and the voyager on the Upper Missouri, above Sioux City, will see hundreds of such conical and oblong elevations, studding the bluffs and bottom-lands like hay-stacks and walled battlements, all of which are unquestionably natural formations. But that there are mounds made by human hands for sepulture and purposes of defense or observation there is equally no doubt. Monk's Mound, however, is not one of them. It is nevertheless worthy of a visit by all who take an interest in the various freaks of nature."

The purchaser of the Trappist estate referred to above was T. Ames Hill, a native of Massachusetts, but long a resident of Kentucky and St. Louis. He moved on the property in 1831, erecting a cabin on the very summit of the mound. When he died he was buried in the northeast corner of the plane surface of the pyramid's top. This Cahokia mound, the largest in the United States, is in every way an imposing structure. Mrs. Hill, who lived upon its summit for twenty-five years, says that a large secret entrance into the mound was at one time discovered,


but was filled up again to prevent vermin and wild animals from making their dens within it. The Cahokia tumulus was originally an immense terragon, supported by a heavy terrace on the south and west, approached by a talus; the north base five hundred and sixty feet; south base seven hundred and twenty feet; summit, length, three hundred and ten feet; breadth, one hundred and forty-six feet. The north side is the most precipitous. The terrace approaches from the south and west, and is one hundred and twenty feet deep; the talus approaches from the south, and is fifty-five feet broad at top, one hundred and twenty feet long, and one hundred and twenty-five feet broad at base. Height of mound, ninety-one feet. The superficial area of the summit is two acres; of the base, six acres, and the solid contents are estimated at twenty-five million cubic feet.

Wills de Haas contends, from observation, that nowhere in the United States are the mounds so large and numerous and arranged with so much system as those on the American Bottom. "They present, indeed, a city of mounds, a vast and mysterious collection of monumental remains." This system is repeated and continued on a scale almost equally large at New Madrid. The American Bottom is the most extensive and valuable alluvial in the United States. It stretches from opposite the mouth of the Missouri to the Kaskaskia, a distance of over eighty miles, with an average breadth of seven miles. Its fertility is inexhaustible; its scenery is varied and picturesque; and the prehistoric races made it their favorite abode, built their mounds, and gathered their dwellings upon it. The Indians found by the whites upon these sites did not even pretend to any knowledge of the builders of the mounds. They had no traditions concerning them.

To their superstitious souls these great works were simply manitou, — supernatural, — because mysterious and inexplicable. Nor has the acute and scientific investigation of the present day thrown any real light upon the history of the mounds, who built them, and how and when they were constructed. We do not know, we may almost despair of ever learning whether the Mound-builders were autochthones or immigrants, or from whence they derived their knowledge of agriculture, working stone, making cloth and fictilia. Mr. de Haas remarks that:

"Two grand groups of ancient tumuli loom up on the broad surface of the American Bottom. They are distant from the central figures about six miles, but connected by a series of smaller mounds, forming a continuous chain, and constituting one grand and extensive system of tumular works, — unequaled for size, number, and interesting feature on either the sub-continents of America.

"One of these groups stands within the city limits, and adjacent to East St. Louis; the other six miles to the northeast, lying chiefly north of the Ohio and Mississippi Railway. These are connected, a series of tumuli, stretching along Indian Lake and Cahokia Creek; the entire system, including those along the bluff, numbering over two hundred.

"These, collectively, present a vast city of mounds in ruin. They undoubtedly constituted the seat of a great power, — a community little less populous perhaps than that now centring within an area, of twenty miles of this great modern metropolis of the West. The upper group, containing the most important monuments, was doubtless the citadel of the ancient empire. It comprises over sixty mounds, arranged with great system, and in marked position toward each other. The great mound, constituting the principal feature, is supported by four elevated squares, and numerous large tumuli of manifest importance in the system.

"The mounds comprising these respective groups are conical, ellipsoidal, square, and parallelogram. Some are perfect cones, others the frustrum. They vary in height from five to ninety feet, in some instances presenting an angle of nearly sixty degrees. They are all of earth taken from the surrounding plain or bluff, and constructed with symmetry, neatness, and manifest design.

"It is claimed as a noticeable fact that corresponding excavations can be observed near most of the mounds. I have noticed this quite marked in some instances, but only in such localities where the vegetable mound was found underlaid with a deposit of sand. With their rude implements and facilities for removing soil the Mound-builders could not make heavy excavations, but would rather avail themselves of that most readily removed.

"I have failed to detect near any of these mounds thefosse so frequently noticed near the Ohio valley tumuli. They compared in general external appearance, internal structure, and arrangement to the ancient tumuli of other parts of the country, except those of an elliptical type. This class occurs more frequently here than elsewhere. The square mounds find counterparts in the elevated squares at Marietta, Ohio.

"A general design is manifest in all the ancient earth-works of America. In the Ohio valley they are found in connected systems. In the Mississippi valley, or that part lying opposite this city, they occur alone in tumular erections, arranged in groups, with outstanding guards, system, and unmistakable design.

"The remains of art found among these mounds — stone implements, fictilia, etc. — indicate a knowledge quite equal if not in advance of art remains from the mounds of Ohio, West Virginia, Kentucky, Indiana, etc. There is a decided difference between some of their stone implements, which will be more particularly noticed hereafter. This fact induces the belief that they belong to a different people. As to the object of the mound, without attempting to advance a hypothesis based on incomplete observations, it may be safely assumed that all mounds wherever, whenever, or by whomever constructed, were primarily designed as places of sepulture. This we read alike in the simple and often scarcely distinguishable tumuli in the valley of the Mississippi or the isles of Britain, as we do in the huge tumuli on the Cahokia or the vast earthen and


megalithic monuments of Northern Europe or the valley of the Nile. They were often devoted to other uses, but the great first purpose was sepulchral. They doubtless often served a triple purpose, — tomb, temple, dwelling-place. The large square works possibly supported the houses of important personages, or picketed around as places of defense. The great mound probably supported the principal temple, also the house of their cazique or king. Others served as guard-posts, and still others as places of defense."

The early inhabitants on the Mississippi had three modes of burial: inhumation in a horizontal position, the body having a regular grave, generally stone-lined; inhumation in a standing or sitting position; and cremation, the body burnt and the ashes and carbonized bones preserved in a vase or urn. Many cinerary urns have been discovered in the course of the exploration of barrows and mounds. All the art and industrial remains of the Mound-builders show them to have belonged to what is called the Stone Age. But few metallic remains have been found in the mounds of St. Louis and the American Bottom, and these only copper and for ornament. Various curved shells have been found, showing the use of wampum and the fact that the Mound-builders had intercourse with the coasts of the Gulf of Mexico and the Atlantic or Pacific Oceans. The Mound-builders had attained great proficiency in working stone. Their weapons are often of exquisite design and perfect workmanship. Their tools were rude, chisels and hatchets, hammers and knives of granite, hornblende, nephrite, and their arrow-heads, spear-points, knives, fluting instruments, etc., are of quartz of every grade, from black chert to opalescent chalcedony. Mr. de Haas remarks that:

"One type of these flint implements is most universal. These are agricultural, proving beyond doubt that the people who used them tilled the soil. Two distinct styles prevail, — one long, like the blade of a spade; and the other identically our modern hoe, the eye being substituted by a double notch. These vary in size, — the longer from six to fifteen inches and four or five inches broad; the other about the diameter of an ordinary garden hoe. These implements show usage, — the parts entering the soil being highly polished, such as nothing would so readily effect as attrition in sand and loam. These implements are quite anomalous, — nothing of the kind having been discovered in the Ohio valley, or, so far as I am aware, east of the Mississippi or in Europe.

"A variety of other flint implements have been discovered, unlike any heretofore found. Also, a large granite implement, which may have served for dressing hides or crushing corn. I notice, however, a total absence of steatite and serpentine ornaments and amulets, so common in Ohio valley mounds."

The pottery found in connection with the mounds of St. Louis and the American Bottom presents a great number of curious and instructive examples of the fictile art. Mr. de Haas thinks that the ancient potter of the Mississippi valley was but little inferior in skill to the potters among the ancient Egyptians. The Mound-builder did not use the potter's wheel: his ware was all hand made; and much of it was only sun-dried or fire-baked in a very inadequate and inefficient manner. Two or three different styles of manufacture have been discovered, — one, a breccia on clay and pulverized mussel-shell or white spathic carbonate of lime. The ware is of irregular thickness, tough and capable of resisting the effects of moisture, dilatation, and shrinking. The ornamentation is neat and plain, rude lines, dots, chevrons, and zigzags being the chief patterns. The vessels found comprise urns, vases, cups, dishes, etc., and some of them have handles made in imitation of familiar animals. They are chiefly mortuary in their purposes, it is probable.

A. J. Conant, of St. Louis, who is probably as competent as any scientist in the country to discuss the subject, has written an excellent monograph on the Mound-builders as representatives of the prehistoric man in the Mississippi valley. He divides the mounds of Missouri and the American Bottom into four general classes: burial mounds, caves, or artificial caverns; sacrificial or temple mounds; garden mounds; and miscellaneous works. He first considers mounds in their relations to town sites, producing very good evidence, from the explorations of Dr. Beck, in 1822-23, that St. Louis was a town site with numerous sacrificial and burial mounds. In Dr. Beck's diagram we find two square pyramids, three large conical mounds, and six smaller cones, forming a rude parallelogram, the Big Mound covering its left flank at a distance of six hundred yards. The late Col. John O'Fallon's mansion, on the Bellefontaine road, was built on one of these Indian mounds, and he reported that, in excavating the foundations, human bones by the cart-load, with stone axes and arrowheads in great numbers, were taken out. The woods west of the dwelling were full of small mounds, thrown up apparently by the Mound-builders as sites for their houses, all having hearth-places, whereon were vestiges of charcoal and ashes.

Mr. Conant looks upon the Big Mound of St. Louis as a typical burial mound. If its magnitude or the size of its vault is to be taken for a standard, he thinks it would seem to have been the tomb of the most holy prophet or the royal race. The sepulchral chamber within it, which long ago fell in, was of unknown length, but could be traced for seventy-two feet. The manner of its construction seems to have been as follows: the surface of the ground was first made perfectly level and hard; then the walls were raised with an outward inclination, made compact and solid, and plastered over with moist clay. Over these a roof was formed of heavy timbers, and above all the


mound was raised of the desired dimensions. The bodies were placed evenly upon the floor of the vault, a few feet apart, equidistant from each other, their feet towards the west. A great number of beads and shells were found mingled with the black mould that enveloped the bones. These beads, identical with those found in the Ohio mounds, are cut, according to Prof. Foster, from the shell of the Busy-con, of the Gulf of Mexico, though some are made of the common mussel-shells of the neighborhood. These heads are so numerous that the whole body of the corpse, from head to thigh, must have been covered with them.

The great Monk's Mound at Cahokia is looked upon as the most perfect specimen of a temple mound in the United States. It is better preserved and the most finished model we have of the forms of the Mexican teocallis and the temples of Yucatan. On the top of these mounds, in one corner, was always a smaller elevation, upon which the sacred fire was kept burning, and in front of which all sacrifices were made.

The garden mounds, small, flat elevations, Mr. Conant thinks were thrown up by the Mound-builders for the cultivation of maize and other crops. In thin lands a richer soil was thus obtained; in flat lands the disasters of flood and moisture were avoided. It is possible also that the edges of these garden mounds were defended by stakes, to prevent them from being trampled down by the deer and the immense herds of bison which roamed everywhere. Wheat found in an urn in one of these garden mounds in Utah is said to have germinated and returned a good yield of a new and prolific variety.

Among the potteries found in the Missouri mounds are drinking vessels, moulded in the form of owls, of gourds, etc. Dr. Foster, in his excursus upon the prehistoric races of North America, thinks that the Mound-builders attained a perfection in the ceramic arts that places them far ahead of the people of the Stone and Bronze Ages in Europe. "We can readily conceive," he says, "that in the absence of metallic vessels pottery would be employed as a substitute, and the potter's art would be held in the highest esteem. From making useful forms, it would be natural to advance to the ornamental." The commonest forms of the Mound-builders' pottery represent kettles, cups, water-jugs, pipes, vases. They ornamented the surfaces of these with curved lines and fretwork, and moulded them or their parts in the image of birds, quadrupeds, and the human figure. The clay which they used was finely tempered, and did not crack or warp in baking. Some of their designs are said to be true to nature, tasteful, and show a degree of refined feeling which approximates to the sense of beauty. Some of the human figures indicate a study of the living model and a distinction of form and attitude such as reveal, in a rudimentary fashion, the artistic feeling. There is a very interesting collection of these fictile treasures in the museum of the St. Louis Academy of Sciences and in the Missouri Historical Society. Oscar W. Collet, Secretary of the Missouri Historical Society, who has paid great attention to such subjects, has made by his own personal unaided efforts a collection of Indian antiquities, which in some respects is considered the finest in the country. The specimens of stone implements of war and the chase are thought to be the largest and best preserved, the handsomest and most characteristic anywhere to be seen. They are arranged upon an excellent plan. The efforts of Mr. Collet, the Historical Society, the Academy of Sciences, F. F. Hilder, Mr. Conant, and others in this direction, will effectually repair to Missouri the loss the State suffered by the dispersion of the splendid Indian Museum begun by Meriweather Lewis, and added to during twenty years by Gen. William Clark.

We have no space to follow Mr. Conant in his comments upon the craniology of the Mound-builders, nor in his speculations in regard to the origin of this extinct race. Enough has been presented to prove that the mounds of St. Louis and the adjacent country are the work of human hands, and that they were the products of the patient labor of a people who had but the slightest resemblance to the Indians whom the white men found in this country when they discovered and settled it. A few important conclusions are obvious from the various facts which have been adduced. There are traces sufficient of occupation and settled inhabitancy to make it apparent that the entire valley of the Mississippi, and especially the vicinity of St. Louis, was the seat of an extensive if not crowded population, which was not nomadic but fixed, and which must have had permanent dwellings, cities, and a stable government and well-defined religion. This population was industrial, and had acquired the rudiments of many arts. For example, the Mound-builders used and knew how to manufacture salt by the process of boiling. The evidence is found in the masses of broken pottery about the salt-springs of Gallatin, Ill., among which are fragments of kettles of a very large size. Brackenridge noted the same sort of remains about the salines of Ste. Genevieve, Mo., as early as 1811. Some of the fragments here showed the kettles to have been as big round as barrels. Our American Indians, when the country was first


discovered, had no acquaintance with the antiseptic and preservative properties of salt.

In the next place, the Mound-builders made textile fabrics and wove cloth out of the cortex of various herbaceous plants, such as the nettle and wild hemp. They cooked their food and regularly used cooking utensils. They pounded their maize in stone mortars (as the Algonkins did also), and the pestles and mortars, of sienite and quartzite, were highly polished, and finished with particular care. Maize was the staple of their food, but was not the only grain they used, for wheat, rice, and a cereal resembling rye have all been found in the mounds. They cultivated a great variety of melons, squashes, and cucumbers, and gathered the pecan, the shellbark, hickory-nut, and the walnut. Using so much farinaceous and vegetable food, it is obvious that the chase was by no means their chief dependence, and, cultivating a wide area of soil, they were able to maintain large populations upon comparatively limited areas of territory.

The Mound-builders had a species of manufacture and of commerce of their own. Copper ornaments and implements made on Lake Superior have been found in Alabama and Mississippi. The Mound-builders are thought to have wrought the mica-beds of North Carolina extensively, and specimens of this mica have been found at New Madrid. They imported marine shells from the Gulf of Mexico and from Long Island Sound. They procured obsidian from beyond the Rio Grande to make arrow-heads and knives, specimens of which are found in Mississippi mounds. The Mound-builders knew something of astronomy and a good deal about practical military and civil engineering. Pyramidal mounds always have their sides to the cardinal points of the compass, and in inclosures the gate generally was on the eastern side. The dams erected by them and the canals they cut show a familiarity with the principles of hydraulics. Their defensive works are admirably calculated to serve the purpose for which they were intended. The sites were invariably well chosen, and the defensive lines to cover and protect these fortresses would have won the admiration of a Vauban.

The Mound-builders were an agricultural people. They selected the most fertile sites for their habitations, and their population was always most dense in sections most prolific in the cereals, and particularly maize. The granaries of the West to-day are those spots where the tumuli of the Mound-builders most abound. In conclusion, all the evidence in regard to this prehistoric race which has been so far collected tends to show, —

1. That the Mound-builders had an organized autocratic government, in which the individual was merged in the state, and thus their rulers could undertake and complete the great works, the remains of which are found in this age.

2. The Mound-builders were a laborious people. Nothing but the united labor of many thousands of men could accomplish such great works as have survived the leveling influence of time through thousands of years.

3. The Mound-builders were not nomads, but had fixed habitations.

4. They were numerous and gregarious, dwelling in populous cities, as attested by the grouping of the mounds.

5. The Mound-builders were acquainted with many of the practical arts of civilized life. They smelted copper, wrought stone, moulded clay into useful forms, built houses, reared mounds, which, like those of Otolum, Uxmal, Palenque, and San Juan Tectihuacan, were no doubt temple-crowned in the distant past. They manufactured salt, made cloth, and had vessels fitted for many uses. They cultivated the soil, raised corn, melons, pumpkins and squashes, and subsisted in a large degree on the fruits of the earth.

Chapter VI.


VERY different from the Mound-builders in every respect were the Indians whom the white men found upon the soil of St. Louis and its vicinity, at the time of their first explorations and afterwards when the town was settled. We do not know positively which of the tribes had the best pretensions to the site of St. Louis; but it appears to be the case that while the Illinois Indians claimed the spot, visited it frequently, and may have occupied it permanently in the period of their greatest ascendancy and numbers, the Missouris were the nearest Indians to it, and camped and fished there; while, from the time of La Salle, it is probable that the more powerful Wawsatches or Osages exercised a sort of suzerainty over it. This they were the better able to do from the fact, recorded in the journals of Chevalier de Tonti, that this was a tribe of horsemen, and hunted and made war on horseback, getting their mounts from the wild horses of the plains and by trade with the Comanches and Apaches of Texas and New Mexico. Indian legends seem to concur that the ancestors of


the Natchez Indians, or some tribes very nigh akin to them, were the original occupants of St. Louis and the American Bottom, whence they were expelled by the fierce assaults of the Iroquois and Algonkins, at that time allies. These Indians, whether descendants or not of the Mound-builders, were certainly more nearly allied to them in manners and customs, and in the degree of their civilization, than any other tribes within the limits of the United States of whom we have any knowledge, excepting, perhaps, the Navajo and the Pueblo and Zuńi Indians of New Mexico. Stripping off all the romance with which chroniclers have seen fit to clothe the history of the Natchez tribes, we will still find a nation of sun-worshipers, living in fixed towns, and having a form of monarchical or hierocratical government such as we may readily conceive the Mound-builders to have obeyed.

When Marquette and Joliet descended the Wisconsin and Mississippi Rivers in 1673, they encountered only the Illinois Indians within the limits of Missouri and Illinois, — and their expedition went no farther than the mouth of the Arkansas. In 1682, on the other hand, when La Salle and Tonti descended the Illinois and the Mississippi, and looked into the Missouri and the Ohio, they found both Illinois and Shawanese on the left or east side of the upper river, and on the west side, a short distance up the Missouri above St. Louis, they found the Missouri Indians, and above these the Osages, and probably the Panis or Pawnees. At the time of the establishment of the trading-post of St. Louis, in 1764, by Laclede, the remnant of the Illinois bands was permanently settled at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, a mere handful in comparison with what they had been, — a few families only of the Peorias still dwelling by the lake on the Illinois River which bears their name. They had been ravaged by pestilence and devastated by war. The Iroquois had driven them from their homes at old Kaskaskia and Peoria with fire and hatchet, and the Sacs and Foxes, the Ottawas, and the Miamis and their confederates kept them out. A few years later, as has been already set forth, they either contrived or consented to the murder of Pontiac, while that great chieftain was their guest in Cahokia, and the result was the literal extermination of the tribe. They numbered at least twelve thousand souls in 1670; they had sixty towns in 1700; in 1800 none of the blood survived except in the veins of French half-breeds and about two hundred Kaskaskias (with a few scattering Peorias divided between the east and west sides), afterwards removed to the Indian Territory, and the tribe name had disappeared except as a geographical title.

The Illinois belonged to the great Algonkin race, which held nearly all the temperate parts of North America at the time of the first colonization of this continent. They were the kindred of the Algonkins of Canada, the Chippeways, or Ojibways, of Michigan, the Mohegans of New England and New York, the Shawanese south and the Miamis north of the Ohio, the Powhatans and Nottaways of Virginia, and the Delawares, or Lenni-Lenapes, of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The name Illinois is a French corruption of a root-word identical with Lenni-Lenape, varying only in affix and suffix; and both nations gave the same meaning to the haughty title. — "We are the men." Neither nation, however, though skillful with arms and in the chase, could cope with the Iroquois in the field; and the journal of Tonti and the reports of La Salle and the French missionaries are full of thrilling accounts of how the Six Nations invaded their territory, captured their strongholds, massacred their women and children, and pursued their flagging warriors over the prairies for hundreds and hundreds of miles.

The Illinois lived well in a fat prairie country, yielding crops a hundred for one, and abounding with game of every sort. They were a comely and accomplished race, the women handsome, the men bold, versatile, vivacious, talkative, but treacherous, lazy, and licentious to such a degree that they had even adopted the unnatural vices which are commonly supposed to attach themselves only to the pampered civilization of outworn cities. When the Jesuits succeeded in converting them, and making them good Catholics, they became effeminate as well as idle, and lost concern for the chase as well as for arms.

About the time of the first white colonies in North America, there seems to have been a general movement among the Indian tribes, looking to the reform and consolidation of their political institutions. We cannot determine whether the impulse to this was received from within or without; but it is certain that the establishment of the confederacy of the Five Nations was either preceded, or very swiftly followed by confederacies of the New England, and the Virginia, Georgia, and Tennessee tribes; by the Huron confederacy in Canada, the Miami confederacy in Ohio and Indiana, and the Illinois confederacy in Illinois. The latter tribal union comprehended the several bands of the Kaskaskias, the Tamaronos, the Mitchigamis, the Cahokias, and the Peorias. Their chief towns were on both sides of the Illinois river, from Chicago to the Mississippi, and their winter quarters were in the Great American Bottom, from Cahokia to Kaskaskia. Even before La Salle built


Fort Crevecoeur their towns on the Illinois had become favorite resorts of the wild French trappers and hunters, the voyageurs and the coureurs des bois, and later on, their villages of Cahokia and Kaskaskia on the Mississippi became French villages as well; the points of meeting between the fur-traders and the half-breed children of the wilderness who roamed the interior of the continent, traversed its mountain passes, and trapped on all its streams, from the Rio Grande and the Gila to the Columbia and the Yukon, and from the Gulf of Mexico, on the south, to Hudson's Bay and the Great Slave Lake on the north.

The general Algonkin tradition, as preserved by Heckewelder (and also by Rafinesque, in the translation which he furnished to Nicollet of the so-called Walum-olum, or bark record of the Lenni-Lenape), points to a migration of that nation from the north into the country of the Missouri River, whence they crossed the Mississippi between the lakes and the Ohio, driving southwards the Alligewi, the original occupants of the soil. The latter, it is said, lived in towns, were very numerous, and had strong fortifications. This Walum-olum, a song learned by heart, the arrangement of the parts of which is determined by memoriter characters written on bark, would be a very remarkable chronicle if we could repose complete confidence in its genuineness; but that we cannot do upon the evidence vouchsafed to us by the brilliant but erratic Rafinesque. As it now stands, its authenticity is about upon a par with the poems of Ossian and the Book of Mormon, excepting that its internal evidence is rather in its favor, — that is to say, it does not contradict, it only amplifies the extant Indian legends; and it may be all very true, only we have no more than Rafinesque's word for it, and the concordance of the symbols used with the well-known picture-writing of the Delawares and Ojibways. The Walum-olum (meaning literally "painted sticks") consists of five divisions, two devoted to Indian cosmogony and a diluvial legend, the other three recording the migrations, battles, resting-places, and names and order of succession of the chiefs of the Algonkins. The song is said by Rafinesque to have been obtained by the late Dr. Ward, of Indiana, from the remnant of the Delawares on the White River. The metre is apparently that of Hiawatha, some at least of the verses terminating in homophones:

"Wemipayat guneunga shinaking
Wunkenapi chanelendam payaking
Allowelendam kowiyey-tulpaking."

The legend goes on to relate that after the flood the true men (Lennapewi) were with the turtle, in the cave-house, the dwelling of Talli. It was cold, it snowed, and from the north plain they went south in search of milder land and game. In the new land the northlings separated from them, and the Snakes (enemies) fled and hid.

"In vast numbers, in a single night, they went to the Eastern or Snake Island, all of them marching by night in the darkness over the waters of the hard, stormy sea. The northlings, the easterlings, the southerlings (Shawanapi), the beaver-men, the wolf-men, the hunters or best men, the priests and medicine-men, with their wives and daughters, and their dogs. They all arrived at the land of firs, where they tarried; but the western-men, hesitating, wished to return to the old turtle-land." The next song tells of a long sojourn in the fir-land, under many chiefs making war on the Snakes, and slowly wending southward till they came to Shililaking, buffalo-land, in the plains beyond a hollow mountain. Here, on the Yellow (Missouri) River, they built towns and raised corn on the meadows. There Taminend reigned, the greatest and best of chiefs, and all was peace, because all men were his friends. But this golden age was not maintained under his successors; there was war north and south, until at last Opekasit (East-looking) said, "Let us go to the sun-rising," and many went eastward together. The Mississippi was reached, and the nation tarried long on its west bank. The contest with the Alligewi was long and doubtful after the river was crossed, but at last the enemy fled southward, "and all the people were pleased. South of the lakes they settled their council-fire, and north of the lakes were their friends the Talamatan. Next was Linniwalamen, who made war on the Talamatan (the Hurons)." The division and separation of the tribes is next described. The Nentegos (Nanticokes) and Shawanis went to the south-land. The country was occupied from Maine to Albemarle Sound, from Niagara to Kentucky, from Lake Erie to the Chesapeake, by the Algonkins, and the Iroquois and the Eries trembled. The Algonkins made war on the Cherokees and the Creeks. They had alliances with the Hilliniki (the Illinois), the Shawanis, and the Kenowikis (Kanawhas or Canoes), and were friends of the Wemiamik (Miamis, Weas, or Beaver-children), and the Tawas (Ottowas), and Talamatans, or Hurons. The wide range of these affinities and relationships is very noticeable. The record concludes as follows:

"Then the children divided into three parts, the Unamini(or Turtle tribe), the Minsimini (Wolf tribe), the Chickimini (Turkey tribe).

"Epallakchund was chief, and fought the Mahongwi (Mengwi, or Mingoes, or Iroquois), but failed.

"Langomuwi was chief, and the Mahongwi trembled.


"Wapachikis (White-crab) was chief, and a friend of the Shore people.

"Nenachipat was chief towards the sea.

"Now from north and south came the Wapagachik (White-comers).

"Professing to be friends, in big-birds. Who are they?"

A supplementary and modern fragment tells, in the tones of a Jeremiah, who these Wapsinis (East-people) are, "who came out of the sea to rob us of our lands." It recounts the friendship of Penn, the subsequent wars, and how the Delawares were driven to Ohio and Indiana, ending with Kithtilkand and Lapabanit were the chiefs of our two tribes when we resolved to exchange our lands and return at last beyond the Masispek, to our old country.

"We shall be near our foes, the Wakon (Osages), but they are not worse than the Yankwisakon (English snakes), who want to possess the whole Big-island.

"Shall we be free and happy then, at the new Wapahani? We want rest and peace and wisdom."

There is a certain degree of verisimilitude about this narrative which gives it a great interest to every inquirer, and at least makes him wish its genuineness could be established. If that were done, it would at once take rank as one of the most valuable ethnic records in existence. Until that is done, however, we must be content to regard it with suspicion, and to hang no theories upon it.

The Indians on the west side of the Mississippi who had anything to do with St. Louis or its site at or previous to its settlement, were, as has been stated, the Missouris and the Osages, with now and then the Pawnees. The latter tribe were akin to the Tunicas, a southern Indian race, roaming originally south of the Arkansas, and probably of the same nation as the Comanches. At the period of the settlement of St. Louis their headquarters were on the Platte. The Osages certainly, and the Missouris probably, were of the great race of the Dacotahs or Sioux, a distinctive American nation whom the early French explorers found occupying all the region about the headwaters of the Mississippi, from Lakes Superior and Michigan across to the Missouri, and thence southward, on the west side of the Mississippi, as far as the Arkansas River. The main tribe had not yet become horsemen, but they were entirely a nomadic race.

The Missouri Indian bands, as has already been shown, paid Laclede and Chouteau a long and disagreeable visit while they were laying off the original town of St. Louis, and their squaws helped to dig the first cellar ever excavated within the limits of the present city. They appear to have been comparatively harmless savages, easily controlled and intimidated. The tribe was quite numerous at one time, its villages being situated on the Missouri east of Jefferson City, but it soon yielded to the pressure of civilization. The French fur-traders, trappers, voyageurs, and coureurs, ascending the Missouri River from New Orleans and Canada, early made their homes among these savages, and repaid their hospitality by corrupting them with drink and disease. Later, when the tribe was removed farther west and settled on the Platte, near the Otoes, it sunk into a truly deplorable condition. It had received much aid from the government in the shape of money and instruction; teachers, smiths, and fanners were attached to its service, but all to no good. The evil spirit seemed to have become domiciliated in its lodges, the people were jealous, discontented, and factious, and there were continual orgies and bloodshed. They finally conceived such a deep-rooted prejudice against the spot occupied by them, on the north side of the Platte, under the impression that an evil manitou infested the place, that, in a moment of drunken riot, they set fire to their village, and it was burned to ashes. They then pitched their lodges in the prairie, on the south side of the river, whence they were finally removed to the Indian Territory.

After Pontiac's war, there was a great commotion and many changes of location among the Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, the ultimate effect of which was to give much trouble to Missouri and St. Louis. The State never had a great Indian war, but it suffered continually from Indian raids and riots during a long period of time. The pressure of population into the western parts of New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, and the beginning of settlements in Tennessee and Kentucky, drove great numbers of the Eastern Indians into Ohio and Indiana. The Mohegans, Delawares, Wyandots, Nanticokes, Shawanese, Kanawhas, Five Nations, Cherokees, all made their way into the territory of the Miamis, while the restive Dacotahs pressed the Mascoutins, Sacs and Foxes, and Kickapoos down into the territory of the Illinois. At the same time land companies and land speculators began to purchase Indian titles by the wholesale. The French colonists did not seek such an occupancy of Indian lands as would expel the original proprietors from them, and they tilled the soil and built their cabins alongside of and at peace with the natives wherever they planted themselves. Not so, however, the colonists of English descent. They demanded a clear title, undisturbed possession, and no redskin neighbors, and they enforced these demands with their rifles. From the time of the treaty of Lancaster, in 1748, the most persistent efforts had been


made to drive the Indians west of the Ohio at all points, and much bloodshed was the result. After the surrender of the French settlements east of the Mississippi in 1761-63, and the occupation of Kaskaskia, Post Vincennes, and Detroit by the English, a number of western land companies were established, intended to operate in the track of British expeditions sent out to subdue the savage "hostiles." Of these, we need refer to but two in this connection, the object of which "Dunmore's war," in 1774, ending in the desperate battle of Point Pleasant, was certainly undertaken to promote. On July 5, 1773, at a public council held in Kaskaskia, an association of English traders and merchants, styling themselves "the Illinois Land Company," obtained from ten chiefs of the Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Peoria bands a deed for two very large tracts of land on the east side of the Mississippi. The first of these covered what is now known as the "Egypt" district of Illinois; the second, what is now the central part of Illinois, with the river of that name for its north boundary for ninety leagues. The members of this company were principally London and Pennsylvania merchants, including the Francks and Hamiltons. The other company referred to bought from the chiefs of the Piankeshaws, through Louis Viviat, a merchant of the Illinois country, all the best lands of the Wabash valley, to the extent of thirty-seven million four hundred and ninety-seven thousand six hundred acres. The purchase was made Oct. 18, 1775, of eleven Piankeshaw chiefs, and the members of the company purchasing were the Earl of Dunmore and his son; Louis Viviat; the Francks, of London and Philadelphia; Thomas Johnson, Jr., and John Davidson, of Annapolis, Maryland; William Russell, Matthew Ridley, Robert Christie, Sr. and Jr., of Baltimore; Peter Campbell, of Piscataway, Maryland; William Gaddes, of Newtown Chester; William and Daniel Murray, Nicholas St. Marlin, and Joseph Page, of the Illinois country, and Francis Perthuis, of Canada. The occupancy and settlement of these lands was prevented by the outbreak of the Revolutionary war. In April, 1780, the Wabash and the Illinois Land Companies were united into a single company, and their agents were repeatedly before Congress (in 1781, 1791, 1797, 1804, and 1810) for a confirmation of their claims, which, however, was always refused. The consideration paid by the Wabash Company to the Indians for their grant of thirty-seven and a half millions of acres was five shillings in cash, 400 blankets, 22 pieces of stroud, 250 shirts, 12 gross star gartering, 120 pieces of ribbon, 24 pounds vermilion, 18 pair velvet laced housings, 1 piece of melton, 52 fusils, 35 dozen large buckhorn handle knives, 40 dozen couteau knives, 500 pounds of brass kettles, 10,000 gun-flints, 600 pound gunpowder, 2000 pounds lead, 400 pounds tobacco, 40 bushels salt, 3000 pounds flour, 3 horses, 11 very large silver armbands, 40 wrist-bands, 6 whole moons, 6 half moons, 9 ear-wheels, 46 large crosses, 29 hair pipes, 60 pairs of ear-bobs, 20 dozen small crosses, 20 dozen nose-crosses, and 110 dozen brooches. There is some satisfaction in knowing that this outrageous purchase was never confirmed.

After the Revolution, the British having deserted their Indian allies in the West, they were left in a wretched condition of discontent and partisan and predatory war, constantly in collision with the numerous streams of immigration now pouring in from every quarter, and with border lines unsettled. Virginia claimed the whole of the Northwestern Territory, by right of original charter, and by conquest also, as the result of the daring and successful expeditions of George Rogers Clarke against Kaskaskia and Vincennes. The Spaniards also put in a claim to a part of Illinois, in consequence of the expedition from St. Louis up the Illinois River in 1781. Harmar, and


then St. Clair, and finally Wayne were sent into the Indian country to pacify them. The former two were defeated, but Wayne conquered a peace, and the treaty of Greenville, which he negotiated, was observed until Tecumseh and his English allies were able to foment new discontents. After Gen. Harrison broke the power of Tecumseh's confederacy, there was peace in the sections east of the Mississippi until the outbreak of the Sacs and Foxes under Black Hawk, which was the last breath of Indian war that disturbed St. Louis.

But during all the interval between the cession of Louisiana, in 1804, and the end of Black Hawk's war, the growing town was greatly vexed by migrating or vagabond Indians, who infested its streets in the track of hunters and trappers, and made it a border town indeed. There were a good many murders by Indians during this period, some committed within the immediate precincts of the town. The first murder trial in St. Louis after the cession to the United States, was of an Indian for killing a white man. Several cases of this sort will be found referred to elsewhere, in the course of this volume. During this period the tribes and fragments of tribes that had been struggling against the ever-rising tide of white immigration between the Ohio and Mississippi had been gradually pressed westward, until nearly all of them had finally crossed the latter river, and were settled between it and Western Kansas. Several tribes pitched their wigwams within St. Louis County. As late as 1820 there were eighteen hundred Shawanese encamped within twenty miles of the city, and they were far from being good neighbors. Close contact for twenty years with the white man had corrupted and degraded them inconceivably. Jacob Burnet, in his "Notes on the Northwestern Territory," has given a graphic description of this sort of contamination, which took place under his own eyes. After speaking of the original happiness of the Indians, their dignity of character and simplicity of manners, he says, —

"Unconscious of the ruinous consequences that were to follow their intimacy with white men, they ceded to the American government large and valuable portions of their territory at nearly nominal prices. These lands were settled by Americans, in whose purity and friendship the unsuspecting savages had great confidence; nor did they awake from the delusion till their habits of sobriety and morality had been undermined by the unprincipled white men with whom they associated, and until the vices engendered by intemperance and idleness had contaminated every tribe.

"The consequences of this degeneracy very soon terminated in their ruin. The hunting excursion ceased to be pleasurable; the labor of raising their usual crops of corn and beans became a drudgery, and their chief delight was in the excitement produced by ardent spirits. The consequence was that their subsistence became precarious; they often suffered for food; their health declined; they raised but few of their children; their self-respect, their dignity of character and heroism, inherited from their ancestors, were lost; the ravages of intemperance and its kindred vices reduced their numbers and scattered their tribes; they became in their own estimation a degraded, dependent race. The government, availing itself of their weakness and want of energy, succeeded, by bribes and menaces, in obtaining the best portions of their country, and eventually in driving them from the land of their birth to a distant home in an unknown region.

"This distressing chapter of aboriginal history began at the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, and terminated in less than fifty years. The writer of these notes witnessed its commencement, progress, and close. Prior to that treaty there had been no friendly intercourse between the Indians and the white men of the United States, in consequence of the war which existed between them. That intercourse and its destructive consequences began immediately after the restoration of peace. Until that time the nations were numerous, powerful, and uncontaminated.

"The yearly journeys of the writer to attend the General Court of the Territory at Detroit made it necessary to go through some of their villages, and convenient to visit others, and often led him to their hunting-camps, which gave him many opportunities of seeing them in their villages and on their hunting excursions, and of becoming personally acquainted with some of their principal chiefs and warriors. At that time their hospitality was limited only by their means of indulging it. The corrupting influence of their new associates was just commencing, and had made but little progress. They retained the distinctive marks of their national character. Their deportment showed that they felt conscious of their strength.

"In their general intercourse with white people their manners and deportment manifested their consciousness of equality. They had lost nothing of the self-confidence which they possessed when the national and State governments admitted their independence, and met them in council as equals and friends. They were, however, unconscious of their comparative numerical weakness, and of the corrupting influence of their new associates. In a few short years their eyes were opened, their delusion vanished, and their last hopes sunk in despair.

"It would be unjust to form an opinion of the original inhabitants of this country by a reference to their descendants of the present day. In the short period of half a century they have been so changed that scarcely a trace remains of what they were when their country was first entered by the pioneers of our race, an event which sealed their destiny.

"In journeying more recently through the State, the writer has occasionally passed over the ground on which, many years before, he had seen Indian towns filled with families of that devoted race, contented and happy; but he could not perceive the slightest trace of those villages or the people who had occupied them. All the settlements through which he passed on the Maumee and Auglaize, from Fort Wayne to Defiance, and from thence to the foot of the Rapids, had been broken up and deserted. The battle-ground of General Wayne, which he had often seen in the rude state in which it was when the action of 1794 was fought, was so changed in its appearance that he could not recognize it, and not an indication remained of the many populous Indian villages he had formerly seen extending many miles on either side of the river. Flourishing towns and fields cultivated by white men covered the ground which, thirty years before, was the property and home of the nations of the forest.

"The contrast was striking, and excited a train of


unpleasant recollections. It was a natural inquiry, ‘Where are the multitudes of people who were formerly seen here, amusing themselves on these Rapids, taking the swift muskelunge with their bows and arrows?’ They were then independent and undisturbed owners of the country, which had descended to them through a long line of heroic ancestors, and which they expected their children would continue to possess when they were gone. "It was far from their thoughts that in a few years they would be expelled from these homes and driven to herd with strangers in a strange land. They did not expect to hear so soon the same chilling salutation which was addressed to the eloquent bard of Mantua by the Roman soldiers to whom his paternal villa, had been allotted by the agrarian laws of Italy, — ‘Haec mea sunt; veteres migrate coloni.’ The final catastrophe of that noble race was witnessed by the people of Cincinnati a few years since, when the remnant of the Wyandots, the last of the braves of the Ohio tribes — ‘reliquias Danaum atque immitis Achillei’ — arrived at the landing and ascended the steamboats that were to convey them from the places of their nativity into hopeless banishment."

Such were the forlorn and degraded tribes and fragments of tribes which, between 1804 and 1825, poured across the Mississippi River at or near St. Louis. Nor were these hordes innumerous. Four tribes were represented at the treaty of Fort McIntosh in 1785; the Six Nations at that of Fort Stanwix in 1784; the Shawanese, Wyandots, and Delawares at that of the mouth of the Great Miami in 1786; the Six Nations, Wyandots, Delawares, Ottawas, Chippeways, Sacs and Foxes, and Pottawattamies at Fort Harmar in 1789; and at Greenville, in 1794, there were present, among those who signed the treaty, members and representatives of the Wyandots, Delawares, Shawanese, Ottowas, Chippeways, Pottawattamies, Miamis, Eel Rivers, Weas, Kickapoos, Kaskaskias, and Piankeshaws, several of the tribes being in several branches and belonging to various localities. Between 1804 and 1825, twenty-one tribes crossed the Mississippi River at or about St. Louis, having an aggregate membership of over thirty thousand souls.

The best enumeration of the Indians west of the Mississippi at the beginning of this century with which we are acquainted is that made by H. M. Brackenridge, in 1811, in his "Views of Louisiana." He had traveled extensively among the savages himself, ascending the Missouri above its junction with the Yellowstone, and his statistics are at once trustworthy and concise. He begins his chapter by remarking the rapid decrease of the Indian populations. Tribes and nations which were populous along the river when the whites came had either become entirely extinct or dwindled away to a few individuals. The Tensas, the Bayou Goulas, the Natchez, all numerous in the days of Tonti, D'Iberville, and Charlevoix, were now extinct. So likewise were the Houmas, the Wabashes, the Abenakis, the Tarakas, the Kappas, and the Tacucas. The Illinois once numbered twenty thousand; there remained scarce forty families. Even the Osages, who once had twenty-two towns, had only fifteen hundred warriors left, and the Missouris numbered but four hundred and fifty souls all told. Brackenridge notes the Shawanese villages near St. Louis, and calls the tribe "a sober and orderly people." Stragglers from all the tribes might be seen in all the towns at every season, selling their game and fish. There were thirty thousand Indians on the Missouri. They had been much more numerous before the smallpox got among them. "All the tribes which at this day wander over the immense plains of the West are but wretched remnants, not probably more than the tenth part of the numbers which existed fifty years ago."

The following is an abstract of part of Brackenridge's table of the Indians in Upper and Lower Louisiana in his time:

TRIBE. Warriors. Souls. Country.
Big Osage 1500 5500 Osage, Missouri, and Arkansas Rivers.
Little Osage      
Big Tracks      
Kansas 300 1500 Kansas River.
Pawnee Loup 400 2000 Platte and Kansas.
Pawnee Repub 350 1600 Kansas.
Pawnee Loup (2) 300 1500 Wolf and Platte.
Omahas 250 800 North of Platte.
Poncas 80 450 Missouri at the Qui Courre.
Otoes and Missouris 80 450 Platte and Elkhorn.
Cheyenne 500 1600 Head of Cheyenne River.
Mandans 350 2000 1600 miles up the Missouri.
Saukees (Sacs) 500 2500 Below Falls of St. Anthony.
Sioux bands 1500 6000 Mississippi and Missouri.
Foxes 300 1000 Falls of St. Anthony.
Shawanese 300 800 Mississippi and St. Francis.
Chickasaws and Cherokees 500 2000 White River.
Arkansas 200 1000 Arkansas River.
Caddoes 110 500 Arkansas and Red.

The fixed agricultural villages on the Missouri were limited to those of the Osage, Omaha, Ponca, Pawnee, Mandan, and Aricaree tribes. The Pawnees at that time were located in the forks of the Kansas, the Otoes and Missouris below Wolf River. They were all, however, hunters, and roved the plains in the season of game, having great numbers of horse and dogs. They still used the bow and arrow principally in hunting, if not also in war, and the strong object of their veneration and worship was the buffalo head, looked upon as a powerful Manitou. The trade with the Indians Brackenridge did not find to be in a wholesome condition. The Spanish régime had countenanced shameless corruption and frightful abuses. The government farmed out the trade of localities to individuals, taxing it heavily; the monopolists in return extorted exorbitant prices for their goods. On the other hand, says Brackenridge, "the British policy has been to give their goods on a very


small profit, but to sell their liquors enormously high. After an Indian has once supplied himself with the articles of which he stands in immediate want, he becomes lazy and ceases to hunt; but with the hope presented to his imagination of obtaining a keg of whiskey he will toil incessantly."

Of the Osage or Wasatch Indians, Brackenridge mentions that their language is the root-tongue of adjacent tribes, but he does not seem to have found out that it is a dialect of the language of the Dacotahs. "These people," he remarks, "have been noted for their uncommon stature; this is somewhat exaggerated, though they are undoubtedly above the ordinary size of men. The wandering or semi-wandering nations of Louisiana may be characterized as exceeding in stature the whites. The Osages are reputed warlike, but this arises from their being at war with all their neighbors, and not from any uncommon degree of bravery. When compared with the Shawanese and the nations east of the Mississippi, they might with more propriety be regarded as a treacherous and cowardly race." The Kansas used to be the biggest rogues and scoundrels of the Missouri, says Brackenridge, but the Pawnees have beaten them so severely that they are better behaved. The Ottoes (Otoes, Wadooktada) are the descendants of the ancient Missouris, the remnant of that once numerous nation living with or near them. The language common to the two tribes is remarkably lofty and sonorous, and the tribes, greatly reduced in numbers, are brave and warlike, seeming to be kinsmen of the Pawnees, with whom their relations are extremely friendly. Brackenridge gives a better character to the Pawnees than they were generally credited with in his time. The Poncas and Omahas, quiet, industrious people, speak a dialect of the Osage; the Aricarees, our author says, were originally Pawnees. Of the Saukees, or Sacs and Foxes, he says that they were in his time located one hundred and forty leagues above St. Louis. They traded with the merchants both of Mackinaw and St. Louis. "The country which they claim lies principally on the east side of the Mississippi. On the west side they claim the country of the ancient Missouris by right of conquest, without defining any portion to the Ayuwas (the Des Moins Indians). To them may be ascribed the destruction of the Peorias. Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Missouris, and Illinois."

Du Pratz, the not very reliable early historian of Louisiana, gives a sketch of the travels of a sort of Indian Anacharsis whom he met about 1760, and describes as possessing a very solid understanding and great elevation of sentiment. This was a Yazoo Indian, Moncachtape, "pain-killer," whom the French called "the interpreter," from his familiarity with many native dialects. He lost his wife and children, and thereupon became a traveler, about the middle of the eighteenth century. He first sojourned among the Chickasaws, then went to the Chaouanons (Shawanese), in Tennessee and Southern Kentucky. From their country he proceeded to the mouth of the Wabash, and ascended the Ohio until he found himself in the territory of the Iroquois. After viewing the Falls of Niagara, he descended the St. Lawrence to the Gulf. On returning to the Ohio he constructed a canoe, and descended to the Mississippi and down to the Yazoo. In his next journey he ascended the Mississippi and the Missouri, being entertained by the Tamaroas (a band of the Illinois) and the Missouri Indians, dwelling among the latter long enough to acquire their language. He found them only a few days' voyage above the mouth of the river. Proceeding still farther westward, he came to the Kansas and then to the Otoes, ascending the Platte to their village. His journey did not end until he had reached the Western slope and the navigable waters of the Columbia River. It is noteworthy that he found the Missouris opposite the Illinois and not far from the Mississippi, and that the site of the Otoe village in 1750 was just about the same as that occupied by the tribe a hundred years later.

The Missouri Indians disappeared too early, and left too few and faint traces of their character to be associated with the history of St. Louis. The Osages were the most important tribe and the most distinctive people among the red men of Missouri, and of them we are able to furnish a pretty full and accurate account from the studies of persons who knew them well. We have already quoted what Brackenridge had to say of their stature. Their countenance is rather comely, with black, brilliant eyes, aquiline nose, and generally regular features. Tah-hrin-sca (or White Hair), the great chief of the Big Osages, is said, besides being a person of great good judgment, to have been the handsomest man of his nation. He was at the time we speak of forty years of age. An anecdote is related of him while he was with several braves in Washington City. The President, Gen. Taylor, wishing to pay him a deserved compliment, remarked that he believed he beheld in him the comeliest man of his nation. As the compliment was being interpreted, not a muscle of the noble chief's countenance was moved, but, bowing gravely, and with a show of approval to his host, he replied, "You have spoken the truth, my Father: I believe you!" The reply shows the readiness and absence of all ceremony with which an Indian usually


receives a well-bestowed compliment. The personal endowments so liberally bestowed on the men is not fully shared in by the Osage females. Their women have generally coarse and irregular features. The ungainliness of feature, however, is atoned for by a well-knit and graceful form, possessed with very rare exceptions by all the females of the nation.

The general character of the Osages is precisely that of the majority of Indian tribes. They are brave, but not to a fault. They see no impropriety in retreating, on ordinary occasions, from great personal danger. They are warm friends when a sufficient cause of liking is afforded them, and will endure severe privation and undergo serious suffering to render a service. Unlike many other Indians, they are not discreditably vindictive. Ever ready to resent an affront, they can with time, or with what they may deem a sufficient reparation, forget a serious injury.

Although the Osages was one of the first nations with whom the white traders dealt (the Chouteaus had a post on the Osage River long before the beginning of this century), they yet retained to a very late day, in all their purity, their original habits, callings, and general mode of life, discarding, despite the constant contact in which they were placed with the whites, every idea of turning their attention to agriculture or other useful pursuit. Until they were removed to the Indian Territory, they had a strip of land in Kansas fifty miles long, bordering on Bates and Jackson Counties, Mo., with an abundant hunting range westward. There were two principal tribes and several villages, and the soil and pasturage being good in their reservation, they were comfortably well off.

What the precise origin of the Osage nation is we cannot pretend to determine accurately. A tradition is extant among them that many years ago their forefathers lived on the borders of immense lakes, — our Northern lakes, — and that they frequently journeyed westward, for the purposes of hunting and making war upon the tribes who possessed the territory they now inhabit. The tradition may very possibly be true. Old traders now living remember well the day when they were scattered all through Missouri, even to the Mississippi River. Whatever particular locality they may have originally emigrated from, it is evident that the nation was formerly much more numerous than now, and that large bodies have left it, from time to time, since they crossed the Mississippi, to establish a distinct and separate government of their own. With other evidences, this is told us in the fact that many of their neighboring tribes speak, with some differences, their own language. Thus the Quapaws, who inhabited the prairie to the southwest; the Kansas tribe, over about Council Grove; the Arkansas, — now few in number, and promising soon to be quite extinct — who were scattered along the Arkansas line, all speak the language of the Osages, with, of course such variations as distance and difference of customs and callings will naturally bring about. The language of the Otoe tribe, formerly near Council Bluff, is also so like the Osage that the two nations readily understand each other. The probabilities are that they were all at one time a single nation. Some cause of dissension induced separation at various times. They are near neighbors, and live now on friendly terms, extending to one another every ordinary courtesy.

The government among the Osages is simple in the extreme, indeed, hardly deserving the name of government. Each great division (of the Big and Little Osages) has a "great chief," who nominally is the head of the nation, but whose authority, in fact, does not extend so far as that of many others below him. His official list of duties includes merely the presiding at councils, calling the attention of the nation to any subject which may require their immediate discussion, and entertaining distinguished guests. The great chief derives his distinction or his power — whatever name it is entitled to — hereditarily. After the principal division in the nation of Big and Little Osages follow several subdivisions, each of which has its particular chief, who is elected for some victorious deed or appointed by the great chief. This also is an honorable distinction merely, which gives them no power. Third and last in order are the "braves," who come in much greater number, and with whom the authority of government really lies. These are self-made men, who earn their distinction by their valorous deeds and brilliant achievements on the battle-field. No matter if he be the pauper of the nation, if he have scarcely attained the age of maturity, or if he be stooped and crippled with years, the person who will accomplish an act to entitle him to the distinction of brave becomes immediately invested with all its honors and all its benefits. A brave is the favorite of the nation, and his counsel will be blindly followed where the word of the chief above him would not be hearkened to.

To give an idea of the plan and appearance of all Osage villages, as also to impart an insight into the habits and mode of life of the entire nation, it is necessary only to select one especial village, with whose population, in our remarks about manners and customs, we shall more particularly familiarize the reader. We choose for this purpose to select the


village of the Big Osages as it existed before the removal of the tribe from Kansas, situated some fifty-six miles west of the Missouri line, and about on a parallel line with the town of Ste. Genevieve, on the Mississippi. The Neosho River, flowing about a quarter of a mile west of the village, was concealed from it by a dense forest, lining its borders and extending from either shore to a distance of three or four hundred yards. This timber consisted principally of splendid oaks, walnuts, hickories, and mulberries. Beginning at the wooded strip near the Neosho, and extending as far back as the eye can reach, the prairie rises gradually and evenly. It is unbroken by abrupt descents or elevations, save some three or four miles to the east of the village, where is encountered an occasional mound, evidently the work of nature, but which, from its singular locality and peculiarly symmetrical proportions, at first approach appears to be the result of human labor. The situation of this village, just at the outskirts of the timbers, allowed its population the enjoyment of the various desirable changes of temperature and weather. Thus the warm summer months brought the prairie breezes, which at times become so violent and so chilling as during the night to require, for the mere sake of comfort, additional clothing or fire. In winter, when the blast is at all times disagreeable, a removal to the woods, only a short distance off, will insure a sufficient shelter. The prairie, moreover, furnished abundant and excellent pasturage for the horses in spring and summer, and when this had gone, the timbered strip in winter offered a passable supply.

The village of the Big Osages numbered about two hundred lodges, distant generally from fifteen to twenty feet apart, and rising in every direction with but little regard to their order of arrangement. Before or after the oppressive heat of the day, when its population was in full life and motion, it presented quite a picturesque, if not an imposing appearance. Its numerous parties of savages, in wild accoutrement, were scattered here and there, some engaged in horse-racing, others earnestly disputing the victory in our own Christian game of "prisoner's base;" others, again, separated from the throng by some out of the way lodge, welcomed the recital of every ludicrous occurrence with renewed bursts of boisterous laughter. A little farther on, its many bands of wild horses were quietly enjoying the luxurious abundance which the prairie affords, or, in frolicsome humor, capered madly in every direction through the grass. From every quarter were heard the shouts of children, the sound of beating drums, and the songs of lovers and of warriors. The varied scene, in a word, equaled the wildest imaginings of Indian life, and must be seen to be fully appreciated. The lodges — every one of which is designed to accommodate a single family only — vary from seven to ten feet in breadth, and from twenty-five to a hundred feet in length, according to the number of its tenants. A family of five persons will occupy a lodge of twenty-five or thirty feet long. An Indian lodge is constructed after this fashion: The necessary number of small green hickories, eight or ten in number, are, in the first place, firmly secured in the ground in two parallel lines, whose length and distance from each other are the limits of the tent. The ends above are lashed together, so that the whole forms a continuous arch. These are afterwards overlaid with mats carefully fastened at short distances, and offering a reliable resistance to wind and rain during even the most severe storms. The low, marshy tracts occasionally encountered in the Osage prairies furnish a tall species of grass, which, when properly dried, serves as an excellent material for making these mats. The lodge having been erected, dirt is heaped against the matting at its foot, to secure it in the event of violent gusts of wind, and a few feet off a deep trench is dug to carry off the water. Holes are made at the roof of the lodge to allow the escape of smoke from the fires within, and over these holes dressed buffalo-skins are thrown loosely to prevent the rain from entering.

Though cleanliness is not an indispensable characteristic of the Indian, the interior of an Osage lodge presents, nevertheless, a remarkably neat and orderly appearance. While the Osage will make his most sumptuous repast on dog-meat, and while he will go about in times of mourning for months with probably half an inch of dirt daubed over his face, he never fails to expend some care on the cleanliness and comforts of his habitation. The lodge floor is spread with buffalo robes and bear-skins. Hunting accoutrements, horse trappings, kitchen utensils, clothing, etc., are ranged along the sides of the tent, where they will not interfere with the movements of the inmates. The head of the family has a fireplace in his lodge for each of his wives, at which she cooks, and near which she places her bedding and all the personal property and clothing, culinary utensils, etc., he may allow her. An utter stranger, in entering a lodge, may, by this domestic arrangement, know the precise number of wives maintained by his host. We may as well allude here, also, to a singular custom of hospitality. When a visitor has crossed the threshold, whatever fireplace he chooses to sit by, the wife whose fire it is, and whom he is supposed to honor by the preference, immediately rises to prepare him a collation. Her neglecting at any time to show her


guest this attention is an evidence that he is regarded as an enemy, or, at all events, that he is unwelcome.

No difference occurs in the size or mode of construction of the lodges, other than that which may arise from the greater or less number of their inmates, or from the wealth of their owners. The same species of covering precisely shelters the great chief and his brave as that which protects the humblest pauper in the nation, and, on account of this similarity externally of all lodges, it is difficult, without being intimate with every walk, alley, and by-path in the village, to find the residence of an acquaintance who may live a little distance off.

In the old times, before the Osages lost their Kansas lands, two annual periods of intense activity broke up their life of quiet, indolent indulgence. These were in June and November, the time of their spring and winter hunt at each season, for buffalo on the plains, and deer, elk, and antelope in the timber. The summer hunt is for meat alone, the late fall hunt for meat and skins and furs. Each hunt used to occupy about eight weeks, including the journey of six or seven hundred miles to the Grand Saline or to Bent's Fort and back.

Although plunged in a state of ignorance and barbarism from which, like the majority of other Indian tribes, there is little hope that they will over be redeemed, the Osages have indeed a cause for self-congratulation in the abundance which meets them at every side. Neglecting the cultivation of the fertile soil they possess, and shunning, in fact, every industrious and useful employment, they seldom lack the necessaries of life, and frequently enjoy many of its luxuries. If anything could repay the loss of mental and moral improvement consequent on a civilized state, certainly their many advantages of climate, of soil, and of game of every description would repay these savages tenfold.

While they are at home, the Osages — we allude to the men in particular — do absolutely nothing that is useful and profitable. The history of a day in the Big Osage village is told in a few words. At early dawn, the time for rising, the singular and rather ludicrous custom of bemoaning whatever loss they may have sustained, or whatever evil, great or small, real or imaginary, may have befallen them, is indulged in by the population. An introductory moan in one lodge will be answered by a hysteric cry in the next, and the sounds of the two probably will be drowned by the violent sobs of a third yet more inconsolable mourner, who has chosen a position at his lodge door. In this way the work of sorrowing progresses until at last the entire village is in tears. The loss of a near relative, the death of a favorite dog, the illness of a hunting-horse, or any injury to some cherished trinket, all enter on the same footing in the category of legitimate themes for this species of mourning. Nay, as absurd as it may appear, should no nearer cause of sadness have occurred, an Osage will even shed tears as he leaves his bed, and bewail in the most pitiable terms the death of some remote ancestor whom he never knew. The time for such extraordinary ebullitions of sorrow is limited to fifteen or twenty minutes, after which every trace of care disappears, and the most light-hearted cheerfulness probably will follow.

How the matutinal mournings just described originated we can have no idea. It seems to be an ancient custom, however, and is religiously adhered to by every division in the nation. To proceed with the history of a day, the women busy themselves afterwards in preparing meals, while the men look after their horses that generally have been grazing in the prairie adjacent to the village. The remainder of the day is passed by the males as they may find most agreeable. While the women are engaged almost every hour in cooking (for an Osage will eat as many as ten or twelve meals during the day), or during short intervals, mayhap, in repairing the hunting accoutrements of their husbands, the men pass their time in racing, dancing, gambling, and other games of various descriptions. As night approaches they congregate in numerous parties at the largest and most convenient lodges, where, encircling a little fireplace, they remain frequently until within a few hours of dawn, engaged in dancing and in social conversation. Almost the sole topics of conversation with the men are women, war exploits, hunting, and horses. The night is rarely allowed to pass without several dances, accompanied generally by singing and by the beating of the drum. These drums, giving a dull, monotonous sound, are readily made from a keg half filled with water and overspread at one end with a dressed sheep-skin.

The ludicrous custom spoken of above of weeping for their ancestors, like Mark Twain shedding tears at the tomb of Adam, sufficiently demonstrates the fact that the Osages belong to the race of the Dacotahs. Among that nation this custom is universal, and has been noticed and commented upon by all travelers, from Hennepin down. It doubtless had its origin in some obscure superstition or tradition of the race, and must not be attributed, as some travelers have sought to do, to a tendency to hypocrisy. In point of fact, people are continually deceiving themselves about the manners and customs of savages, and there is no


greater mistake, for instance, than to suppose that the American Indian is morose, taciturn, and unsociable. In regard to this a clever writer has said that —

"When a party of savages visits one of our cities, where a crowd is constantly at its heels, and where there are an hundred eyes to stare at it from every side, it is but natural that these persons should be reserved, and that they should carefully conceal the many emotions of astonishment and admiration brought into play by the curious things they see. About two years ago we sat in a circus, near a party of six Sioux, none of whom, we knew, had ever before witnessed such feats of agility and equestrianism as were there shown them. To lend yet more interest to the entertainment, we learned from their interpreter that in a few minutes after their entrance every member of the party, believing the human frame altogether too frail to undergo such exertions, had convinced himself beyond the possibility of doubt that the performers were fictitious figures, made to ride, jump, and run by some ingenious mechanical contrivance which they did not understand. With such additional matter for wonderment, the party sat in almost utter silence, like so many statues, to all external appearances not at all surprised, and but poorly entertained. The feeling in this instance should be understood. The savage spectators were only carrying out one of our own wise saws, ‘to do in Rome as Romans do,’ and, no doubt, showed their good sense in this, as they do under other similar circumstances, by restraining every extraordinary manifestation of astonishment. This can give no correct idea, of the Indian at home. No race is more sociable, probably, and more impulsive than the Osage Indians; none receive the narration of an amusing anecdote with greater gusto, follow a tale of sorrow with more extravagant exclamations of sympathy, and, in a word, spend more of their time in sociable conversation than they. With an uncontrollable curiosity to know the history of those about them, and a desire ever awake of relating their own exploits in battle-field or hunting-ground, their most pleasant moments are those consumed in a social interchange of experience and sentiments.

"The only school for mental and moral improvement the Osage youth finds is the example set by his elders. He is assigned no teachers, and, so far as the mode of employing his time and the acquirements — either of good or evil — he chooses to master are concerned, he finds himself a free agent from his earliest infancy. Some attention, however, is paid the proper development of his physical powers, — indeed, some portions of the training he undergoes while preparing him for the hardships he is destined to encounter in after-life is characteristic of the general barbarity of his tribe.

"An infant has hardly inhaled the first breath of life when he is conveyed to the water-course nearest at hand, and, during the bitterest wintry weather as in the mildest day in summer, is given a copious bath. Afterwards, being swathed in suitable raiment, he is placed in the charge of some other nurse than his mother. A week ensues, when he is reclaimed by the parents, and is placed in his cradle, a curious and simple article of domestic convenience, which is then never left till the occupant has become old enough to learn to walk. The cradle consists simply of a plank about a foot, probably, longer than its intended occupant. The child, having been laid flat upon it, is secured firmly by strips of blanket and other bandages. These begin at the feet and end only about the shoulders. They are compressed more particularly about the loins and pit of the stomach, with a view to throw out as much as possible and to expand the chest. Secured snugly after this fashion, the child in the lodge is placed ‘on end’ out of harm's way; in mild, genial weather it is left without near the lodge door, or — during the temporary absence of its nurse — hung up to the limb of a tree, where it basks quietly in the sunshine, without danger of molestation from the dogs and wolves that may infest the vicinity. On a journey the cradle is hung to the saddle-bow, and, while still offering every security to its little prisoner, proves thus no inconvenience to the rider.

"After he has learned to walk, and until he is old enough to depend on his own exertions for maintenance, the child is allowed to remain about his parents' lodge, abstaining always from every species of onerous labor. When about twelve years of age he becomes herder to his father's drove of horses, and begins also to learn the use of the bow and fire-arms. At sixteen or eighteen years he is invested with the honors and responsibilities of manhood, and shares the labors and participates in the amusements of his ciders about him.

"The healthful tendency of the constant bodily exercise taken by the Osage Indians from their earliest youth is manifest in the extraordinary powers of endurance with which in time they become endowed. We need give, by way of illustration, only a single instance, that of an accouchment, — an alarming crisis in the lives of our own females, whose physical developments, in the majority of cases, have been retarded from the lack of necessary exercise.

"An Osage female is rarely confined to a sick-bed from the effects of child-birth. On the summer hunt of 1825, when the nation was only a few days out from their village on the Neosho, an elderly female, whose critical situation would have indicated an early confinement, followed in the rear of the train. An hour or two after the tents had been struck one sunshiny morning, a trader, the only white person among the population, heard some groans issuing from a small copse of wood, as he was about to pass it, and, hastening in its direction, found the woman on the point of giving birth to her child. To his proffered call for assistance the patient raised the most strenuous objections, and could only be prevailed on after repeated entreaties to accept some additional clothing, which was finally left her. The trader repaired to his party, and an hour more probably had ensued, when the woman overtook them, to all evidences in excellent health and spirits, and bearing in her arms a fat, bright-eyed little papoose. This is one only out of a hundred instances which occur daily to show the wholesome result of the frequent bodily exercise taken by the Osages."

The Osages are not subject to many diseases, which is fortunate for them, for their pharmacopoeia is not rich, and their practice both of physic and surgery is very primitive indeed.

If all the curatives included in the denomination "Indian remedies" had the majority of their properties in common with the remedies resorted to during illness by the Osage Indian, then would the system be a most absurd and dangerous species of quackery. The Osages have certain roots for the cure of snakebites, which occasionally are administered successfully, but which almost as often effect no satisfactory result; they resort in some diseases to vapor baths, taken in temporary lodges thrown up for the purpose, with or without result as the propriety of the remedy might determine; in local and other affections, attended with acute pain, they apply dry and wet cups, the cups being made of buffalo horn; and finally, wherever a


wound has been inflicted, they are careful always to keep the injured part very clean. These include all the rational remedies we can bring to mind which the tribe bring to their assistance in times of sickness.

The medicine-men of the Osages, while in the discharge of their professional duties, are invested with all the dignity and honors enjoyed among us by graduated doctors of medicine. The treatment, with its results, of a little girl, the daughter of a brave, who on a certain occasion, having been struck violently with some hard substance on the left arm, was threatened with its loss, may give an idea of their medical profession and their mode of practice:

The child, owing to an abundant secretion of pus in her wound, had suffered intensely for several days, when her case was at last submitted to one of the most distinguished medicine-men in the nation. An hour or two after he had been sent for, the doctor, accoutered in the most fanciful habiliments his wardrobe furnished, and having his face and arms well coated with green and red paints, made his appearance at the lodge door. He was received by the family with demonstrations of the most profound respect, and was left alone with his patient, the only uninterested spectator present being a white trader, who was allowed to remain by especial favor. Having inquired from his patient the seat of her disease, the medicine-man began his treatment with a species of solemn exorcism. Throwing his hands aloft, he abjured the evil spirit that possessed the invalid, in a kind of half-supplicating and half-threatening strain, to leave her. Afterwards lying at her side, and applying his lips and teeth to the spot which was most painful, he pulled the skin violently from one side to the other, keeping up all the while a very absurd and peculiar nasal grunt, interrupted now and then with a threatening exclamation against the disease. This continued for some ten or fifteen minutes, when, increasing the vehemence of his strange guttural murmurs, and pulling the flesh violently with his teeth, he sprang suddenly to his feet, and spat from his mouth a small frog, which when he entered he had kept carefully concealed for this purpose. The frog in this case was the evil spirit which had possessed the invalid. Pointing to it, and panting from his recent excitement, the doctor exclaimed in an exulting tone, "Rejoice, my daughter, you are now cured! Behold the bad spirit that infected you! You suffered much, because he is large: have no more fear, he is now quite harmless." Then producing a pinch of powdered root of aromatic flavor, he scattered it over a fire near the sick-bed. The remnants of the disease would be carried away, it was intended, by the smoke. Two days after this operation a young brother of the little invalid was seized with the idea of pricking her arm at several places with his knife. Thus, fortunately, he allowed the pus to discharge itself. Repeating this surgical operation several times, his sister soon became convalescent. The medicine-man, however, had in this as in all other similar instances, the credit of the cure. He was feasted and courted by the family; and, finally, as a more substantial remuneration for his professional services, presented with a beautiful hunting-horse.

In almost every disease the ridiculous ceremony described above takes place. The disease is always some evil spirit; and this evil spirit is, in turn, a frog, or a small pebble, or a grasshopper, or aught else which the medicine-man may choose to select. The incantation will, as a matter of course, invariably remove it. Afterwards nature, or the accidental adoption of some rational remedy, may effect a cure, which in all instances is attributed to the mystic powers of the medicine-man.

In the event of a death, the corpse is enveloped in a blanket and taken immediately to its place of interment, generally a mound or some other prominent spot. It is covered with earth and stones, and stakes are afterwards driven at either side and crossed over as a protection against the wolves. The nearest relatives only of the deceased go into mourning. The male mourners array themselves in their filthiest and most shabby habiliments, cover their faces with dirt, and allow their hair (which, with the exception of the scalp-lock, is always shaved closely) to grow. The females dress themselves likewise in their worst garments, and clip their hair close to the head. Both are reserved and morose during the entire season of mourning, abstaining from a participation in the amusements and employment of those about them, and leading, as much as their domestic ties will allow them, a secluded life.

When a death occurs among the Osages, the mourning of the nearest kinsmen of the deceased is not laid aside until they have made his or her spirit some species of offering. Oftentimes, for weeks and months together, the opportunity for a suitable sacrifice not having occurred, they will remain shorn of every ornament, and will religiously adhere to their tattered garments and soiled visages, — emblems of mourning, — continuing to shun the society of those about them. The nature of an offering may differ according to the character and achievements of the deceased. To steal the horse or burn the lodge of an enemy, to perform valorous deeds of any nature whatever, to sacrifice an animal or some cherished property, or, finally, to take the life of a fellow-creature, may (with all but a wife) each, under certain circumstances, prove sufficient


cause to doff one's mourning. The sacrifice of human life in such instances is frequent. So much a matter of course have such atonements become, that a mourner will sometimes take the life of his beloved friend to expiate the death of his near kinsman, and the probabilities are that he will not even be brought to task for the murder. In the summer of 1833, whilst the cholera was raging in its greatest fury, it attacked and carried away, among others, the daughter of the first brave of the nation. This brave was also the very intimate friend of a trader living among the nation, a gentleman connected with the fur company, who had had the command of his present post for many years. The girl's corpse had hardly grown cold when, on the evening that she died, her father, who had been sitting pensively among a noisy throng, suddenly assumed an air of ferocious determination, and as he rose to his feet disengaged his battle axe from his belt. "My daughter has gone," he said, as he advanced to the lodge door; "she wants a worthy person to accompany her to the hunting-ground above. I shall take the life of our pale-faced brother." No white person was more esteemed than the trader to whom he alluded, and the prospect of his speedy doom cast a gloom over the throng who had overheard the mourner's determination. So sacred, however, was his terrible obligation considered that not one dared raise a word of remonstrance. The brave proceeded on his fatal errand, and as he reached the trading-house knocked violently at the door. Unhappily for himself, a Canadian employé, one Louis Bernard, who happened at the time to be in the room, answered the summons. He was on the point of crossing the threshold when the hatchet was buried in his head. He expired almost instantly. The murderer turned coolly back, and having reached his lodge, proceeded, with grave demeanor, to cleanse his hatchet and to don his beads, bracelets, and other ornaments, and to alter the mourning plight in which he had disguised himself an hour or two before. The death of his child had been properly atoned for, he could now follow his usual daily avocations. He was, of course, never called to account for the murder he had perpetrated; the promptness of his expiation, on the contrary, placed another laurel on his brow.

When, after a death has occurred, a long time is allowed to elapse before an offering is made, the spirit of the deceased, it is supposed, fails to gain admission into the celestial hunting-grounds, and wanders restlessly about its old home on earth, haunting and annoying those from whom the sacrifice should come. Tradition records an incident to show that these spirits can wield a fearful power when it suits their purpose. A tattooer, who had left his lodge on a professional visit, while journeying through the forest, felt a warm breath exhaled several times upon his check and shoulders, like that of some invisible person near him. Being weakened and exhausted by fright, he sat himself upon a log, when on a sudden he saw a strange and unearthly figure make its appearance at his side. His tongue clung to the roof of his mouth, and he would have fled; but another breath passed over him, and the mysterious stranger vanished. He resumed his course, and in due time, having finished the tattooing of the person who had called him, was just about to return. Just as the unfortunate man lost sight of the lodge he had left, the breath again touched him, and he was stricken dead. The legend, with many others, is religiously handed down among the Osages, to show the moral obligation of offerings to the dead.

An Indian entertains no idea of the connection between soul and body, and is not impressed by any fears in the contemplation of his approaching end. Without stopping to inquire into the manner of the transition from his earthly to his eternal home, and with not the least apprehension for the consequences of such a change, he hopes merely that his troubles may cease with the termination of his earthly journey, and he will meet his death with firmness. The Osage heaven is the heaven of nearly all American Indians. It is described as a well-timbered and well-watered country, blooming with fruits and vegetation at all seasons of the year, and abounding with every description of buffalo, deer, bear, birds, and other game. The dangers of starvation shall be unknown; the discomforts of a variable and inclement climate shall have passed away; the Indians, as the favorites of the great Master of life, shall occupy the first position among the nations; all men shall be at peace, and plenty and happiness shall smile on all. Many years ago it was customary at the death of an Osage to sacrifice on his tomb all the horses he had owned, and to destroy in the same place, also, all his hunting accoutrements and other property. These immolations, it was believed, supplied the wants of the dead on their journey to the new hunting-grounds. The brave whose tomb was buried in the ashes of a valuable amount of property, and streamed with the blood of a goodly number of horses, was supposed to enter the celestial hunting-grounds at the head of the cavalcade, mounted on his favorite charger, accoutered in his most magnificent costume, and surrounded with all the pomp and splendor that had attended him on earth. This custom is now almost entirely effaced. To this day, however, on certain occasions, the favorite


hunting-horse of the deceased is led to the place of burial, the corpse made to bestride it, and the animal killed. Afterwards both man and horse are buried in the same hole, and the funeral obsequies are performed over both alike.

A wife retains her mourning a full year nearly after her husband has died. The many obligations under which he placed her when living call for particular evidences of regret and gratitude when he is dead. Ten or twelve months after she experienced her loss, the occasion of laying aside the mourning is solemnized with a final ceremony in honor of the deceased. This, like all other religious rites and feasts among the Osages, is characterized with absurdities throughout, and, deprived of its general purpose of honor to the dead, evinces only their uncouthness and barbarity of ideas. A stake, streaming at one end with one or two blankets, calicoes, beads, and other articles of personal decoration, is driven in the ground. About the time the ceremony will begin, it is encircled by probably a score of friends of the deceased, all of whom are stripped of their ornaments and besmeared on their faces, chests, and arms with clay. The wife, surrounded by a number of volunteer female sympathizers, is stationed near at hand, and holds herself, with them, in readiness to set up a cry of pitiful lamentation at the first tap of the drum by a party in the circle. These lamentations are kept up to the end of the ceremony, the assistant weepers bewailing as loudly and as bitterly as the wife herself. Simultaneously with the first cry and the tap of the drum, one of the party who forms the circle, and who has an emblematic crow-skin suspended from a belt on his back, enters the ring and begins to dance, dropping an occasional word to the spirit of the person whose memory he is commemorating. Afterwards resuming his place in the circle, he passes the crowskin to his neighbor, who performs the same dance. All in turn follow after this fashion, when, as the last one has finished, the ceremony terminates by a distribution among the assistant female mourners of the calicoes and other presents hanging from the pole. Those who assist in bewailing on such occasions are supposed to pay a high tribute to the memory of the deceased, and are well paid by the surviving relatives. In fact, they represent exactly the hired mourners of some of our Christian countries, with the exception that they are generally better paid, and that they indulge in more extravagant demonstrations of grief.

Ingratitude and selfishness are two passions which among the Osages never fail to entail discredit. The most frightful personal perils, the most trying cravings of hunger, the most disheartening sufferings, cannot excuse a selfish act, neither will the most powerful causes be received as plea sufficient to explain away an ungrateful one. An occurrence which took place among the Blackfeet Indians some twelve or fifteen years ago might have taken place among the Osages as well, and will serve as an excellent example to illustrate the feeling with which in the latter tribe a manifestation of selfishness is received. A family, consisting of the father, wife, two children, and a little step-son, had strayed from their village one winter in search of game, and after an absence of two days, during which their efforts were attended with the worst success, while endeavoring to return they unfortunately took the wrong route. They wandered for some days without so much as a morsel to satisfy the gnawings of famine, when, to crown their distress, the fall of a heavy snow rendered a further prosecution of their toilsome march almost impossible. Hunger, fatigue, and distress had almost finished their work. The father began to speak of the hopelessness of their situation, the mother bewailed over her own sufferings, and lamented the approaching fate of the young ones, to whom she could no longer give nourishment, and the increasing debility of the children was an unmistakable evidence of their approaching end. The family had remained in camp a whole day, when, providentially as it were, the father succeeded in finding and killing a woodcock. Without evincing the least desire to minister to his own wants (a noble species of self-denial met with every day among the Indians), he passed the bird to his wife. The woman seized it with avidity, and after barely warming it over a fire, she served her own children each with its proportion; then, leaving out, despite his cries, the step-child, her husband's little son, she greedily consumed the remainder. All the while her husband, who sat on the opposite side, watched her closely and fiercely. As she had finished the last morsel, motioning her to his side, he spoke to her in purport as follows: She had acted selfishly, he said; she had deprived his boy, her step-son, of life when it laid in her power to restore it to him. He had himself felt quite as severely as she the sufferings of hunger, but, with the hope of serving her and the children equally, he had willingly given up his share of the food which the Great Spirit had thrown in his way. She ought to have done like him; she should at least have treated his child as well as she treated her own. She was very selfish, and she brought her doom upon herself. As he concluded his harangue, the maddened savage seized his tomahawk, and, one after the other butchered her and the three children about her, not making an exception in favor of his step-son, about


whom the difficulty had occurred. Afterwards, leaving his victims in the various positions that he had sacrificed them, and taking only what would suffice to protect him from the cold, he resumed his sad journey. An accident decided that he should be picked up by a wandering party of hunters, to whom he related all that had happened.

An ungrateful trait, like a selfish one, is quickly noticed, and for years afterwards will be alluded to in terms of reproach. There are many modes of expressing gratitude, peculiar to the tribe. The matutinal lamentations, mentioned in a previous number, are at times a species of grateful tribute to some lost friend. Another instance is that of races, had in honor of some favorite horse or dog that may have been dead for several years. These races occur near the spot where the animal died. It may be at the village, or during a hunt, or on a war party. Presents are made by the mourner to the winner of the race, and the gratitude of the first is measured by the liberality of his gifts to the other. With not another claim, an Osage may bring himself into high favor by proving, so far as presents are concerned, nobly grateful whenever the opportunity occurs. The frequent tributes to the memory of the dead owe their origin in fact, in some measure, to the credit which they entail.

In Chapter IX. of the present volume will be found a very complete and authentic account of the only serious Indian attack upon St. Louis, the so-called "affair of 1780." But the early records and newspapers are full of stories of Indian outrages and trials of Indians, and during the war of 1812-14 even the peaceful remnant of the Illinois seem to have taken up arms and menaced the town. The fur trade and fur-traders made it a centre of attraction for the savages, and they could not lay aside their wild ways, even in the streets of the town, when excited by drink. There was generally an Indian prisoner or two in jail awaiting trial or sentence. Brackenridge, in his very entertaining "Recollections of the West," relates how, one day sauntering along the "second bank" in St. Louis, his attention was attracted to one of the towers near the old fort (in one of whose ruined barracks the court was still held) by an Indian who sat near the iron grate, confined as a prisoner for some high offense. The Indian challenged him to a match at checkers and beat him several games. Brackenridge found, on inquiry, that he belonged to the nearly extinct tribe of the Mascoutins, or Fire Indians, whose lodges used to be pitched on the west side of Lake Michigan, between the Illinois and Wisconsin Rivers. He had married a woman of the tribe of the Kickapoos; she had abandoned him for another Indian; he met her accidentally in the streets of St. Louis, pursued, overtook, and stabbed her to the heart. Brackenridge volunteered to defend the man. He had already been in prison eighteen months, and the head chief of the Kickapoos was in St. Louis to demand his surrender to him. The case came to trial, and Brackenridge was successful in his defense, his plea being that an Indian slaying another Indian could only be tried by Indian laws, as he had only violated these. The incident is referred to to show how common Indian disorders must have been in the town at this time, when savages from every part of the country were continually jostling one another in its streets. In the course of his ingenious and able speech for the defense, Brackenridge said, "There are several Indian villages in this county; there are many in different parts of the United States, surrounded on all sides by settlements of white people. Has any grand jury ever thought of examining and inquiring into their doings and actings in their villages? . . . It is not long since, in one of the villages on the Maramec, two women were put to death by order of an Indian council on the charge of sorcery!" Certainly we have the outline here of a rather unpleasant condition of affairs.

As early as 1778 we find a deposition among the records, made by Francis Viettole St. Cloux, to the effect that while hunting on the Illinois River, at Honore's camp, Louis Makas (the Omaha), being near by, took his gun and said he would kill a Frenchman anyhow. St. Cloux dodged the shot, got Louis round the body, called some river hunters to his aid, tied him, and took him down to St. Louis in the boat. "The next morning, arriving home, he went up into the loft and brought down his scalp-lock, saying he had dressed long enough as a Frenchman, he would now dress as an Indian warrior and take scalps." St. Cloux did not like such a savage about his house, so sent for the sergeant and the guard. The Governor sentenced Louis to perpetual banishment, and to be "sent below," — that is, sent to New Orleans to be sold for a slave to St. Domingo. But Louis filed his shackles loose, cut a hole in the prison wall, and made good his escape. He was pretty much of a desperado, had been a slave in Canada, and committed several murders. June 21, 1788, an Englishman named Kerr from the American side, his wife, son, and two daughters were murdered by Indians on Jacques Clamorgan's farm, six miles north of St. Louis, on the road to Bellefontaine. The Lieutenant-Governor appraised the effects of the Kerr family, which showed a pretty good line of household stuff. In March, 1800, the commandant at Carondelet, Pierre de Treget,


reports the murder of Adam House, an old man, and a boy at the Renaute forks on the Maramec. De Treget found the man dead, his body full of wounds, head cut off, and scalped. The boy's head was cut off, but no wounds on his body.

In 1808, July, according to the St. Louis Republican, the Osages committed so many outrages on the frontiers that the government permitted the Delawares, Shawanese, and Kickapoos to go to war with them. It was claimed that the combined tribes could put five thousand warriors in the field, while the Pawnees were expected to aid the Osages.

At this time there was considerable excitement in St. Louis over the trial of two warriors of the Ioway tribes for murder, and of a Saukee for killing a white man. All three were convicted, but the Governor reprieved the Saukee and the Ioways were granted a new trial. They were again convicted, but it was difficult to get a jury, sixty-seven talesmen having been set aside as having formed an opinion. The following article from the Missouri Gazette of that day is very instructive:

"Having attentively observed the progress of the trials of the Sauk and the two Ioway Indians, and some of the concomitant and subsequent effects, I wish you to give this insertion in your very useful paper. The Court of Oyer and Terminer was composed by Messrs. Lucas and Shrader. During the course of the trial I was powerfully struck with the indefatigable patience and stern impartiality of the judges. They gave the Indians every chance that any white man could expect, coming before the highest tribunal. To the Sauk and two Ioways on their first indictment they assigned Messrs. Carr and Mears, and for the two Ioways on their second indictment, Messrs. Raston and Mears, as counsel for the prisoners. The court was as attentive even to formal exceptions agitated by the prisoners' counsel as if any white citizen of the United States was upon his trial, and, though the universal outcry was ‘Hang them!’ ‘Hang them!’ yet the immovable judges inflexibly adhered to the rules of law and to the dictates of humanity and justice.

"They have done themselves much honor in their conduct in this trial, and some of their decisions therein would grace even Westminster Hall.

"During the suspense of this long trial the streets of St. Louis teemed with Indian warriors. They were frequently spectators of the trial of their fellows, and had a place in court assigned for their reception.

"I understand that they incessantly harassed the Governor and Gen. Clark, beseeching pardon for the offenders.

"The Governor and the general held a counsel on Sunday last with some of the chiefs and warriors.

"I think their speeches inspired the Indians with the greatness of the United States and the indissoluble connection that exists between their felicity and the friendship of the American government. Indeed, the chiefs in their reply showed both affection and fear. They were all submission, all compliance.

"The Governor endeavored to quell animosities, to arrest the destructive progress and fury of war, to create and establish a permanent peace among these nations. They appeared inclined to realize his wishes fully, but I cannot guess at their performance. The Governor and the general appeared so well acquainted with the motives that have the entire domain over the heart of Indians, and of the very texture of their minds, and can so easily balance their passions and sway them at pleasure, that they are well calculated to rule that people and attach them strongly to the American government."

The Governor referred to was Col. Meriwether Lewis, of Lewis and Clark's expedition. To show the wholesale character of Indian depredations in his time it is only necessary to read the following advertisement over his own signature:

"On Saturday, the 24th of this month, will be sold at public auction in front of the Eagle Tavern, in the town of St. Louis, six public horses; also the residue of twenty-three horses which were delivered to me in the months of August and September last by the Osage Indians. The terms of sale will be cash, or approved notes, payable at ninety days.

"St. Louis, December 12, 1808.

"P.S. — The horses which were delivered to me by the Osage Indians were acknowledged by them to have been taken from the inhabitants of this Territory."

Not long after this the Delawares and Shawanese resolved upon establishing some reforms, and they did it in a very radical way, as may be gathered from the following editorial from the Missouri Gazette of Aug. 16, 1809:

"Having heard of the execution of several Delawares and Shawanese at their towns near Cape Girardeau (on Apple Creek, in that county), we had the curiosity to inquire of Rodgers, the Shawanese chief, as to the truth of the report.

"Mr. Rodgers says that Waa-be-leth-theh, a Delaware, and Tha-tha-wag, a Shawanese chief, summoned him to attend a solemn council at their towns; that on his arrival he found a great revolution was about to take place, — they had interdicted the use of intoxicating liquors and determined to abandon the chase, to raise stock and corn for food, and teach their women to spin and weave their cloths.

"They had established a court to try criminals; four persons were tried, and three men were found guilty, and one woman acquitted. The condemned were led out of town to a thick woods and tomahawked. They were then placed on an immense pile of wood and burnt to ashes. Upwards of one hundred men assisted on the occasion."

Indians seem to have thronged St. Louis every day about this time. One day it is a delegation from the Sacs and Foxes, come to find out something about their fellow-tribesman under sentence of death for murder.


The next day it is a gang of Indians arrested for stealing. Here is a paragraph from a newspaper of July 15, 1809: "A party of straggling Taways (Ottawas) have infested this place and neighborhood for several weeks, killing hogs and destroying other property. That part of Illinois Territory between Cahokia and Wood Rivers appears to have been their principal seat of war. In scouring the woods a few days ago in search of their favorite game they took the singular method of moving on all fours and imitating the notes of the mud-lark; one poor devil, being more successful in imitation than the rest, and being much obscured by a thicket, was fired upon and killed. This circumstance has for the present put a stop to their depredations." A third day it is a visit from the big chief of the Mandans, who, commanding many people, and dwelling in a country prolific in furs, must be courteously treated and entertained, and sent home to his village, sixteen hundred miles up the Missouri, under an escort. Pierre and Auguste Chouteau and their sons, with Manuel Lisa, we may be sure (and the record proves it), were of the party.

In 1811, Pierre Chouteau's barn, at the north end of the town, was burned "by a vagabond party of Indians who infest this town and neighborhood." The contemporary report, June 30, 1811, says, —

"Last Monday appeared to be a day of jubilee among them, parading the streets with bottles of whiskey, which are openly sold them by almost every retailer, in defiance of the laws; during their orgies an Indian of the name of Squinoai attacked an Ottoway woman in the most populous part of the town, and at mid-day, and put her to death by thrusting an arrow into her neck and down her body. Much mischief is apprehended if some of our whiskey merchants are not made examples of."

About the time of the outbreak of the war of 1812, earnest efforts were made to conciliate some of the tribes adjacent to St. Louis, and get them to make peace with one another. The two paragraphs which follow are evidence of this:

"A deputation of Putawatomies, Kickapoos, and Chipaways arrived here on Tuesday last, with Gomo, the Illinois chief, on their way to see Governor Edwards, who had sent for them. They wait here for his arrival at Cahokia, to open the conference.

"These people came down the Mississippi, with three United States flags flying in their foremost canoes, with the white messengers who were sent for them. The settlers on the river were notified of their approach by Maj. Whitesides, who requested that they should be suffered to pass, and a friendly attention shown them if they came on shore. Yet, with all these precautions, a few dastardly fellows could be found to attack the canoes, regardless of the laws of nations. These heroes fired ten or twelve shots at a party they knew would not return the salute." [April 11, 1812.]

"Some days ago the chiefs of the Great and Little Osage, the Sacs Renard, and the Shawanoes and the Delawares, who reside in this Territory, met here in order to accompany Gen. William Clark to the Federal city. On Tuesday week last they held a council to compose their differences, and endeavor to bury the tomahawk. With the Shawanoes and the Delawares the Osages made peace by promising to cover the dead bodies of the Shawanoes with such remuneration as would be acceptable. With the Sacs and Foxes no treaty could be made, as the Sacs, etc., said they did not come here for that purpose, nor had they taken the opinion of their nation on the subject. The Osages appeared to be anxious for peace, but the Sacs evaded everything on that head by remarking that their numerous neighbors were determined on war with the Osages, and they could not restrain their young men from joining the hostile parties. On the 5th inst. Gen. W. Clark left this place for Washington City, with the chiefs of the above nations." [May 9, 1812.]

For all that the war was made very vexatious to St. Louis on account of the vagrant Indians around it. The Illinois Indians and their kindred and allies took up arms, raised a force of four hundred warriors, and harassed the country, murdering outlying planters and farmers, killing hogs and cattle, and stealing horses. The country opposite St. Louis swarmed with savages, and they made frequent raids to the west side of the river, burning and plundering wherever they came. Their canoes gave them a safe means of escape whenever pursued. After the war the few surviving Illinois, and the Sacs and Foxes as well, were compelled to remove west of the Mississippi. The latter were estimated at that time to have nigh one thousand warriors. The band of Black Hawk, however, which had been most active in its hostility to the whites, refused to submit to this arrangement, and continued to occupy the ancient Sauk town at Rock Island. This fine old warrior had been one of Tecumseh's most trusted lieutenants. He claimed to acknowledge none but British authority, took his warriors into Canada to receive their annuities and subsidy, and returned breathing vengeance against the invaders of the ancient hunting-grounds of the Sacs and Foxes. Two leading circumstances filled him with bitterness against the whites. In 1804 some chiefs of his tribe went to St. Louis to procure the release of two or three warriors who were in custody. While there, so Black Hawk alleged, they were made drunk, and persuaded to sign a treaty relinquishing their lands east of the Mississippi. This treaty had been confirmed by the Sacs and Foxes friendly to the whites after the termination of the war of 1812-14. The chief of these friendly Indians was Keokuk, Black Hawk's rival, who, by his pacific counsels and the force of a rude but impetuous and magnetic eloquence, had succeeded in alienating the majority of the tribe from their allegiance to their hereditary chieftain,


Black Hawk, and preventing him from waging war with the full force of the tribe. As will be presently seen, these discontents led finally to open warfare.

During the war of 1812-14, St. Louis and the adjacent towns were thrown almost entirely upon their own resources in repelling Indian incursions and hostilities. They met the emergency like brave men. Governor Howard, of the Territory, threw up his office and took the field with a commission as brigadier-general, guarding the Mississippi at and above the mouth of the Illinois, and co-operating with Governor Ninian Edwards, of Illinois Territory, in protecting the left flank of Gen. Harrison in his operations along the lakes. The people of St. Louis, for their own part, raised a force of five hundred mounted scouts or rangers. They built a cordon of twenty-two stations, or family block-houses, extending from Bellefontaine, at the mouth of the Missouri, to the Kaskaskia River. Along this line, seventy-five miles in length, the scouts and rangers passed daily, keeping up communications and preventing the enemy from breaking through. The cordon was afterwards extended to the Illinois, Saline, and the mouth of the Ohio. The British and Indians were at Prairie du Chien and Peoria; the Illinois and Missouri troops at Portage des Sioux. The latter took and burnt Chief Gomo's town at Peoria, and the town of the Sauks at Quincy. They failed to capture Prairie du Chien, but they picketed the Mississippi with gunboats, and expelled the Indian canoes from the river.

At Boone's Lick the people of the neighborhood successfully defended their five stockades against frequent assaults of the Indians. At Côte Sans Dessein the resolute Creole, Baptiste Louis Roy, aided only by two women, successfully defended his cabin against a hundred savages, covering himself with glory by killing fourteen of them before they withdrew. While he shot with unerring aim, the brave women kept his rifles loaded, and prevented the besiegers from setting the block-house on fire. The action was looked upon as the most successful engagement of the war, and was highly appreciated in St. Louis. Unfortunately, the citizens, in afterwards getting up a testimonial for M. Roy, offended his susceptibilities (for he was as gallant as he was brave), and he could not be pacified.

In July, 1815, the war having closed, the Indians and their deputies were invited to assemble in council at Portage des Sioux, to treat for peace. The commissioners on the part of the United States were Governor Clark, of Missouri, Governor Edwards, of Illinois, and Auguste Chouteau, of St. Louis. Robert Walsh, of Baltimore, then just beginning his public life, was secretary to the commission. Treaties were made with the Pottawatamies, Piankeshaws, Sioux, Omahas, Kickapoos, Keokuk's band of the Sacs and Foxes, the Osages, Ioways, and Kansas Indians. The Sacs of Black River, Black Hawk's band, refused to attend the council or be governed by the treaty which Keokuk had signed. The treaty of 1804, also repudiated by Black Hawk, had ceded an immense territory on both sides of the Mississippi, north of the Missouri and Illinois Rivers, to the Wisconsin and the Des Moins. This cession was confirmed by Keokuk's band in 1815-16, and before 1830 a part of these lands were surveyed and opened for settlement. Settlers began to pour in, and especially upon that part of the tract near to the ancient Sauk town above the mouth of Rock River.

Black Hawk was not a great leader of men, like Pontiac and Tecumseh. He could not control his tribe so well as Keokuk, yet he was a man of strong individuality, brave to a fault, humane even to his worst enemies, tender-hearted, feeling strongly and capable of inspiring a very warm affection in his followers. He was deeply attached to his family; half his opposition to Keokuk proceeded from his ardent desire to have his son, Na-she-as-cuck, succeed him as chief of the combined tribes, and when his daughter died the old chief used to make an annual pilgrimage as long as he lived to her grave on the bank of the Mississippi at Oquawka. The physiognomy of Black Hawk was striking; he had a very fine head with a towering forehead, which reminded every one of the portraits of Sir Walter Scott. In his old age and during his captivity the veteran warrior became garrulous, talked much of himself, and dictated a sketch of his life for publication. In the course of this he imparted some interesting information concerning his people, a part of whom, under the name of Mascoutins, had been under Jesuit instruction at the Green Bay Mission as early as 1688. The Sacs and Foxes, after the women planted corn, had their "crane-dance," at which the young braves did their courting. The national dance is participated in by the warriors only. The braves who have been upon the war-path and killed an enemy can enter the square and recite and act their exploits, but all others were forced to keep out. The impulse given by such an institution among a people so hungry for applause as the Indians may readily be conceived. "I remember," said Black Hawk, "I was ashamed to look where our young women stood before I could take my stand in the square as a warrior."

After the national dance, when the corn was hoed and had got a good enough growth to prevent it from


being choked by weeds, the young men set out westward to hunt deer and buffalo, and the rest of the tribe went to fish, to dig lead in the mines, and get rushes of which to make mats. The hunters were also equipped as a war-party, in case any of their wandering enemies, the Sioux, should be encountered. The different parties, on their return, exchanged with one another the products of their several industries on a fair basis of reciprocity, and then ensued a season of feasting from lodge to lodge. The favorite amusements were ball-playing, three to five hundred on a side, with large stakes, and horse-racing. After the corn crop was secured the winter hunt began, the Indians getting supplies on credit from the traders. George Davenport, the old Indian trader and founder of the towns of Rock Island and Davenport, would frequently give a credit of fifty to sixty thousand dollars to a single band of Indians, for, as he said, they always paid their debts with scrupulous fidelity. Probity and a strong religious feeling belong in the uncontaminated Indian character. "For myself," said Black Hawk, "I never take a drink of water from a spring without being mindful of the goodness of the Great Spirit." The winter hunt, for furs as well as meat, is made by small parties, scattered over a wide area. As soon as it is completed the Indians return to the lodges of their winter camp, the traders' cabins being near by. Another long season of feasting, card-playing, and other pastimes ensues. As winter is breaking up the young men go out again on the hunt for beaver, musk-rats, and raccoons, and the old men and women resort to the sugar-camp in the maple groves. As this is the wild-fowl season also, provisions are abundant. "After this is over," said Black Hawk, "we return to our village, sometimes accompanied by our traders. In this way the year rolled around happily. But these are times that were!"

Black Hawk was a proud and haughty chief. When he met President Jackson, in 1833, he said, "I am a man, and you are another." In speaking of his outbreak, he said he and his people did not expect to conquer the whites. "I took up the hatchet, for my part, to revenge injuries which my people could no longer endure. Had I borne them longer without striking, my people would have said, "Black Hawk is a woman, — he is too old to be a chief, he is no Sac." When he surrendered himself at Prairie du Chien, he said, "Black Hawk is a true Indian, and disdains to cry like a woman. He feels for his wife, his children and friends, but he does not care for himself. He cares for his nation and the Indians, — they will suffer; he laments their fate. The white men do not scalp the head, but they do worse, they poison the heart; it is not pure with them. His countrymen will not be scalped, but they will, in a few years, become like the white men, so that you can't hurt them, and there must be, as in the white settlements, nearly as many officers as men, to take care of them and keep them in order." In spite, however, of these expressions of manhood, when the steamboat on which he was a prisoner passed Rock Island on its way down the river, in full sight of the beloved village which had been the home of his tribe for one hundred and seventy years, the poor, heartbroken chieftain wept like a child. The scene and its surroundings were too much for his stoicism.

The Sacs and Foxes numbered about three thousand souls and had six hundred warriors when the trouble broke out. Of these, three hundred adhered to the fortunes of Black Hawk (including in the number a few Winnebagoes and Pottawattamies), and with this small army did Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak undertake to make war upon the United States, being then a lean, meagre old man of sixty-odd years, and not great stature. The treaties of 1804, 1815, and 1816 gave the Sacs and Foxes full permission to live upon the ceded lands until the United States government offered them for sale. In 1816, Fort Armstrong was built on Rock Island. The Indians did not object to it; but still, as Black Hawk said, they were "very sorry," for it was the best island on the Mississippi and a favorite resort of the Indian youth. In the words of the old chief, "it was our garden (such as the white people have near their big villages), which supplied us with strawberries, blackberries, plums, apples, and nuts of various kinds; and its waters supplied us with pure fish, being situated in the rapids of the river. In my early life I spent many happy days on this island. A good spirit had care of it, who lived in a cave in the rocks immediately under the place where the fort now stands, and has often been seen by our people. He was white, with large wings like a swan's, but ten times larger. We were particular not to make much noise in that part of the island which he inhabited, for fear of disturbing him. But the noise of the fort has since driven him away, and no doubt a bad spirit has taken his place." So Black Hawk, like Socrates and Napoleon, had his guardian Daimon!

Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak, the Black Hawk, was no match in policy for Keokuk, the watchful Fox. In 1823 the latter, upon the advice of the Indian agent at Fort Armstrong, withdrew with his band to the western side of the Mississippi. He got a present of forty square miles of land for so doing, and at the


same time put Black Hawk in the minority and in the wrong. Black Hawk and his followers, refusing to move, and still claiming to owe allegiance to Great Britain, became known as the "British band." The name itself was enough to condemn them in any Western community. Black Hawk stuck to the old village, with all the conservative instincts and all the crabbed patriotism of an aged warrior who had always hated the Americans, and always looked upon them as aggressors and invaders. He had a right to remain there, under the treaties, as none of the lands were sold, and the whites were intruders. But the squatters about the mouth of Rock River were such people as no Indian band could live in peace with. They were there, in fact, to expel the "British band" and get possession of their fertile lands. They stole the Indians' stock, plundered their cornfields, burnt their houses, insulted and beat their women, harassed them in every way. There was no redress, no benefit to come from an appeal to justice, for it was the object of officials as well as squatters, of Federal officers equally with those of the State, to force Black Hawk's band to imitate the example of Keo-kuk and remove to the west side of the river. At last, to make their process of compulsion effective, the government sold a few quarter-sections of land at the mouth of Rock River, including the site of Black Hawk's village. He was now requested, or rather ordered, to move away, and refused. The whites made inclosures of the Indians' fields of ripening corn, and the squaws pulled them down. A white trader brought whiskey into the village to sell to the Indians, and Black Hawk rolled the barrel out into the road and knocked the head in.

Governor Reynolds, of Illinois, forthwith issued his proclamation announcing that the sovereign State of Illinois had been "invaded," and calling for volunteers to repel the invaders. A large force at once took the field, the regulars at Fort Armstrong were reinforced, Keokuk interposed his good offices, Black Hawk discovered that his "prophet" had deceived him, and that his promised allies among the Kickapoos, Winnebagoes, and Pottawattamies were not forthcoming. The old chief therefore consented to remove west of the Mississippi with his band, acknowledge Keokuk as head chief, and cease to trade with or visit the British at Malden. This was in July, 1831, and Governor Reynolds made the victory the subject of a pompous dispatch. Black Hawk had prevented any violence from being done. He could have murdered every white man for fifty miles around. He contented himself with warning them off from his corn-fields. He was not satisfied, however, and he made unceasing efforts to secure allies, and especially to get the band of Sacs and Foxes under Keokuk to join him. Once he very nearly succeeded. His emissaries had roused the whole tribe; they danced the scalp-dance, and demanded to be led upon the war-path. Then it was that Keokuk's consummate oratory and statesmanship stood him in good stead. He accepted the issue. He assented to all that was proposed. He would lead them in battle. He knew their wrongs. He felt their thirst for vengeance. But he must lead them, and there was no middle course. They could make war for vengeance, but it was a hopeless war at the start. They could not cope with such an opponent. Vengeance they would glut themselves with, but they must all perish in the attempt. It was their duty therefore, before starting on this expedition, to put all their women and children to death, and then determine that, once across the Mississippi, they would never turn back, but die by the graves of their fathers sooner than see them desecrated. This speech, which is singularly like one made by the famous chief Cornstalk after the battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774, restored quiet and the authority of Keokuk, and completely foiled the emissaries of Black Hawk.

Black Hawk's band, however, was very restless. As he himself expressed it, they often crossed the river to "steal roasting-ears from their own fields." They went up to Prairie du Chien and murdered twenty-eight Menominees under the guns of Fort Crawford. Neopope (Strong Soup), Black Hawk's lieutenant, went to Malden, to consult the British command there. He also consulted the prophet, and was assured that in the spring the Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottawattamies, and Winnebagoes would assist Black Hawk to regain his village. In April, 1832, Black Hawk and his whole band broke the treaty and crossed the river. They were going up Rock River, they said, to plant corn at the villages of their old allies, the Winnebagoes and Pottawattamies. Gen. Atkinson, at the fort, ordered them back, but Black Hawk refused, and the general sent him another message, that if he did not return he would be forced back. Black Hawk went on his way. Governor Reynolds called out the Illinois militia. A part of them, mounted, under Maj. Stillman, came up with Black Hawk at Kiswacokee, where he was treating some Pottawattamies to a dog-feast. Black Hawk sent a flag of truce. He found he could get no allies, he realized his error, and was willing to surrender and be sent back across the river. The flag was fired on. Another party he sent out was captured, and one of his warriors was slain. The main body advanced upon him, and Black Hawk prepared to fight. He had but fifty


braves with him, but at the first volley Maj. Stillman's two hundred and seventy warriors turned and fled. Some of them ran all the way home; most of them put twenty miles between them and Black Hawk before they halted. The place is called "Stillman's Run" to this day. Black Hawk took their camp and everything. Then ensued a border war, short and sharp, with many murders and arsons.

The troops concentrated quickly, however. Black Hawk had no provisions; he was cumbered with women and children, — proof enough that he did not cross the Mississippi at the head of a war-party, — and he did not do much fighting. An unsuccessful attack upon the fort at Buffalo Grove was followed by a brisk retreat. A detachment of volunteers under Col. Posey was met on the way and defeated. "If they had all been like their brave little captain," said Black Hawk, "they would have beaten me." On the banks of the Wisconsin the regulars and volunteers came up with the Indians, and killed forty of them. At Bad Axe, as they were crossing the Mississippi, the troops again came up with the Indians. They were aided by a steamer, which rejected Black Hawk's flag of truce, and a massacre ensued, in which three hundred and fifty Indians, men, women, and children, were butchered. Those who reached the other side of the river were set upon by Sioux marauders. It was a wretched and disgraceful spectacle, a wholly unnecessary slaughter. In this short and very disgraceful Indian war four men who afterwards became famous were in arms against the Indians, — Jefferson Davis, second lieutenant U. S. infantry, Albert Sidney Johnston, Robert Anderson, of the same arm of service, and Abraham Lincoln, captain Illinois volunteers.

Black Hawk fled, but two Winnebagoes who had been fighting in his ranks pursued, captured, and brought him into Fort Armstrong. Another peace was made with the Sacs and Foxes, attended with another cession of territory. Black Hawk, his son, the Prophet, Naopope, the Prophet's brother, and his adopted son were demanded as hostages. They were sent down the river in charge of Lieut. Davis to Jefferson Barracks, at St. Louis, and when there were put in irons and made to drag the ball and chain, like private soldiers under punishment for drunkenness. This was a wretched piece of business, and exceedingly mortifying to the proud old chief. "Was the White Beaver" (Gen. Atkinson), said he, "afraid I would break out of his barracks and run away? Or was he ordered to inflict this punishment upon me? If I had taken him prisoner upon the field of battle I would not have wounded his feelings so much by such treatment, knowing that a brave chief would prefer death to dishonor."

Black Hawk had often been in St. Louis in former times under very different auspices. He had frequently been there to visit his "Spanish Father" before the cession of Louisiana to the United States. He was there when the news of the cession was received, and saw how the inhabitants took it. He was there on his way to the battle-field of the Maramec, in which his father was slain, and he killed five Cherokees with his own hand. He was there three or four times to make war upon the Osages, and to pay friendly visits to Chouteau, or to sell his furs. He was there, also, during the fierce war waged by his tribe upon the Kaskaskia Indians. Now he was there a prisoner, in chains, and measurably on exhibition.

During the winter he and his companions in captivity were visited by a great many people, and the newspaper scribes — "town criers," as they were called by sarcastic Keokuk — wrote them up assiduously. "We were struck with admiration," said one, "at the gigantic and symmetrical figures of most of the warriors, who seemed, as they reclined in native case and gracefulness, rather like statues from some masterhand than beings of a race whom we had heard characterized as degenerate and debased." "A forlorn crew," wrote Washington Irving, who also saw them, "emaciated and dejected, the redoubtable chieftain himself a meagre old man upwards of seventy. He has, however, a fine head, a Roman style of face, and a prepossessing countenance." When Catlin, the artist, visited Jefferson Barracks for the purpose of painting the portraits of these chiefs, and was about to commence the likeness of Naopope, he seized the ball and chain fast to his leg, and, lifting them above his head, cried, indignantly, "Make me so, and show me to the Great Father!" The artist, in refusing, missed the chance of painting the most dramatic picture of the century.

Keokuk, with great generosity, brought his family to St. Louis to visit and minister to his fallen rival, and exerted himself strenuously to procure his release, offering to become responsible in person for the good conduct of the captives. But they had been ordered to Washington, and, after arriving there, were sent to Fortress Monroe. After a confinement of five weeks they were released and returned home, taking the leading cities in their way, and meeting with a reception everywhere second in enthusiasm only to that which welcomed Lafayette. The thronging multitudes, the evidences of wealth and power and commanding genius quenched the old warrior


spirit in Black Hawk. When he returned home, broken and a suppliant, Keokuk received him en prince, and the degraded chief bowed his head in silence. Only once did his ancient spirit flash up, when he understood in the council that the President ordered him to obey Keokuk. He sprang to his feet, indignation for the moment depriving him of speech, and then he burst forth: "I am a man, an old man. I will not conform to the counsels of any one. I will act for myself; no one shall govern me. I am old; my hair is gray. I once gave counsel to young men, — am I to conform to those of others? I shall soon go to the Great Spirit, when I shall be at rest. What I said to our great father at Washington I say again, — I will always listen to him. I am done." But this was only a momentary ebullition. Black Hawk recognized the fact of his deposition, and submitted to it. He retired to one of the Sac villages, only once more coming out of his seclusion to make another visit to the East, and then, returning home, died at his secluded camp on the Des Moins, Oct. 3, 1838, aged seventy-two. A notorious body-snatcher stole his corpse from the grave, and sold the skeleton to a surgeon in Quincy, Ill.; but Governor Lucas, of Iowa, compelled the restoration of the old chieftain's bones to his kindred. They were subsequently placed in the Burlington Geological and Historical Society, and were burnt up in the fire which destroyed the building and all the society's collections in 1855.

Chapter VII.


ST. LOUIS, says Brackenridge, in his "Views of Louisiana," "is the seat of government of the Territory, and has always been considered the chief town. It was formerly called Pain Court, from the privations of the first settlers. It is situated in latitude 38° 23' N., longitude 89° 36' W. This place occupies one of the best situations on the Mississippi, both as to site and geographical position. In this last respect the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi has certainly much greater natural advantages, but the ground is subject to inundation; and St. Louis has taken a start, which it will most probably retain. It is probably not saying too much that it bids fair to be second to New Orleans in importance on this river."

It will be recollected that Brackenridge was a cool, clear-headed observer, not given to extravagance, and when this was written, in 1811, St. Louis had not began to grow. Its population was only one thousand four hundred, and it had only increased about four hundred in six years. Ste. Genevieve and St. Charles were its rivals, and many persons thought it would be outstripped by them, while New Madrid was a much more attractive spot to the immigration which had begun to flow in from the eastward. Brackenridge, however, was confident in his opinion of the site, and in another paragraph he lays his finger upon exactly the strongest resources of St. Louis, and the chief cause of its growth, — its unrivaled position as a distributing centre. "St. Louis," said he, "will probably become one of those great reservoirs of the valley between the Rocky Mountains and the Allegheny, from whence merchandise will be distributed to an extensive country. It unites the advantages of the three noble rivers, Mississippi, Illinois, and Missouri. When their banks shall become the residence of millions, when flourishing towns shall arise, can we suppose that every vender of merchandise will look to New Orleans for a supply, or to the Atlantic cities? There must be a place of distribution somewhere between the mouth of the Ohio and Missouri. Besides, a trade to the northern parts of New Spain will be opened, and a direct communication to the East Indies, by way of the Missouri, may be more than dreamt; in this case, St. Louis will become the Memphis of the American Nile." When this was written not a steamboat had yet turned its wheels in Western waters, nor had an emigrant's wagon ever gone west of the Gasconade. All navigation was by arks and keel-boats, and the railroad was not yet even dreamed about.

"The ground on which St. Louis stands," continues Brackenridge, "is not much higher than the ordinary banks, but


the floods are repelled by a bold shore of limestone rocks. The tow is built between the river and a second bank, three streets running parallel with the river, and a number of others crossing them at right angles. It is to be lamented that no space has been left between the town and the river; for the sake of the pleasure of the promenade, as well as for business and health, there should have been no encroachment on the margin of the noble stream. The principal place of business ought to have been on the bank. From the opposite side nothing is visible of the busy bustle of a populous town; it appears closed up. The site of St. Louis is not unlike that of Cincinnati. How different would have been its appearance if built in the same elegant manner, its bosom opened to the breezes of the river, the streams enlivened by scenes of business and pleasure, and rows of elegant and tasteful dwellings looking with pride on the broad wave that passes. From the opposite bank St. Louis, notwithstanding, appears to great advantage. In a disjointed and scattered manner, it extends along the river a mile and a half, and we form the idea of a large and elegant town. Two or three large and costly buildings (though not in the modern taste) contribute in producing this effect. On closer examination the town seems to be composed of an equal proportion of stone walls, houses, and fruit-trees. but the illusion still continues. In ascending the second bank, which is about forty feet above the level of the plain, we have the town below us, and a view of the Mississippi in each direction, and of the fine country through which it passes. When the curtain of wood which conceals the American Bottom shall have been withdrawn, or a vista formed by opening farms to the river, there will be a delightful prospect into that rich and elegant tract. There is a line of works on this second bank, erected for defense against the Indians, consisting of several circular towers, twenty feet in diameter and fifteen in height, a small stockaded fort, and a stone breastwork. These are at present entirely unoccupied and waste, excepting the fort, in one of the buildings of which the courts are held, while the other is used as a prison. Some distance from the termination of this line, up the river, there are a number of Indian mounds and remains of antiquity, which, while they are ornamental to the town, prove that in former times those places had also been chosen as the site, perhaps, of a populous city.

"Looking to the west, a most charming country spreads itself before us. It is neither very level nor hilly, but of an agreeable waving surface, and rising for several miles with an ascent almost imperceptible. Except a small belt to the north, there are no trees; the rest is covered with shrubby oak, intermixed with hazels, and a few trifling thickets of thorn, crab-apple or plum-trees. At the first glance we are reminded of the environs of a great city; but there are no country-seats, or even plain farm houses; it is a vast waste, yet by no means a barren soil. Such is the appearance until, turning to the left, the eye again catches the Mississippi. A number of fine springs take their rise here and contribute to the uneven appearance. The greater part face to the southwest, and aid in forming a beautiful rivulet which, a short distance below the town, gives itself to the river. I have often been delighted, in my solitary walks, to trace the rivulet to its sources. Three miles from town, but within view, among a few tall oaks, it rises in four or five silver fountains, within short distances of each other, presenting a picture to the fancy of the poet, or the pencil of the painter. I have fancied myself for a moment on classic ground, and beheld the Naiads pouring the stream from their urns. Close to the town there is a fine mill, erected


by Mr. Chouteau on this streamlet; the dam forms a beautiful sheet of water, and affords much amusement, in fishing and fowling, to the people of the town. The common field of St. Louis was formerly inclosed on this bank, consisting of several thousand acres; at present there are not more than two thousand under cultivation; the rest of the ground looks like the worn common in the neighborhood of a large town, the grass kept down and short, and the loose soil in several places cut open into gaping ravines."

This description by the observant Brackenridge seems to be graphic enough and accurate enough to bring the old town up before the eye. It may very well serve for the introduction to some account of the topography of St. Louis from the date of its foundation to the more recent and final settlement of grades and levels. And, in regard to the standard of grades and levels, it is proper to begin by describing the rather peculiar system which is employed in St. Louis for establishing and maintaining this standard. This is ascertained by means of what is called "the city directrix." The employment of this grew out of the following circumstances:

"In 1826 there was, as far as then known, unprecedented high water. The citizens wanted the high-water line established, so that afterwards streets could be graded and houses erected above the water-line. Mr. Paul, under instructions of the City Council, erected a monument as required. This monument was a dressed limestone column two feet square, and was set in front of the southeast corner of the then City Hall, on the Levee, near Market Street. This stone is yet in place, and stands across the curbstone in front of No. 4 South Levee. A hole was cut in this stone to set the monument of the high water of 1844, which was seven feet seven inches higher than in 1826. This last mentioned monument was destroyed by fire in 1856.

"The top surface of Paul's monument was placed even with the highest line marked by the flood of 1826, and was officially declared the base-line for subsequent and additional surveys of the city, and its additions as to street grades. The curbstone of the sidewalk on the Levee from Plum Street to Franklin Avenue, formerly Cherry Street, was placed on a level of the base-line, and its grade is designated on the street commissioners' map as being at zero. This line was and is officially styled in the ordinances as the ‘city directrix.’

"The elevation of this city directrix above the sea-level has been determined as follows:

"By the United States Signal Service, with barometer measurement, four hundred and four feet above the sea-level at Washington, D. C.

"By the United States Coast Survey, Lieut. Humphrey's barometer measurement, four hundred and eight and a half feet above the sea-level at Mobile.

"By the Pennsylvania Central and the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad surveys, with sight-levels of grades from Philadelphia to St. Louis, four hundred and twenty-eight and one-fourth feet above sea-level at Philadelphia.

"These three observations were averaged, and the elevation of four hundred and thirteen and two-thirds feet determined.


This system of measurement seems to be very perfect and very satisfactory. It has a definite base and unit of its own, and is accurately connected with other systems, and, through the coast survey, with the common hydrographic system of the whole country, that which is the basis of land surveys as well as water distance measurements. The result is to give us correct and graphic ideas of the city's topography. The area


of sixty-two square miles, the general plan of twenty-three hills and knolls, rising from forty to two hundred feet above the directrix, are data from which a map could almost be drawn without needing to see the place. The expansion of the city until it has spread over all this wide area and taken in all these knolls and hills is a history of a wonderful growth in wonderfully rapid periods. It is in fact a romance, very different from the monotonous story of Chicago's unfolding. For almost tsixty years St. Louis was content to remain a little trading city under and on the side of a limestone bluff at the river's edge. Suddenly it climbed to the top of the bluff, found the high level country, and began at once to grow. The old French village and town crouched under the bank, quiescent and passive, like one who hugs the chimney-corner and smokes his pipe, too content with idle ease to be persuaded to move on. The new American city left the old town there undisturbed, and ran away from it to seek its fortune. After that was secured, it turned back to the old town, gave it a thorough shaking up, and dressed it out in such splendid new attire that it was not able to recognize itself any longer.

It is the literal fact that St. Louis did not begin to grow until the country recovered from the financial depression which succeeded the war of 1812-14, culminating in 1819. This depression was so great that it strangled enterprise and arrested immigration. The whole West was ruined by hard times and bad money, and business came to a standstill for the lack of a currency and a medium of exchange. St. Louis was arrested by these adversities just as she had begun to invite an enterprising American population. In 1820 it was very little improved from what it had been in1780. It still lay all under the hill.


What it was in 1809 it remained in 1818 and in 1822, when it was incorporated. Mr. Billon describes with distinctness what the town was in the former year when he first saw it. He says, —

"Until the incorporation of St. Louis as a city, in December, 1822, and the subsequent adoption of a system of grades for the streets of the city, there had been little, if any, change in the surface of the ground from its first settlement in 1764, a period of nearly sixty years, consequently on my arrival in the place in 1818, I must have found it almost in its primitive state.

"The river-front presented at that day a limestone bluff, extending from about the foot of Poplar Street on the south to above Roy's tower, at the foot of Ashley Street, on the north, this bluff being about on a level with the main street as far south as the centre of the village, at the Public Square, at an elevation of some thirty-five or forty feet above the ordinary stage of the river. From there south to Poplar Street it gradually sloped down to the level of the alluvial flat which bordered the river for about two miles farther south.

"There were then but two roads to ascend from the river to Main Street, viz., at Market and Oak Streets. These ascents were very abrupt and rough, and had been roughly quarried through the limestone rock by the early inhabitants with crowbars and hammers to enable them to get to the river for water.

"Main Street, north from Market Street, was generally level, with, perhaps, a very slight ascent; going south from Market Street it ascended some four or five feet to the centre of the block, then Col. Chouteau's. From here it descended with about the same slope as the limestone bluffs to its terminus at Plum Street, where it ran into the river.

"Second Street was about on a level with Main Street near the centre of the village, but from Chestnut Street north to above Vine it was lower than Main, and of course in bad weather was always very muddy, and the lots on the east side were frequently several inches deep with water for days until it dried up by evaporation. The residents of this vicinage remedied it to some extent in 1778 by draining it through the cross street, now Chestnut.

"Second, south of Walnut, had about the same descent as Main Street south.

"Third Street, in the centre of the village, was a few feet higher than Second, but from Chestnut north it ascended gradually up to near our present Washington Avenue, perhaps some twenty-five feet in this distance. From here north it is nearly level. Southwardly, from about Walnut, it descended with about the same grade as Main and Second.

"Of Fourth Street, the highest part was from Elm to near Chestnut. Going north from Chestnut it descended precipitously to Pine, where a gully crossed the intersection of Second Street from northwest to southeast, carrying off the water from a large district north and west of this point, through the centre of the present Block 86 down Chestnut to the river. South from Elm, Fourth Street had a pretty steep descent for the distance of a few blocks, and from there about the same as Third. The very highest point on Fourth was at the intersection of Walnut, overlooking the country in every direction. On this spot the central stone tower was erected in 1780, and here the Spanish Governor constructed the garrison in 1794. There was no Fourth Street south of Elm until after 1822, Col. Easton's inclosure crossing it half-way to Fifth Street. South of this it was but a road, with two or three houses. The limestone bluff which fronted the place was nearly perpendicular. In seasons of low water in the river there was a wide sand-bar extending out a considerable distance from the shore, which when the water was at an ordinary stage was covered, leaving a narrow road of sand at the foot of the bluff. At seasons of high water it would completely cover this, and at times rise some eight or ten feet above the foot of the bluffs."

St. Louis had been incorporated as a town in 1809 by the Territorial Court of Common Pleas. It was incorporated as a city by the Legislature in 1822. Previous to 1816 there had been no additions to the town as originally laid off by Laclede and Chouteau. In that year Chouteau and J. B. C. Lucas gave a square to the town for a court-house, and offered for sale a large tract on the west end of the town, from Fourth Street to Seventh. This was the first


accession of territory. We will describe it more particularly a little farther on. The streets of St. Louis were not regularly named until 1826, though several of them bore names, as Rue de l' Eglise, Rue des Granges, Rue Principale, Rue de Barrčre, etc. In July of that year an ordinance was passed adopting formal names.

In 1826 the city had begun to grow, but had not yet quite got out from under the hill. In proof of this take the following from the "Impressions du Voyage" of his Highness Karl Bernhardt, duke of Saxe-Weimar, who visited St. Louis in 1826, in the month of April:

"St. Louis lies upon a rather high rocky foundation on the right bank of the Mississippi, and stretches itself out nearly a mile in length in the direction of the river.

"The most of the houses have a garden towards the water; the earth is supported by walls, so that the gardens form so many terraces. The city contains about four thousand inhabitants. It consists of one long main street, running parallel with the river, from which several side streets run to the heights behind the city. Here single houses point out the space where another street parallel with the main street can one day be built. The generality of the houses are new, built of brick two stories high; some are of rough stone and others of wood and clay in the Spanish taste, resembling the old houses in New Orleans. Round the city along the heights formerly ran a wall, but it is now taken away. At the corners stood massive round guard-towers, the walls of which one still can see. In a northern direction from the city are seven artificial hillocks, in two rows, which form a parallelogram. They belong to the much talked of Indian mounds and fortifications, of which numbers are found on the shores of the Ohio and Mississippi, and which are dispersed over these regions from Lake Erie to New Mexico. There exist neither documents nor traditions concerning the erection of these works, or of the tribe of people who erected them. In some a great quantity of human bones have been discovered, in others, on the contrary, nothing."

But from this period it sprang forward rapidly, and has never since ceased from its process of expansion and growth.

Professor Waterhouse, aided by Mr. Billon's invaluable manuscripts, has written the following concise and accurate sketch of the early topography of St. Louis for the present volume:

"For four or five years after its settlement St. Louis was called a trading-post. This title formed a part of its official designation. Then for about forty years the young colony bore the name of village. Nov. 9, 1809, St. Louis was incorporated as a borough town, and Dec. 9, 1822, it was invested by the State Legislature with the title of city. For more than half a century the physical features of St. Louis remained untouched by the hand of improvement. No public system of grading was undertaken prior to 1823. No changes materially altering the general surface of the ground were made before the incorporation of St. Louis as a city. Accordingly, the following facts, observed in 1818, must present a substantially correct view of the site of St. Louis in its primitive condition. To avoid repetition and the employment of terms long since obsolete, the present names of streets and numbers of blocks are used in this description. A glance at Chouteau's map will show that some of the streets mentioned in this account were not in existence at that day, and are merely employed as a present means of identifying localities.

"In 1764 a steep limestone bluff occupied the place of our present Levee. It extended from the foot of Ashley to the foot of Poplar. Its height above the ordinary stage of the Mississippi was thirty-five or forty feet. From the Public Square between Market and Walnut there was a gradual descent to an


alluvial bottom, which began in the vicinity of Poplar Street and extended down the river nearly two miles. It was through this valley that the waters of ‘La Petite Rivičre’ flowed to the Mississippi. The mouth of the Little River was a short distance below our present gas-works. Owing to a slight convexity of the river-front, the distance of Main Street from the edge of the bluff varied from one hundred and fifty to two hundred feet.

"The highest ground on Main Street was in the rear of the Public Square, now block seven. From this central elevation there was a descent of about five feet to Market Street. From this point to the northern limits of Main Street the ground was level, or slightly rising. From the Public Square south there was a gradual slope to the foot of Plum Street, where, in consequence of a slight westward curvature in the river, Main Street terminated.

"With one important exception, Second Street had the same general outlines as Main Street, but from Chestnut Street to Vine Street there was a shallow depression, which after rains was muddy and almost impassable. In the street and in the lots on the east side the depth of the water was often over shoes. In 1778 this tract was drained into the gully which obliquely crossed Chestnut Street in its way to the river.

"On Third Street, from the centre of the village to Washington Avenue, there was a rise of twenty-five or thirty feet. From Washington Avenue to its northern extremity, Third Street was comparatively level. From the centre southward, Third Street followed the general slope of Main and Second Streets.

"In 1818, Fourth Street was not in existence. The line on which this street was subsequently laid out ran beyond the western limits of the village. Until about the time St. Louis assumed municipal honors Fourth Street terminated at Elm Street. About 1823, Col. Easton's land, situated at the intersection of these streets, was sold, the paling-fence which obstructed travel was removed, and Fourth Street was extended southward. The highest ground on this street was between Elm and Chestnut Streets; it was called ‘the hill.’ It was the water-shed between Ninth Street and the river. It was the most elevated land inclosed within the first limits of the city. From Chestnut Street there was a rapid descent to Pine Street. At this point a deep gully, which drained a large area lying northwest of the village, crossed Fourth Street in a southeasterly direction. North of Pine Street the surface of Fourth Street rose with a very slow and slight ascent. South of Elm Street the ground on Fourth Street gently declined to the valley of Mill Creek.

"The ground swell on Fourth Street was thirty-five or forty feet higher than the bluff, and consequently seventy or eighty feet higher than the river itself. In 1764, from Market Street down through the valley of Mill Creek, there was a heavy growth of forest-trees.

"In 1818 a low sand-bank, from four hundred to six hundred feet wide, extended from the foot of Market Street to the southern extremity of the village. At the lower end of this bank there was a slight elevation, covered with groups of bushes. In after-years this knoll, insulated by the action of the river and enlarged by alluvial deposits, became Duncan's Island. At the base of the bluff there was a flat rock about one hundred feet wide. In high stages of the river this rock was always submerged, but in low water it afforded a dry and unobstructed foot-path from Market Street to Morgan Street. During high water the boatmen were compelled to land on the bottoms, and to make a long détour to reach the village.

"The original bounds of St. Louis were narrow. According to the plat of 1764, the trading-post stretched from Chouteau Avenue to Cherry Street, and from the river to near Fourth Street.

"At that time there was no street fronting on the Mississippi, the rear yards of the first line of buildings extended to the edge of the bluffs. Three streets ran parallel with the river. They were named Main (or Royal), Church, and Barn Streets.

"The width of these streets was thirty-six French feet.

"Eighteen cross streets ran west from the river. Their width was thirty French feet. Walnut was then called La Rue de la Tour, because it led up to the tower on the hill, and Market was named La Rue de la Place, because it formed the northern border of the Public Square. Only two or three of the other streets running west had distinctive names. They were merely lanes, on which there were no houses. In 1818 the village was divided into forty-nine blocks. Block 7, in the centre of the river-front, was called La Place, or the Public Square. On this vacant space, after the cession to the United States, the


first public market-house was built. Block 34, directly west of the Public Square, was selected by Laclede for his own residence. It was on this site that the spacious stone house called the Chouteau mansion was subsequently erected. Block 59, between Second and Third Streets, was reserved for the Catholic Church and cemetery. The blocks between Walnut and Market Streets were three hundred French feet square; all the rest of the blocks had a frontage of two hundred and forty by a depth of three hundred French feet. Within the limits of the village the original grants to settlers were commonly restricted to a quarter of a block; a few favored individuals obtained half-blocks, and in three or four instances official distinction, meritorious service, or social dignity secured the concession of a whole block. In 1818 there were only two approaches from the river to the town. These led up Market and Morgan Streets. The ascent was steep, rocky, and difficult. Under the town organization no steps were taken to provide additional means of access, but soon after the adoption of a municipal government other streets were cut down through the bluff to the river."

The boundaries of St. Louis County, as officially laid down in connection with the general land-office system of the United States, give the following limits: Beginning in the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River, due east of the mouth of the river Maramec; thence due west to the middle of the main channel of the Maramec River, at the mouth thereof; thence up the Maramec River, and with the middle of the main channel thereof, to a point where the township line between T. 43 and 44 N. of the base-line crosses the same; thence west with said line to the main channel of the Maramec River, where the said channel again crosses the same; thence up the Maramec River, and with the middle of the main channel thereof, to a point where the range-line between R. 2 and 3 E. of the fifth principal meridian crosses the same; thence north with said line to the middle of the main channel of the Missouri River; thence down the Missouri River, and with the middle of the main channel of the said river, to the mouth thereof; thence due east to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River; thence down the Mississippi River, and with the middle of the main channel thereof, to the place of beginning.

The county of St. Louis is subdivided into five municipal townships, namely: Carondelet, St. Louis, St. Ferdinand, Bonhomme, and Maramec.

The township of St. Louis begins at a point in the main channel of the Mississippi River due east of the junction of Morin's Creek and river Gingras; thence due west across the river Gingras to the mouth of Morin's Creek; thence southwardly with said creek to where it crosses for the first time the northeast line of a New Madrid location, by virtue of certificate No. 94, in T. 45 N. R. 7 E.; thence northwestwardly with said line to the northwest corner of said claim; thence southwestwardly with the northwestern line of said claim to where it intersects the township line, between T. 45 and 46 N. of the base-line; thence west with said township line to where it crosses the range-line, between R. 5 and 6 E. of the fifth principal meridian; thence south with said range-line to the corner of T. 44 and 45 N., R. 5 and 6 E.; thence eastwardly with the boundary line of Carondelet township to the main channel of the Mississippi River; and in the main channel thereof to the place of beginning.

The township of Carondelet, which has been in part incorporated with St. Louis, begins at a point in the main channel of the Mississippi River due east of the southeast corner of the commons of the city of St. Louis; thence due west to the said southeast corner; thence westwardly with the southern boundary line of said commons to the southwest corner thereof; thence northwardly with the western line of said commons to where the same intersects the line dividing T. 44 and 45 N. of the base-line; thence west with said dividing line to the line dividing R. 5 and 6 E. of the fifth principal meridian; thence south with said range-line to its intersection with the southeast boundary line of survey No. 1933, in T. 44 N., R. 5 and 6 E.; thence southwestwardly with said southeast line, and following the course of said line, to the middle of the main channel of the Maramec River; thence down said Maramec River, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to its mouth; thence due east to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River; thence up said Mississippi River, in the middle of the main channel thereof, to the beginning.

The village or hamlet of St. Louis, as laid out by Laclede and Auguste Chouteau in 1764, and as mapped by the latter in 1780, was bounded by Third Street on the West and the Mississippi River on the east; by Cherry Street (now Franklin Avenue) on the north, and what is now Poplar Street on the south. It contained forty-nine blocks, — fifteen between the river bluffs and the first or principal street, extending from the present Poplar Street on the south to Cherry Street on the north; nineteen between the first and second streets, from our Lombard Street south to Cherry Street north; and fifteen between the second and third streets, from Lombard Street south to Vine Street north. Fourth Street almost exactly marked the line of fortifications drawn and began by Chouteau in 1780, and completed in 1794.

In 1804, and at the time of the town's incorporation in 1809, its boundaries were the following: The


north line was about one hundred and forty feet north of Franklin Avenue (formerly Cherry Street), between the river and Broadway. The west line was along the present west side of Broadway from Franklin to Washington Avenues; thence diagonally from the southwest corner of Third Street and Washington Avenue to the southwest corner of Fourth and Market Streets; thence to the southeast corner of Fifth and Gratiot Streets; thence diagonally to the east side of Fourth Street, between Papin (formerly called Lombard) Street and Chouteau Avenue; and thence diagonally to the north side of Rutger Street, between Main and Second Streets. The south line was diagonally northeast from Rutger Street, near Main Street, to the then river at Papin (formerly called Lombard) Street, at about Main Street.

After the incorporation of the "town of St. Louis" by the Court of Common Pleas for the district of St. Louis, on the 9th of November, 1809, the board of trustees of the town, by an ordinance dated Feb. 25, 1811, established the following as the boundaries of the place for municipal purposes:

"Commence at the river Mississippi at low-water mark, at or near the windmill of Antoine Roy; then due west to the east line of the forty arpent lots on the hill back of St. Louis; thence along the line of said lots to Mill Creek; then down said creek to its mouth; thence up the river Mississippi along low-water mark to the place of beginning.

"WILLIAM CLARK, Chairman pro tem.



This town incorporation of St. Louis was granted upon the petition of two-thirds of the taxable inhabitants to the court, which, by act of the Territorial Legislature, had discretionary power in the premises. The petition was presented Nov. 9, 1809, and on the same day the judges (Silas Bent, president, Bernard Pratte and Louis Labeaume, associates) granted the charter and franchises, and provided for five trustees, to be elected by the vote of the tax-payers, to act as town commissioners. The boundaries of St. Louis, as expressed in the charter, were as follows:

"Beginning at Antoine Roy's mill on the bank of the Mississippi, thence running sixty arpens west, thence south on said line of sixty arpens in the rear until the same crosses to the Barričre Denoyer; thence due south until it comes to the Sugar-Loaf; thence due east to the Mississippi; from thence by the Mississippi to the place mentioned."


A further incorporation of the town as a city occurred Dec. 9, 1822. The extended boundaries were described as beginning at a point in the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River, due east of the southern end of a bridge across Mill Creek, at the lower portion of the town of St. Louis; thence due west to a point at which the western line of Seventh Street extended southwardly and intersected the same; thence northwardly along the western side of Seventh Street, and continuing in that course to a point due west to the northern side of Roy's tower; thence due east to the middle of the main channel of the river Mississippi; thence with the middle of the main channel of the said river to the beginning.

This boundary, in brief, was: On the north, Ashley Street to Broadway, thence west along Biddle Street to Seventh Street; the west line. Seventh Street, from Biddle Street to Labadie Street; and the south line, Labadie Street to Fourth Street, and Convent Street from Fourth Street to river.

Within these limits the town contained an area of 385 acres, on which there were 232 brick and 419 frame dwellings, containing a population of 5000. The taxable property was increased from $424,560 to $810,064, and the tax increased from $3763 to $3823.80 annually.

Besides extending the limits of the town this year, the rate of taxes was increased from one-third to one-half of one per cent.

Réné Paul, who was the first city engineer of St. Louis, surveyed and mapped out the city as it was in 1823. The original map, made by Mr. Paul, was lost ten or twelve years ago, but an authenticated copy has been preserved in the present street commissioners' office.

In 1851, to show the rapid growth the city had made in the interval of less than thirty years, its boundaries were as follows:

"All that district of country contained within the following limits, to wit: Beginning at a point in the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River due east to the southeast corner of St. George, in St. Louis County; thence due west to the west line of Second Carondelet Avenue; thence north with the said west line of said avenue to the north line of Chouteau Avenue; thence northwardly in a direct line to the mouth of Stony Creek; thence due east to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River; thence southwardly with the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River to the place of beginning,"
which district was divided into six wards. The city was then allowed to maintain for its protection and clearance a hospital, poor-house, and work-house. The City Council, now increased to twenty-four members, with two boards, with officers as we now find them, the stated sessions, and all the powers, were set down, their right to appropriate was limited, and they were generally held to check in their doings. In like manner, the particular duties of the mayor and the ministerial officers heretofore or now created were laid down, and the election of the lot provided for. So additional powers were granted as to the improvement of streets, the maintenance of a police force, and so on generally to the last chapter.

The first survey of the town was made in accordance with the direction of Laclede, the founder, by Auguste Chouteau, under the Spanish government, and in 1781, the year succeeding l'année de grand coup, or the Indians' attack, a full account of which will be found in a succeeding chapter. The object of the map was to show the original grants of land by the French and Spanish governments, and also to illustrate the plan of fortification proposed by Chouteau, but never completed. The original map and field-notes are still preserved, and in the possession of Theophile Papin, of St. Louis, whose grandfather assisted in making the surveys. The map, which is inscribed in French, "St. Louis of the Illinois, fortified by Don Francisco de Cruzat, Lieutenant-Colonel and Lieutenant-Governor of the western part of the Illinois, in 1780," presents and locates the town, the demi-lunes, the bastions, the gates, the government house, the church, the Public Square, Mill Creek, and the several lots and blocks occupied by individuals and their residences. Chouteau himself said of this plat, in a memorandum over his own signature, dated in 1825, "In regard to the line of fortification, I only traced it in 1780, by order of the government." He also says that this plat made by him in 1764 was not by order of the government, but to commemorate his services as one of the founders of St. Louis. F. L. Billon furnishes the accompanying satisfactory diagram and description of the original fortifications of St. Louis:

The "Fort on the Hill" (so called by the old inhabitants of the village) was completed and occupied by the one company of Spanish soldiers usually kept at this post in the year 1794. It was a square inclosure of three hundred French feet on each of its four sides, inclosed with palisades firmly set in the ground. Its eastern front line was about in the centre of our present Fourth Street, extending west to about the east line of Fifth Street, and from the centre of the present Block No. 104 on the south to near the centre of Block No. 103 on the north, and embraced the ground covered by our present Walnut Street, from Fourth to Fifth, sixty feet wide, the north half of our present Block No. 104, on which


stood the original Southern Hotel, one hundred and twenty feet, and the same quantity, one hundred and twenty feet, of Block 103, north of Walnut, to within about twenty-four feet from the south line of the "Tyler Granite Buildings." This point was selected for it by the then Spanish Governor, for the reason that the road leading up to it from the main street of the village (our present Walnut Street) was at that day, and for long years thereafter, the principal cross street of the village, the so-called "Governor's house" being at the southeast corner of our present Main and Walnut Streets, and from which point there was an unobstructed view of the main entrance to the fortification, in a direct line with the centre of Walnut Street.

The east line of the fortification was about forty feet from the brow of the hill, along which ran a road north and south, and in laying out Fourth Street, by Chouteau and Lucas, in 1816, it took these forty feet and about forty feet more from the east line of the fortification grounds for that purpose, and in extending Walnut Street west it took a piece sixty feet wide through the precise centre of the old fortification ground, leaving the stone tower in the centre of the street, with a roadway on each side. The buildings within the fortification were those designated on the plat. There were some eight or ten small cannon, principally field-pieces, kept, mounted, in the fort during the Spanish occupation of it, some ten years, which were removed by the Spanish commandant on the evacuation of the country.

After the transfer to the United States in 1804, the barracks were occupied by the United States soldiers for a couple of years, when, the cantonment at Bellefontaine having been established by Gen. James Wilkinson, in 1806, the troops were removed to that point, and these works were abandoned for military purposes. The commandant's house and the stone tower were subsequently made use of, for a time, for a very different purpose than that for which they were originally designed, as appears from the following extract from the records of the Court of Oyer and Terminer of the Territory, March term, 1806.

April 4th, "on application to Governor Wilkinson, he granted to the authorities of the village to make use of the military guard-house [the tower] in the fort on the hills as a jail until one could be built."

Dec. 19, 1806, "the court ordered the house in the garrison to be repaired for the use of the courts, and a stove and wood to be furnished for the jail."

This building was occupied by the Territorial Courts of Common Pleas and Oyer and Terminer


for some ten years until 1816, in which year, Lucas and Chouteau having laid out their first addition to the town, when the ground of the old fort, being Chouteau's private property, as part of his large mill tract, was cut in two by the extension of our present Walnut Street through it, and lot No. 5, on which this house stood, was purchased by M. McGirk, a lawyer, who occupied it a few years until his removal to Montgomery County, subsequently by John B. Smith and others. McGirk sold it to N. Paschal, and Paschal to Mrs. Samuel Perry in 1836, who removed it to make way for a modern brick dwelling.

The old round tower was the town jail until the county court built the jail, in 1817-19, on the southeast corner of Chestnut and Sixth Streets. William Sullivan, who purchased from Chouteau in 1816 the half-block upon which the Southern Hotel was subsequently erected, and had built a small frame and log house at the northeast corner of his lot, where he lived for a number of years, was the jailer at the old tower.

In a very complete and accurate digest by the St. Louis Globe-Democrat (April 2, 1882) of the real estate history of the city, it is said that, in 1765, M. Aubri, the Governor at that time of the French


province of Louisiana, gave to M. St. Ange de Bellerive, commandant at the post of St. Louis, authority to grant the royal domain, and that

When the territory came in possession of the Spanish government, Piernas, the Lieutenant-Governor, confirmed all of the grants made by St. Ange. A surveyor was appointed, and he assigned lands to parties petitioning for them, and also originated a system of confirming and making grants that continued for twenty-five years or longer.

"Under the provincial laws the title was not complete until after the confirmation of the grant by the Governor of the


province. The provincial capital at that time was at New Orleans, and but a few St. Louis titles were fully confirmed, as the expense and time required to go to New Orleans was more than the majority of the inhabitants of the village of St. Louis could give. At that period in the history of St. Louis it took between five and six months to go to and return from New Orleans. The St. Louisians subsequently, in buying and selling land, waived the objection to a complete title. Subsequent proceedings in the United States courts confirmed many of these grants. Under the Spanish and French governments in St. Louis lands were granted upon personal petitions, and occupied similarly to the present homestead grants of the United States, except that no money payments were required, and it was necessary for the petitioner to be a member of the Roman Catholic Church.

"When the province in which St. Louis was situated was conveyed by the French to the United States, land speculators created a panic and ‘beared’ real estate by claiming that the local grants of land not confirmed in title by the Governor-General of the province would not be considered valid by the United States. The holders of such real estate immediately sold to the agents of the speculators at very low rates. Many alleged fraudulent land claims were created during this land panic, and these claims for over seventy years afterwards caused property litigation in the courts, but at present all of them have been finally settled, except in two or three instances."

This is a fair general statement of the subject, but still some qualifications and explanations are necessary in the premises. St. Ange probably had no authority of a definite character. He was acceptable to the French; his presence was necessary to the preservation of order, and he was willing to act, in connection with the notaries named in Chapter IV., as locum tenens until the Spanish authority should be established. His grants, with the sanction of the notaries as a proof of their regularity, thus became the acts of a de facto government, which it was good policy on every hand to recognize and uphold. But there would probably have been many difficulties, had it not been for the fact that real estate had little practical value and could be obtained by every one in the greatest abundance, and without any material outlay. Many of the first concessions of lots are very obscure and vague in the description of the location and the metes and bounds. There was no particular landmark for a starting-point, no base-line for surveys. French immigrants from Kaskaskia, Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher, Fort Chartres, and other settlements on the east bank


of the river, not choosing to live under the British authorities, came over to St. Louis and took up their abode there, some occupying lots simply upon the basis of the Governor's verbal assent, and building on lands to which they had none but a title of courtesy. It was this which led to the employment of the "Livres Terriens," or land-record books, the first entry in which was made under date of April 27, 1766. But, in fact, to quote the words of Mr. Billon, who has most thoroughly investigated the original land titles of primitive St. Louis, —

"Lands and lots originally were of little or no value in themselves, as they were freely bestowed upon any person on the sole condition that he would improve them for his own habitation within a year and a day from the date of his grant. If within that time he bestowed the least labor possible on the land, no matter how trivial, grubbing a small portion, cutting down a tree, or anything else, he had virtually complied with the conditions of the grant, and could dispose of it as he pleased; otherwise he had forfeited it, and it reverted to the domain, to be regranted to any other who might apply for it. Consequently lots had no other value for many years after the birth of the village than that of the improvements put upon them. When a sale of a house took place it was for the house only, the lot, no matter if large or small, even to the extent of a block, going with the house. There are several instances on record where a lot has been sold for ten or twelve dollars merely to repay the seller for the labor he might have bestowed on it.

"There were also not a few instances where houses and lots were sold verbally, without written deed, a verbal sale being good when the consideration had been paid. If sold on time it was considered mortgaged for the payment, if not paid for when due it was considered forfeited, and the first owner had a right to sell it again to a new party, and the title good. If it had been sold on time, and a third party had gone security for the payment, the party paying the money when due became the legal owner, and could sell it and make a valid title to the same. For these reasons the chain of title is broken in a number of cases."

Mr. Billon adds that after the affair of 1780 the village made so little progress

"For the next twenty years, and so few lots were applied for, that there was but little necessity for extending the village limits. Three blocks were added to the south end, with but one house on each; fourteen on the west side of the Third Street, with as many new houses on the ascent to the high land back of the village; and the four already mentioned in the northwest corner, without any improvements thereon, so that in 1804 the village plat stood thus:
    Added. Total. With Houses. Vacant Block.
1st row of blocks 15 1 16 15 1
2d row of blocks 19 2 21 21 --
3d row of blocks 15 5 20 17 3
4th row of blocks -- 14 14 11 3
  49 22 71 64 7

A few years before the purchase by the United States, and when it was becoming daily more evident that before long the country would pass from the possession of Spain, many grants of lands were made by the Spanish officials throughout the country. There were no vacant lots left to concede in the village, all having been granted or in the possession of individuals. South of the village to Carondelet, and west, there were no more lots nor lands to grant; there remained contiguous to St. Louis but the piece of land north of the village above mentioned. This was conceded by Governor Delassus, in the years 1799-1800, to various individuals, viz.: Clamorgan, Soulard, Yosti, Egliz, and others, in pieces of from five to ten arpens fronting east on the river, and running back up the hill to the east line of the forty-arpent lots. These several pieces of land adjoined each other consecutively, there being no roads left between or through them, the northernmost cross-road from the river west then being our present Morgan Street. There was then no Cherry Street, it being but a narrow lane between what are now Blocks Nos. 24 and 25, the only road at that period through these lands being a continuation of the main street northwardly, and was called the road to Roy's mill.

The article in the Globe-Democrat proceeds to give a list of "the original property-owners in the old town and village of St. Louis prior to and at 1809, according to the survey of Auguste Chouteau, made in 1781 or 1782, and afterwards confirmed by surveys made in 1823 by Réné Paul for the city, and made in 1838 by Joseph C. Brown for the United States government." We owe it to Mr. Billon that we are here able to present, in a compact form and regular order, a full list of the lots, owners, and improvements in St. Louis during the whole period from 1764 to 1823, inclusive, with all the dates and every other circumstance requisite to perfect intelligibility and accuracy. The collection and arrangement of such a mass of material was a most laborious task, but to Mr. Billon it has been a labor of love. The lists may be trusted as giving an exhaustive history of real estate transactions in St. Louis during the first fifty-seven years of its existence, and we owe it to Mr. Billon to present his lists as he prepared them, without omitting any particular or neglecting any detail.


In 1764, when Chouteau traced out the original plat of the embryo village of St. Louis, under the direction and instruction of Laclede, his stepfather, the following were the only lots designated thereon as being then in possession of individuals:

In block now

No. 2, the north one-half.

No. 8, the south one-half, Jean de Lage

No. 16, the block, Louis Honore Tesson, concession Feb. 6, 1770, to Louis Honore Tesson.

No. 25, the block east half, John B. Cardinal.

No. 31, southwest one-fourth, John B. Provenchore, concession Feb. 15, 1768, to J. B. Provenchere.


No. 34, block, Laclede Liguest, concession Aug. 11, 1766, to Laclede.

No. 44, block, Gabriel Descary.

No. 50, north one-half, concession Aug. 6, 1767, to Réné Buet.

No. 54, northwest one-fourth.

No. 58, northwest one-fourth, Michel Rollet.

No. 60, southwest one-fourth, concession Jan. 3, 1770, to Eugene Pouré.

No. 64, northwest one-fourth, Deshetres.


During the temporary French government eighty-one grants of lots in the village of St. Louis had been made by St. Ange and his associates, from No. 1, April 27, 1766, to No. 81, Feb. 7, 1770.

Upon the largest portion of these lots the grantees had built their residences. A few of these parties having neglected to comply with the conditions of the grant, viz., to commence some improvement on it within a year and a day, had forfeited it, and it reverted to the domain, to be granted to a second party. These eighty-one recorded grants added to those that had been previously verbally granted by St. Ange and his associates, about absorbed all the lots of the village.

As soon as the Spanish authority was established at New Orleans by Don O'Reilly in 1769, orders were sent up to St. Louis to stop the concession of lots and lands until the Spanish authority should be established in this upper region, accordingly the last French concession was made on Feb. 7, 1770.

On the arrival of Piernas, and his assumption of the government on May 20, 1770, his first step was to select a surveyor, which he did by appointing M. Martin Duralde to the office, with instructions to proceed at once to the survey of the lots which had been granted by the temporary French government. This duty he performed, and made report of his registry and plat on the 23d of May, 1772.

The first recorded concession of a village lot is by, —

Governor Piernas, July 13, 1771; last, April 24, 1775 14
Governor Cruzat, Feb. 29, 1776; last, Sept. 4, 1777 6
Governor De Leyba, July 23, 1778; last, Jan. 20, 1780 7
Governor Silvio de Cartabona, Sept. 7, 1780 1
Governor Cruzat, May 30, 1783; last, Oct. 5, 1787 3
Governor Perez, June 25, 1788; last, Sept. 22, 1791 7
Governor Trudeau, July 20, 1793; last, May 16, 1799 12
Governor De Lassus, Sept. 2, 1799; last, Nov. 21, 1803-5 55
Add those previously granted by French government 75
Whole number of lots conceded in the village from 1766 to 1803 130

And a few concessions north of and adjoining the village.



1. April 27, B. 13. To Joseph Labuscičre, procureur du Roi, 150 by 300 feet, from the principal street to the river, on one side Chancellier's lot, the other a street.

2. April 30, E. 1/2 of 61. To Joseph Calvé, 240 by 150, on the second grande rue, on each side a cross street. (Reverted to the crown.)

3. May, N. W. 1/4 of 27. To Jean Marie Thoulouze, 120 by 150, front on a street passing in rear of Laclede's lot, running to the lot of Bequette, on one side Honore Sans Souci, on the other the royal domain.

4. May 30, N. 1/2 of 8. François Bissonnet, 120 by 150, on the first main street to the Mississippi, on one side Rondeau, the other a cross-road.

5. June 2, E. 1/2 of 58. André Auguste Condé, Surgeon, 240 by 150, on west side of Second, on each side a cross street, running back to royal domain.

6. June 10, N. E. 1/4 of 29. François Eloy, 120 by 150, on Main, on one side Jean Baptiste Jacquemin, the other a cross street in rear royal domain.

7. June 30, S. E. 1/4 of 66. Louis Deshetres and Nicholas Leconte, 120 by 150, on Second opposite Sans Souci, one side a cross street, the other royal domain.

8. July 4, N. W. 1/4 of 37. Jean Prevot, 120 by 150, front on Bourbon Street, rear Du Breuil, one side Baccannet, the other a cross street.

9. July 20, N. E. 1/4 of 37. Louis Du Breuil, merchant, 120 by 150, on Royal Street, in rear Jean Prevost, on one side Jacques Labé, on the other side a cross street, going to the river. He also received a concession at same time for the north half of Block 4, which he had previously purchased from Jos. Marchetand.

10. Aug. 5, N. E. 1/4 of 43. Thomas Blondeau, 120 by 150, front on Royal Street, on one side M. De Volsay, on the other and the rear royal domain.

11. Aug. 5, S. E. 1/4 of 41. Jacques Lacroix, 120 by 15 , front on Royal Street, rear royal domain, on one side Martigny, the other a cross street from De Volsay.

12. Aug. 10, B. 13. Jos. Labuscičre, an additional 60 by 150, added to and in continuation of the first concession made him.

13. Aug. 11, B. 34. Laclede Liguest, 300 feet square, from Royal Street to Second, to the square reserved for the church on one side, on one side a cross street from Marcereau and Hubert, the other from Taillon.

14. Aug. 12, N. E. 1/4 of 33. Laclede Liguest, 120 by 150, front on Royal Street in rear Roger Taillon, on one side lot of Joseph Taillon, on the other a cross street separating it from Veuve Marechal.

15. Aug. 15, B. 42. Pierre François de Volsay, officer of marines, 240 by 300, from the river to the second grande rue, one side a cross street from the lot of Blondeau and Lamy, on the north another cross street.

16. Aug. 15, N. W. 1/4 of 43. Michel Lamy, 120 by 150, on second grande rue, east by Blondeau, one side the cross street from De Volsay, south the royal domain.

17. Aug. 20, W. 1/2 of 29. Jean Bap. Butand, 240 by 150, on one front Cotin and F. Eloy, on the other a grande rue, on each side a cross street.

18. Aug. 21, N. E. 1/4 of 30. Alexis Marie, 120 by 150, on grande rue, on rear lot of l'Arche, one side Langoumois, the other a cross street.

19. Aug. 23, N. E. 1/4 of 60. Louis Desloriers, a lot on a grande rue, on one side Jos. Calvé, on the other Francis Delin, in rear the royal domain.

20. Aug. 27, S. E. 1/4 of 28. To François La Chapelle, 120 by 150, on la grande rue, opposite Labuscičre, on one side cross street from F. Eloy, the other side lot of Laurent, near royal domain.

21. Aug. 27, N. E. 1/4 of 28. To Philibert Gagnon, dit Laurent, soldier, 180 by 150, on grande rue from Labuscičre, near royal domain, one side a cross street, the other La Chapelle.

22. Aug. 28, S. 1/2 of 5. Julien La Roy, 120 by 150, on Royal Street, east Mississippi, on one side a cross street from Du Breuil, the other lot of Guyon.

23. Oct. 1, centre of B. 41, on Second. Pierre Lacroix, a lot on grande rue, in rear Sans Quartier, one side Berger, the other royal domain.

24. Oct. 30, S. 1/2 of 12. Jean Bap. Hervieux, royal armorer, 120 by 150, on Main, to the Mississippi, one side Louis Chancellier, the other a street from Dechene.

25. Nov. 15, N. 1/2 of 12. Louis Chancellier, 120 by 150, on


Main, opposite F. Eloy, to the river, one side Hervieux, the other a cross street from Labuscičre.


26. May 10, S. E. 1/4 of 27. Roger Taillon, 120 by 150, on Main, rear royal domain, one side cross street from Philibert Gaignon, the other Sieur Devin (Alexis Marie).

27. May 18, reverted S. 1/2 of 43. Jos. Labuscičre, 180 by 300, on the river street, rear royal domain, on one side Blondeau and Lamy, the other a cross street.

28. June 12, B. 15, reverted. Belestre, 240 by 150, on the river street, one side a cross street, the other Lefebvre Desbruisseau.

29. June 12, N. E. 1/4 of 27 and S. E. 1/4 of 26. Alexis Marie (Devin), 240 by 150, on the river street, rear royal domain, one side Roger Taillon, the other a cross street.

30. June 30, S. 1/2 of 14. Lefebvre Desbruisseau, 120 by 150, Main Street to river, one side lot of Belestre, the other a cross street from Labuscičre.

31. July 1, Block 50. Louis Lambert, dit Lafleur, 240 by 300, on one grande rue to another, on each side a cross street.

32. July 2, Pierre Fanché, merchant, 240 by 150, on the street west of Montardy, running back to hill, cross street each side. This grant reverted, and was granted to Dagobert, Feb. 2, 1769, and again to A. Marie, Sept. 7, 1769.

33. July 10, N. 1/2 of 56. Jean Ortes and Jean Cambas, 120 by 300, one side a cross street between Legrain, on the other Baccannet.

34. Aug. 6, N. E. 1/4 of 50. Réné Buet, 120 by 150, on Second, opposite Lamy, one side cross street from Lambert, the other and rear the royal domain.

35. Aug. 8, S. W. 1/4 of 57. Jean de Lage, 120 by 150, on Third, in rear Legrain, one side Beauvalet, the other a cross street.

36. Aug. 9, N. 1/2 of 14. Jean M. Toulouze, a lot ordinary size, on Main to the river, one side the cross street from Belestre, the other royal domain.

37. Aug. 10, S. W. 1/4 of 30. Claude Tinon, 120 by 150, on Second, rear Langoumois, on one side F. l'Arche, the other a cross street.

38. Aug. 10, N. W. 1/4 of 57. Lambert Beauvalet, 120 by 150, on Third Street, rear Jeannette, free negress, on one side Jean De Lage, the other a cross street from Placy.

39. Aug. 12, S. E. 1/2 of 52, reverted. Antoine Donnay St. Vincent, 120 by 150, on Second, one side Tinon's lot, the other cross street from Lambert, rear royal domain.

40. Sept. 15, N. E. 1/4 of 38. Jean Comparios, ou La Pierre, 120 by 150, Main, one side la Veuve Hebert, the other a cross street.

41. Sept. 20, N. W. 1/4 of 50. Réné Buet, 120 by 150, on a grande rue, one side Barsalou, the other a cross street, rear royal domain.

42. Sept. 20, S. 1/2 of 50. Nicholas Barsalou, 120 by 300, fronts on a grande rue, one side Réné Buet, the other a cross street.


43. Jan. 2, N. E. 1/4 of 61. Jean B. Valleau, surgeon in Spanish service, 120 by 150, on the street to the chapel, back to the hill, same lot to Calvé.

44. Feb. 15, S. W. 1/4 of 31. Jean B. Provenchere, 120 by 150, on Second, rear Gamache, one side the cross street from Paul Kiercereau, the other Thibault.

45. April 30, N. W. 1/4 of 40. Jean Salé Lajoie, 120 by 150, on Second, rear of Carrier, one side Petit, the other the lot of —— . This concession was first to Martin Duralde, and then to Salé, July 3, 1769.

46. April 3, S. E. 1/4 of 60. Francis Delain, 120 by 150, on Second, rear Eugene Pouré, dit. Beausoliet, one side Delorier, the other cross street from the church.

47. May 1, S. 1/2 of 9. Louis Beor, 120 by 150, on the grande rue, opposite Veuve Marechal, to the Mississippi, one side Renaud, the other cross street from Bissonnet.

48. May 1, N. 1/2 of 51. De Volsay, officier, 120 by 300, one side Belestre, the other a cross street, front on 2d, rear on the King's road.

49. May 1, E. 1/2 of 49. Guillaume Bizet, 240 by 150, from Second to Third, rear royal domain, one side Barsalou, the other side the creek.

50. Sept. 16, S. 1/2 of 51. Picoté Belestre, 120 by 300, front and rear large streets, one side De Volsay, the other a cross street from Buet.


51. Feb. 7, N. E. 1/4 of 53. Bouchard, 120 by 150, on Second, one side the Veuf Durant, the other a cross street, rear the royal domain.

52. Feb. 7, N. E. 1/4 of 26. Louis Dufresne, 120 by 150 north, one side Durcy, the other side Deshetres, front on grande rue, rear the hill royal domain.

53. Feb. 7, S. E. 1/4 25. Louis Deshetres, 120 by 150, on one side Amour Louvienne, the other Gagne, front a large street, rear royal domain to hill.

54. Feb. 7, S. E. 1/6 of 52, on Second. Laurent Trudeau, 120 by 150, one side Tinon, the other a cross street from De Volsay.

55. Feb. 7, S. E. 1/4 of 63. Joseph Langlois, 120 by 150, on one side Laroche, the other a cross street from Roy, rear royal domain.

56. Feb. 7, N. W. 1/4 of 27. Alexis Marie, 120 by 150, an additional piece to the first, rear the road to the barns, the two sides royal domain.

57. Feb. 7, S. 1/2 of 43. Antoine Morin, 120 by 300, from the Mississippi to Second, one side Blondeau and Lamy, the other royal domain.

58. Feb. 7, S. E. 1/4 of 84. Antoine Hubert, 150 feet square, one side the road to creek, another the street opposite the cemetery, the other the road to the Barričre ŕ Guyon.

59. Feb. 7, S. W. 1/4 of 28. François Durcy, 120 by 150, one side the lot he acquired from François Deschapelles, front the road or hill, one side Laurent, the other the cross street from Eloy, Jr.

60. Feb. 7, N. E. 1/4 of 83. ——— Chauvin, 150 by 120, a large street, between Laderoute, one side road to Taillon's Mill, the other and rear royal domain.

61. Feb. 7, S. W. 1/4 of 40. Pierre Lacroix, 120 by 150, at one end Jean Comparios, the other end Second Street, one side himself, the other a cross street from Durand.

62. July 17, N. E. 1/4 of 55. Kierq Marcheteau des Noyers, 120 by 150, for a barn, one side a cross street from Baccannet, the three other sides the royal domain.

63. July 17, S. W. 1/4 of 44. Jean Paille, 120 by 150, one end Second Street, the other royal domain to the Mississippi, one side Morin, the other a cross street.

64. July 17, N. 1/2 of 45. St. François, 120 by 150, one end Second Street, the other Mississippi, one side a cross street, the other the creek.

65. July 18, N. E. 1/4 of 84. Jacques Denis, 120 by 150, on 3d, opposite the church, west the Barn Hill, on one side Hubert, on the other a cross street from Beausoliel.

66. July 18, S. 1/2 of 38. Veuve Hebert, 120 by 150, Main to the Mississippi, one side Pierre Pery, dit Lapierre, the other a street from Veuve Beaugenou.

67. July 18, S. E. 1/4 of 83. Laville, tailor, 120 by 150, Third, near the Barn Hill, one side Chauvin, the other a cross street from Montardy.


68. July 18, S. W. 1/4 of 27. Antoine Sans Souci, 120 by 150 at north part, at one end Valličre, the other end the hill, royal domain, one side Marie, the other a cross street from Phil. Gagnon Laurent.

69. July 18, N. W. 1/4 of 28. Philibert Gagnon, 180 by 150, behind his first piece, in front himself, rear Second Street, one side Durcy, the other a cross street from Sans Souci.

70. July 18, N. E. 1/4 of 35. Nicholas Choret, 120 by 150, on Main, rear lot of Hubert, one side Deschamps, the other a cross street from Laclede.


71. Jan. 10, S. 1/2 of 56. Au Rivičre, dit Bacca, 120 by 300, Second to Third, one side Cottin and Hortig, the other a cross street from Ant. Baccannet.

72. Jan. 10, S. W. 1/4 of 37. Antoine Baccannet, 120 by 150, on Second, rear Jacques l'Abbé, one side Lafleur, the other a cross street.

73. Jan. 12, S. 1/2 of 1. Pierre Roy, a lot, Main to the river, opposite Comparios, dit Gascon, one end Sarpy under Blondeau, the other end a cross street from Hunand's lot.

74. Jan. 31, S. W. 1/4 of 26. John B. Vifvarenne, 120 by 150, at one end La Chapelle, the other end the hill, one side a cross street from Marie, the other side Louis Dehetres.

75. Jan. 31, N. 1/2 of 60, should be the west half. Eugene Pouré, dit Beausoliet, 120 by 300, at one end Delin, the other end fronts a cross street between the Presbytery, in rear another cross street.

76. Feb. 1, I say S. E. 1/4 of 54. Nicholas Beaugenou, 120 by 150, one side Turgoy, N. E. of 54, the other cross street between Bouchart, front on Second.

77. Feb. 2, N. E. 1/4 of 3. Alexis Marie, 120 by 150, at the end of the Main Street, rear l'Arch, one side Langoumois, the other a cross street from Ortes.

78. Feb. 3, S. W. 1/4 of 61. Francis Bissonnet, 150 by 160, at the foot of the hill, one side a cross street or gully, the other side Jacques Marechal, one side Louis Bissonnet, the other royal domain.

79. Feb. 6, S. W. 1/4 of 62. François Marechal, 120 by 150, one end Moreau, the other royal domain, one side Roy, the other a cross street from Bissonnet.

80. Feb. 6, B. 16. Louis Honore Tesson, 240 by 150, from Main to river, one side a cross street from Guyon, the other a cross street from Beor.

81. Feb. 7, N. E. 1/4 of 31. John B. Bequet, le meunier, 120 by 150, on Main rear Thibault, one side Gamache, cross street from Langoumois.

The foregoing eighty-one concessions are recorded in "Livre Terrien" (land-book) No. 1, the first fourteen of which were granted by St. Ange, the military commandant, and Lefebvre, judge, and the remaining portion by St. Ange and Labuscičre. At the foot of the last page is written: "Arręté le sept Fevrier, mil-sept-cent-soixante-dit [stopped Feb. 7, 1770].

(Signed) "LABUSCIČRE."

The second book, Livre Terrien No. 2, contains no concessions of lots in the village as then called, but is made up of the notes of Martin Duralde, the king's surveyor, of his conveys of tracts of land in the surrounding country outside of the village.

Land Book No. 3 (Livre Terrien).


1. July 13. To Amable Guyon, a lot 60 feet square for a barn, back of the village.

2. Jan. 20. Gillaume Bizet, a lot 60 feet square for a barn, back of the village.


3. April 25. Rivičre, dit Baccannet, a lot 60 feet square for a barn, back of the village.

4. June 10. Philibert Gagnon, a lot 60 feet square for a barn, back of the village.


5. June 21, S. E. 1/4 of 54. Chas. Bizet, 120 by 150, one side Roubidou, the other Durand.

6. Jan. 16. Jno. B. Hervieux, 60 feet square, adjoining Calvé and Chancellier, on two sides the royal domain.

7. Sept. 3, S. part of Block 7. Benito Basquez, 60 by 150, on Rue Principale, one side across street from Martigny, the other sides royal domain.


8. June 4, N. E. 1/4 of 52. Joseph l'Ardoise, 60 by 150.


9. April 11, S. W. 1/4 of 55. Gregoire Kiercereau, 150 by 150.

10. April 11, Block 61. Louis Bissonnet, 60 feet square for barn, back of village.

11. April 11, N. E. 1/6 of 52, on Second and Third. Nicholas Beaugenou, a lot for a house.

12. April 16, S. W. 40. Pedro Caillon, 120 by 150. I think the lot first conceded to Pierre Lacroix.

13. April 16, S. W. 1/4 of 52. Alexis Loise, 120 by 150, continuation of Laville's lot, one side a cross street from De Volsay, near Beaugenou, other side royal domain.

14. April 24, S. E. 1/4 of 64. Diego l'Arrivé, 120 by 150, near the Barn Hill, on a grande rue, one side Calvé, the other a cross street from Laroche.


15. Feb. 29. Louis l'Ardoise, 60 feet square for a barn, back of village.

16. March 11, S. W. 1/4 of 63. Alexandre Rondo, 60 feet square for barn, back of village.

17. March 12, Louis La Sudray. (Reunited to royal domain.)


18. Feb. 4. François Marechal, 120 by 150. The same lot to Caillou previously.

19. Sept. 4, not located. Pierre Bissonnet, 120 by 150, grande rue to the Mississippi, one side Rigauche, the others royal domain.

20. Sept. 4, N. E. of 25, reverted. Joseph Rivet, 120 by 150, grande rue, on one side Leconte, the other royal domain. Same lot to Deslorier.


21. July 23. Nicholas Lecompte, 240 by 150, Main to the river, Block 15.

22. Dec. 22, N. E. 1/4 of 25. François Deslorier, forgeron [smith], 120 by 150, north end of the village, on Main, one side Nicholas Lecompte, other side and rear royal domain.


23. March 11, N. W. 1/4 of 25. Jean B. Lepire (Lapierre), 120 by 150, north end of village, on Main, one side John B. Cardinal, cross street, the other royal domain.

24. April 15, S. 1/2 of 6, east part. Louis Ride, 80 by 120, one side the Mississippi, the other himself, one side cross street from A. Guyon, the other from Martigny.


25. Aug. 10, S. W. 1/6 of 52. Pierre Montardy, 180 by 150, one end himself, the other royal domain, one side Nicholas Beaugenou, the other cross street from De Volsay.

26. Sept. 15, S. E. 1/2 of 24. Jean Bapt. Brugierre, 120 by 150, north end village, one end Main Street, opposite Guil. Lecompte, one side cross street from Desloriers, the others the royal domain.

Of the 26 concessions of village lots in St. Louis recorded in Livre Terrien No. 3, —

Nos. 1 to 14, from July 13, 1771, to April 24, 1775, were granted to Don Pedro Piernas.

Nos. 15 to 20, from Feb. 29, 1776, to Sept. 4, 1777, were granted to Don Francisco Cruzat.

Nos. 21 to 26, from July 23, 1778, to Sept. 15, 1779, were granted to Don Fernando de Leyba.

Livre Terrien (Land Book} No. 4.


1. Jan. 20, S. 1/2 of 45. Alexis Cotté, 120 by 150, at south end on road to the bridge, east Mississippi, one side lot of St. François, deceased, the other the creek.

2. Sept. 7, N. E. 1/2 of 46. Auguste Amiot, 120 by 150, adjoining the above on the south to the creek.


3. May 30, N. W. of 54. Elizabeth Vijet Vachard, 120 by 150. one side cross street from Greg. Kiercereau, the other from Laurent and Taillon.


4. Aug. 11, N. E. 1/4 of 54. Francisco Flory, 60 by 150, one side Carlos Tayon, the other l'Ardoise.


5. Oct. H. Saucier, 180 feet square, near the gate and Sans Souci, Block 66.


6. June 25, N. E. 1/4 of 81. Regis Vasseur, 120 by 150, on grande rue (Third), a cross street from Botelar, other side royal domain.

7. March 1, N. W. 1/4 of 44. Carlos Leveille (colored), 60 by 150, near Louis Ride, the Mississippi, and royal domain.

8. Sept. 2. Augustin Amiot (colored), 120 by 150, adjoining the lot, in Block 45, of the negro Carlos above, on the road to Catalan.


9. Aug. 21. J. B. Martigny, 180 by 150, Rue Principal, for Baptiste Petit.

10. Aug. 27. Genevieve Rouzier, veuve Louis Bissonnet, 120 by 150, in Block 89, west of the village, near the barn of Cerré and Chouteau.


11. May 5. Pedro Troye, 120 by 150, near Fostin and Gabriel Melody and royal domain.

12. May 16. Jacinto San Cir, 180 by 150, adjoining Martigny on Main.


13. May 12, N. W. 1/4 of 79. Ann. Camp, veuve, 120 by 150, on a cross street, west royal domain.

14. Sept. 22, N. W. 1/4 of 85. Antoine Reynal, 80 feet square, on the hill.


15. July 20, Block 67. Ester, mulattress, 240 by 300, west side of Second, rear of Clamorgan, one side cross street from Veuve Dupuy, the other from Jas. Brazeau.

The concessions of village St. Louis lots in Book 4 are: No. 1, from Fernando de Leyba; No. 2, from Silvio Francisco de Cartabona; 3, 4, 5, from Francisco Cruzat; 6 to 14, Manuel Perez; and 15, Don Zeńon Trudeau.

"I, Don Zeńon Trudeau, captain in the regiment of Louisiana, Lieutenant-Governor and commander-in-chief of the western part of the Illinois, certify the present register of concessions, containing 76 pages of writing.

"St. Louis, Sept. 20, 1793. ZEŃON TRUDEAU."

In Book No. 5 of concessions I find but four of the lots in the village of St. Louis, as follows, viz.:


No. 1. Sept. 27, N. W. 1/4 of 28. To Ester, 120 by 150, on second main street, back of the residence of Clamorgan and opposite her first grant.


2. Oct. 20, N. E. part Block 65. Pierre Baribeau, 164 on Second by 220 deep west up the hill, and running south to St. André.


3. June 29, S. 1/2 of 85. Antoine Reynal, 150 feet on Third by 300 deep to the line of the "Rue du Fort," south Market St.


4. July 20, S. W. 1/4 of 79. Antonio Reihl, 120 by 150, one side lot of Pedro Labbadie, on another the Widow Camp.

These concessions were from Don Z. Trudeau.

Book No. 6 relates exclusively to concessions in the villages of San Fernando (St. Ferdinand) and ŕ Robert (now Bridgton).

NOTE. — The concessions of St. Ange and Lefebvre and Labuscičre are in the French language, being made prior to the assumption of the Spanish authority; those of the Spanish Governors, Piernas, Cruzat, De Leyba, Perez, and Trudeau, are chiefly in Spanish. In a few instances the same lot has been granted a second and a third time to different parties, the first perhaps not complying with the conditions of the grant, which in every case gave the party one year in which to enter into possession, by either inclosing it or improving it in some manner to indicate his intention of occupying it.

"General Notice to Frederick Bates, Esq., Recorder of Land Titles in and for the Territory of Missouri: Sir, — For the benefit of all parties interested, please to record the registered concessions of Livres Terriens Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, on file in your office. St. Louis, Nov. 28, 1812. Thomas F. Riddick, Pierre Chouteau, Gregoire Sarpy, Julius de Mun, Charles Gratiot, Bernard Pratte, B. G. Farrar, John McKnight, Alexander McNair, Win. C. Carr, John P. Cabanné, Auguste Chouteau, M. P. Leduc."


Block 1, south half, Pierre Roy, Jr., vacant lot, no house.

Block 1, north half, Charles Vachard, house 20 by 17, built by Gilles Chernin, 1765.

Block 2, south half, John Bap. Lebeme, house of posts, 30 by 20, built by Hortiz in 1795.

Block 2, north half, Pierre Gueret, Sr., stone house, 35 by 25, built by Alexis Cotte about 1770.

Block No. 3, north and south halves, Gregoire Sarpy, house of posts, 40 by 20, another, 20 by 15, built by Louis Marcheteau Denoyers, 1766, and south half house of posts, 23 by 20, built by Laroche about 1766.

Block 4, south half, Paul Guitard (2d), log house 20 feet square, another of 20 feet in rear, Marcheteau.


Block 4, south 60, Hyacinthe Egliz, houses of posts, 25 square, built by Louis Marcheteau.

Block 4, north half No. 60, François Brichenette, house of posts, 20 by 18, built by Pedro Lupien, dit Baron. 1770.

Block 5, south half, François Liberge, stone house, 30 by 22; another, posts on wall, 20 by 23, Leroy, 1766; the stone, 1786.

Block 5, north half, Wm. Heberte Lecompte, stone, 40 by 26, built by Amable Guion, Sr., 1766.

Block 6, south half, Joseph Robidou (second), stone house 66 feet, by himself, with stone bake-house in the rear, and one of posts, 25 by 30, by L. Ride, 1770.

Block 6, north half, Auguste Chouteau, a stone house, 40 by 25, built by Jno. B. Martigny, first owner, about 1768.

Block 7, south part, Auguste Chouteau, an old house of posts, 58 by 32, and an old warehouse of posts 30 feet square.

Block 7, north part, Place Publique, house of posts on wall, 50 by 40, built by Robideau about 1770.

Block 8, south half, Bernard Pratte, Sr., the above line.

Block 8, north half, Jno. B. Truteau, stone house, 45 by 20, on south part, built by F. Bissonnet, first owner, 1768.

Block 9, south half, Veuve Sil Labadie, stone house, 50 by 25, built by Pepin, 1770; another, stone store, 32 by 36, at corner, 1785.

Block 9, north half, Benito Vasquez, house of posts, 30 by 25, built by Réné Kiersereau, first owner, 1766.

Block 10, south half, Ante Vincent Bouis, house of posts on walls, 40 by 20; also a store, 40 by 25, three stores built by Marie, 1776.

Block 10, north half, 47 1/2, A. V. Bouis, vacant lot, no house.

Block No. 10, north half, 72 half, Louis Brazeau, Sr., stone house, 38 1/2 by 24, on south part, built by Brazeau about 1790.

Block 11, south half, Regis Loisel, house of posts, 25 by 20, built by Bayet prior to 1786.

Block 11, north half, James Rankin, house of posts, 40 by 22, 30 feet south of corner, by Mainville, 1765 or 1766.

Block 12, south half, Andre Landreville, house of posts, 30 by 15, and in rear a stone horse-mill 30 by 40, 1783.

Block 12, north half, Auguste Chouteau, stone house, 30 by 24, built by Louis Chancellier, first owner, 1779.

Block 13, Gabriel Cerré, stone house, 60 by 30, 1708, and large stone warehouse, by Perraute, 1770.

Block 14, south half, Pierre Chouteau, Sr., house of posts, 30 by 20; another, 26 by 16, Deshetre, 1780, Debrusseau, 1766.

Block 14, north half, John and Nicholas St. André, house of posts, 20 by 18, blacksmith-shop, built by Thebault, 1768.

Block 15, Paschal L. Cerré, old house of posts, used as carpenter-shop.

Block 16, Nicholas Hebert Leeompte, house of posts, 20 by 18, at southwest corner, built by Louis Tesson Honore, 1770.

Block 17, south half, Margaret Laquaisse, original grantee, no house.

Block 24, south half, Genevieve Beauvais, original grantee, no house.

Block 25, northeast quarter, François Delorier, house of posts, 20 by 18.

Block 25, northwest quarter, Antoine Recontre, or Patrick Lee, no house, vacant ground.

Block 25, southeast quarter, 80 feet, Patrick Lee, stone house, 30 by 20, built by Clamorgan, 1800.

Block 25, southeast quarter, 40 feet, Jacques Clamorgan, children, small stone house on corner, 1800.

Block 25, southwest quarter, Jacques Clamorgan, vacant ground, no house.

Block 26, northeast quarter, Jacques Clamorgan, stone house, 35 by 20, built by Chancellier, 1781, small house posts, 20 by 15.

Block 26, northwest quarter, James (or Jacques) Clamorgan, small house of posts, by Dehetres, 1769.

Block 26, southeast quarter, James Clamorgan, house of posts, 25 by 20, by La Chapelle, about 1770.

Block 26, southwest quarter, James Clamorgan, old barn, built by John M. Cardinal, about 1777.

Block 27, north half, Joseph Brazeur, Sr., house, 25 by 40, 1786.

Block 27, southeast quarter, Ante V. Bouis, stone house, 67 by 40, unfinished, 1800, another, 40 by 12.

Block 27, southwest quarter, Auguste Chouteau, house of posts, 41 by 17, mill, 40 by 30, stone stable, 22 by 10.

Block 28, north half and southwest quarter, Pierre Chouteau, Sr., stone house. 75 by 45, built by Clamorgan, 1785, old house of posts, 20 by 25.

Block 28, southeast quarter, John Bap. Ortes, vacant lot, no house.

Block 29, north half, Antoine Soulard, on northwest quarter, house of posts, 20 by 30; on northeast quarter, small house of posts, log barn.

Block 29, south half, Antoine Roy, on southeast quarter, house of posts, 40 by 23; Cambas & Ortes, southwest quarter, house, 20 by 18.

Block 30, north half, Emilien Yosti, house posts, 30 by 22, Alexis Marie, 1766; on northwest quarter, small house posts.

Block 30, southeast quarter, Veuve Gen. Rou Bissonnet, house of posts, 15 by 20, by John B. Bidet Langoundis, 1766.

Block 30, southwest quarter, Auguste Chouteau, stone house, 34 by 25, by Jean Pepin Lachance, about 1773.

Block 31, northeast quarter, Charles Simoneau, small house of posts, about 15 feet square.

Block 31, northwest quarter, Paul Trimo, small house of posts, by Thibault, about 1770.

Block 31, southeast quarter, north 60 feet, pur Martin Ladouceur, south 60, Louis L. Torneau, old house of posts, built by Gamache, 1766.

Block 31, southwest quarter, John Bap. Provenchere, house of posts.

Block 32, northeast quarter, Joseph Marie Papin, stone house, 40 by 25, by Deshetres, first owner, 1766.

Block 32, northwest quarter, Jacques Chauvin, house of posts, 25 by 20, by Paul Greg. Kiersereau, first owner, 1766.

Block 32, southeast quarter, Charles Gratiot, stone house, 55 by 36, and stone kitchen, 25 by 20, by J. M. Papin, 1785, also a store by Gratiot in 1797.

Block 32, southwest quarter, Charles Gratiot; there had been on the southwest quarter house of posts, 18 by 15, and barn, by F. Bissonnet, 1766.

Block 33, northeast quarter, Veuve Chouteau; on northeast quarter, stone house, 50 by 34, built by Laclede, 1766.

Block 33, northwest quarter, Veuve Chouteau, stone house, 32 by 22, built by Labrose, 1767.

Block 33, south half, Pierre Chouteau, stone house, 48 by 30, built by Jos. Tay in 1765.

Block 34, Auguste Chouteau, stone dwelling, 60 by 23, warehouse, 50 by 30, cabin stables, all stone, by Laclede.

Block 35, northeast quarter, William Herbert Lecompte, stone house, built by himself, about 1783.

Block 35, northwest quarter, Jno. B. Dorral Desgrosselliers, house of posts, 40 by 20, by Jacques Denes, 1766.

Block 35, southeast quarter, François Valois, house of posts, 45 by 22, by Deschamps, 1766, small stone, 25 by 40, northeast corner.

Block 35, southwest quarter, Jno. B. Tison, joiner, house of posts, 20 feet, also an old horse mill.

Block 36, northeast quarter, Charles Sanguinet, Sr., house of


posts, 28 by 14, and other small one by Louis Desnoyers, 1766.

Block 36, southeast quarter, Joseph A. Hortiz, house of posts, 20 by 16, and a smith's shop, same size, by J. B. Becquet, Sr.

Block 36, northwest quarter, Gregoire Sarpy, house of posts, 25 by 20, built by Ga. Dodier, Jr., about 1770.

Block 36, southwest quarter, Gregoire Sarpy, house of posts, 25 by 20, by Veuve Dodier, Sr., 1766.

Block 37, northwest quarter, Patrick Lee, house of posts, 40 by 25, Louis Dubreuil, 1766.

Block 37, northwest quarter, Patrick Lee, house of posts, 30 by 25, Provost or Leroy, 1766-70.

Block 37, southeast quarter, Philip Fine, house of posts, 22 by 30, Jacques Labbe Noise, first owner.

Block 37, southwest quarter, Louis Bonpart, Sr., stone house, 30 by 25, built by Antoine Rivičre, 1774.

Block 38, northeast quarter, north 60, Michel Rollet, small house of posts, built by Pierre Perq; same quarter south 60, Alexis Marie, Jr., vacant lot, no house.

Block 38, northwest quarter, Ann Camp, house of posts, 25 by 18, by Martin Barum, blacksmith, 1768.

Block 38, southeast quarter, Francis M. Benoit, stone house, 30 by 22, and stone kitchen, 20 by 25, 1768.

Block 38, southwest quarter, Veuve François Broz Charleville, stone house, 30 by 25, by Eugene Alvarez, 1780.

Block 39, north half, Antoine Flandrin, house of posts, 35 by 25, Nicholas Beaugeno, 1765.

Block 39, southeast quarter, Veuve Noise, dit Labbe, house of posts, by Joseph Hebert, 1765-66.

Block 39, southwest quarter, François Caillou, old house of posts, 27 by 16, by J. B. Petit, first owner.

Block 40, northeast quarter, Charles Vachard, house of posts, 25 by 20, by Chas. Carrier, prior to 1766.

Block 40, northwest quarter, Louis Beaudoin, house of posts, 18 by 15, barn, 20 by 30.

Block 40, southeast quarter, Calvin Adams, house of posts, 15 by 18, by François Marcheteau, 1766.

Block 40, southwest quarter, Louis Caillou, small house of posts.

Block 41, northeast sixth, Alexandre Grimeau, house of posts, 25 by 20, barn, 20 by 20, by T. Hunand, 1766.

Block 41, centre sixth, Joseph Guittare, house of posts, 20 by 18, by Joseph L. Martigny, first owner.

Block 41, southeast sixth, Antoine Smith, house of posts, 25 by 20, by Jacques Lacroix, first, 1766.

Block 41, 2d northwest sixth, John Bap. Marli, house of posts, 25 by 20, Pierre Berger, first owner, 1766.

Block 41, 2d centre sixth, Joseph Roy, house of posts, 14 feet square, Gilles Chemin, first, 1766.

Block 41, 2d southwest sixth, Flora (free mulattress), house of posts, 12 by 15, Gilles Cheman, first, 1766.

Block 52, Gabriel Cerré, house of posts, 30 by 20, Pierre François De Volsay, 1766.

Block 43, northeast quarter, John B. Latresse, house of posts, 30 by 20, Thomas Blondeau, first, 1766.

Block 43, northwest quarter, Louis Charbonneau, house of posts, 25 by 20, Michel Lami, first, 1766.

Block 43, south half, Eustache Caillou, house of posts.

Block 44, north half, Francis Tayon, house of posts, 23 by 20, by Gabriel Descary, first, 1766.

Block 44, south half, north 60, Charles Laveille (colored) small house of posts, built by himself in 1788.

Block 44, south half, south 60, vacant land, no house.

Block 45, north half, Andre Roy, house of posts, 20 by 20, by St. François, first owner, 1769.

Block 45, south half, A. Cotté, or Eus. Caillou, no house on it then.

Block 46, north half, Jno. B. Petit, no house had been built on it.

Blocks 47 and 48, Francis Tayon, owner, vacant ground, no house until 1812.

Block 49, south half, François Ride.

Block 49, north half, Antoine Morin, house of posts.

Block 50, Antoine F. Saugrain, stone house, 40 by 30, two or three other small buildings, by René Buet, 1767.

Block 51, south half, Pierre Duchouquette, house of posts, 20 by 25, built by Picoté Belestre, 1768.

Block 51, north half, Antoine Morin, house of posts built by himself, 1789-90.

Block 52, south half, 180 feet, Auguste Chouteau, to third.

Block 52, centre, 120 feet, François Liberge, to third, house of posts and an old barn, by Claude Tinon, 1766.

Block 52, north 60, François Duchouqette, to third, house of posts, 25 by 20, by Valets, 1778.

Block 53, southeast quarter, Antoine Flandrin, house of posts, 30 by 20, built by Simon Coussot, 1789.

Block 53, southwest quarter, Veuve P. Rigauche, house of posts, by Gabriel Becquet, about 1790

Block 53, northeast quarter, Philip Rivičre, house of posts, 20 by 18, by Joseph Bouchard, 1769.

Block 53, northwest quarter, Philip Rivičre, no house on the lot.

Block 54, south half and northwest quarter, Peter Didier, stone house, 40 by 20, built by Charles Dissette, 1773-74.

Block 54, northwest quarter, south 60 feet, Hyacinthe Amelin, small house of posts.

Block 54, northwest quarter, north 60 feet, John Bap. Domine, house of posts, 15 feet square, built by Fleury, dit Grenier, 1786.

Block 55, southeast quarter, Pierre Quenel's heirs, house of posts, 20 by 20.

Block 55, southwest quarter, Nicholas Beaugenou, house of posts.

Block 55, north half, Manuel Lisa, house of posts on a wall, 25 by 20, barn, etc., built by John B. Lorain.

Block 56, south, 50 by 175, John B. Girard, small house of posts, built by Antoine Baccanet, 1770.

Block 56, 50 by 125, Manuel Lisa, no house.

Block 56, 70 by 300, Joseph Descary, house of posts, 15 square, built by Dufaut about 1790.

Block 56, northeast quarter, Charles Gratiot, old house of posts, 22 by 18, built by Ortes about 1768.

Block 56, northwest quarter, Vincent Guitard, house of posts, 24 by 20, by Planche in 1771.

Block 57, southeast quarter, Alexis Lalande, house of posts, 20 by 17, built by Antoine Oliviere, 1782.

Block 57, northeast quarter, Marie Jeannette, free colored woman, a house of posts, 25 by 20, built by herself in 1766.

Block 57, west half, Marie Rose Sallé Dite Lajoye, house of posts on stone wall, 25 by 20, by Juan Sallé, 1770.

Block 58, east half, Charles Sanguinet, house of posts, 30 by 20, by Auguste Condé, 1766.

Block 58, northwest quarter, Charles Sanguinet, house of wood, 25 by 20, built by M. Rollet, Sr., about 1770.

Block 58, southwest quarter, Paul Guittard, Sr., shoemaker, small house of posts, 20 by 18, built by Joseph Rivard about 1774.

Block 60, southeast quarter, Joseph Robidou (2d), an old horse-mill of posts and a house, Reynal, 1794.

Block 60, northeast quarter, John B. Dumoulin, stone-mason, small house of posts, a small store, 20 by 30, 1794.


Block 60, west half, Eugene Alvarez, house of posts on wall, 25 by 35, large barn, by Eug. Pouré, 1770.

Block 61, east half, Veuve Susan Dubreuil, stone house, 52 by 26, frame 20 feet, 1772.

Block 61, northwest quarter, Veuve Susan Dubreuil, barn, 30 feet.

Block 61, southwest quarter, Veuve Therese Chouteau, vacant lot, no house.

Block 62, south half, Arend Rutgers, house of posts, 31 by 23, built by Antoine Reilte, about 1790.

Block 62, northeast quarter, Francis Derouin, stone house and posts, built by Lacroix about 1800.

Block 62, northwest quarter, Joseph Lacroix, no house on the lot, being the orchard, etc., on the above.

Block 63, southeast quarter, Veuve François Bissonnet, stone house about twenty feet square, by Gingembre about 1793.

Block 63, southwest quarter, Antoine Reynal (St. Charles), vacant lot, no house.

Block 63, northeast quarter, Madame Margaret Laquaisse, small house of posts, 18 by 25, by Laroche, first owner, 1766.

Block 63, northwest quarter, Antoine V. Bouis, vacant lot, no house, an old barn.

Block 64, south half, Veuve Desantels (Louis Lemonde), small house of posts, by Julien Leroy, 1767.

Block 64, north half, François Jourdan Labrasse, log house, 15 by 18.

Block 65, south, 120 by 250, Joseph Laprise, log house, 20 by 18, built by Juan St. André, first owner.

Block 65, north, 164 by 220, Pierre Barribeau, house of posts, built by himself, 1795.

Block 66, Auguste Chouteau, vacant ground, no house.

Block 75, northeast quarter, John B. Duplesq, from E. Caillou, small log house by E. Caillou.

Block 75, claimed by James Mackay, vacant land.

Block 75, south half, claimed by Joseph Labrosse, vacant, no house.

Block 76, north half, Joseph Fayon (St. Charles).

Block 77, south third, Veuve F. B. Charleville, small house of posts.

Block 77, centre third, M. P. Leduc, vacant ground, no house.

Block 77, north third, Paschall Leon Cerré, house of posts, 45 by 33, barn, cabin, etc., built by Caillou about 1794.

Block 78, south half, Louis Delisle Bienvenue, house of posts, 25 by 20, built by Delisle, 1786.

Block 78, northeast quarter, Joseph Charleville, house of posts, 25 by 18.

Block 78, northwest quarter, Joseph A. Hortiz, house of posts, built by Louis Dumot, 1795.

Block 79, southeast quarter, Joseph Labbadie St. Pierre (colored), house of posts, 18 by 20, by Louis Vachard, 1797.

Block 79, southwest quarter, Joseph Labbadie St. Pierre (colored), vacant lot.

Block 79, northeast quarter, Esther Lorgan (free colored), small house of posts, built by herself, 1798.

Block 79, northwest quarter, Anna Camps' heirs, vacant lot.

Block 80, south half, Samuel Solomon, house of posts, 25 by 18, built by Réné Dodier, 1796.

Block 80, northeast quarter, Louis Bourq, vacant lot.

Block 80, northwest quarter, Cath. Crepeau Tougat Laviolette, vacant ground.

Block 81, south half, Gregoire Sarpy, vacant ground.

Block 81, northeast quarter, Regis Vasseur, house of posts.

Block 81, northwest quarter, Greg. Sarpy under Rivičre, vacant, no house.

Block 82, southeast quarter, Louis Bourq, house of posts, 22 by 20, built by Moulardq, first owner, 1770.

Block 82, southwest quarter, Louis Bourq, vacant lot.

Block 82, northeast quarter, Manuel Lisa, house of posts on a wall, 40 by 24, by Moulardq, 1766.

Block 82, northwest quarter, Gabriel Dodier (St. Charles), vacant lot.

Block 83, southeast quarter, David Rohrer, house of posts, 25 by 20.

Block 83, northeast quarter, Jean Derouine, house of posts, built by himself, 1795.

Block 83, west half, vacant land.

Block 84, southeast quarter, Marie La Bastille (free colored), small house of posts, built by Denaux, blacksmith, 1771.

Block 84, northeast quarter, Catharine Crepeau Tougard, small house of posts, very old.

Block 84, west half, public land, vacant.

Block 85, south half, Eugene Alvarez, his barn lot, no house.

Block 85, north half, Antoine Reynal, of St. Charles, eighty feet square at northwest corner, no house.

Block 85, balance of one-half, public land, no house.

Block 86, southeast quarter, Veuve Chouteau's barn, no house.

Block 86, northeast quarter, Veuve L. Chevallier's barn, no house.

Block 87, south half, Sanguinet and Vasquez, barn, no house.

Block 87, northeast quarter, Alexis Pecard, Sr., barn, no house.

Block 87, northwest quarter, Louis Brazeau, Sr., barn, no house.

Block 88, southeast quarter, Joseph Lacroix, small house of posts, built by himself about 1797.

Block 88, northeast quarter, Louis Buor, small house of posts, by Louis Buor, 1797.

Blocks 89 and 90 were barn lots of various persons, without houses.

Blocks 106 and 109, Alvarez and Marli, were vacant lots, no houses.

1. Pierre Guerette, Sr Block 2
2 François Liberge Block 5
3. William Hebert Lecompte Block 5
4. Joseph Robidon (2), bake house Block 6
5. Auguste Chouteau Block 6
6. John Baptiste Truteau Block 8
7. Veuve S. Labbadie, and store Block 9
8. Louis Brazeau, Sr. Block 10
9. Auguste Chouteau, and mill Block 12
10. Gabriel Cerré, and warehouse Block 13
11. Patrick Lee Block 25
12. Clamorgan's children Block 25
13. James Clamorgan Block 26
14. Ante V. Bouis, and store Block 27
15. Pierre Chouteau, Sr Block 28
16. Auguste Chouteau Block 30
17. Joseph M. Papin Block 32
18. Charles Gratiot, and kitchen Block 32
19. Veuve Bourgois Chouteau Block 33
20. Same Block 33
21. Pierre Chouteau Block 33
22. Auguste Chouteau, and warehouse Block 34
23. William Hebert Lecompte, and store Block 35
24. Louis Bompart (1) Block 37
25. François M. Benoit, and kitchen Block 38
26. Veuve Charleville Block 38
27. Antoine F. Saugrain Block 50
28. Pierre Didier Block 54
29. Veuve Dubreuil Block 61
30. François Derouin Block 62
31. Veuve François Bissonnet Block 63
32. Joseph Brazeau Block 27
  Benito Vasquez, store Block 9
  Charles Gratiot, store Block 32
33. Bernard Pratte, part stone, etc Block 8


Stone dwellings 33
Stone kitchens 2
Stone warehouses 2
Stone stores 5
Stone horse-mill 1
Stone bake-house 1
Stone buildings 44
Dwellings of posts of stone walls 7
Dwellings of posts and logs 131
Houses in the village in 1804 182

This agrees substantially with Stoddard, who, in his "Louisiana," says that "when he received possession, March 10, 1804, St. Louis contained about 180 houses in all." He must have counted them.

Such was St. Louis of 1804, when it passed to the possession of the United States.

[The term "house of posts," which is so often used above, illustrates the French mode of building log houses as contradistinguished from the English. The latter lay the logs horizontally, joining them at the corners; but the French used the logs vertically, planting the bottom of the post in the ground like a palisade, and joining them by weatherboard ties, just as described by Dr. Simpson in another page in this chapter.]

When built. No. Owners. Description. Location. Blocks. Occupants May, 1821.
1804 1,2 André l'Andreville. Two stone stores. 87, 89 N. Main, removing his old house of posts at the corner. 12 L'Andreville.
1809 4 Antoine Roy. A small store. 92 N. Main. 29 William Dugan.
1807 3 John Campbell & White Matlock. Warehouse 16 by 60. 90 S. Main, Mason's Hall of Louisiana Lodge, No. 111, 1808-11. 37 D. Allen & M. Brown.
1810 5 Rufus Easton. Large dwelling and office. S. W. cor. Elm and 3d. 82 R. Easton & J. Bright.
1811 7, 8, 9 Antoine Dangen. Three small stone shops. 57, 59, 61 S. Main. 5 May, White, Smith, et al.
1811 6 Mme. P. Lami Duchouquette. Dwelling and tavern. 118 S. Second. 55 Mme. Lami tavern.
1812 10 John B. C. Lucas. Dwelling-house. 7th above Market. 184 The first house built on the hill.
1812 11 Antoine Chenie. Bake-house, back of his residence. N. W. cor. Market and Main. 33 Everson, a baker.
1812 12   The market-house with 12 stalls. On Public Square. 7 Commenced business Sept. 1, 1812.
1812-13 13 René Paul. Two-story store and dwelling. 65 N. Main, afterwards extended it in rear. 11 Giles M. Samuel & Co.
1813 14 Christian Wilt. Stone building for lead-factory. In rear of 85 N. Main. 11 Unoccupied.
1814 15 Ephraim Town. Two-story dwelling-house. On river-front above Market. 8 H. Von Phul's residence.
1814 16 Veuve Papin. Two-story add. to her old house. 38 Main. 32 Ward & Rollins.
1814-15 17 Antoine Renaud, Small dwelling. 186 N. Main. 25 Francis Monet.
1815 18 Francis Clement. Small dwelling Chestnut E. of 3d. 61 Francis Clement.
1815 19,20 Aug. & Louis Brazeau. Two small one-stories. South side Olive below Main. 11 Aug. Brazeau.
1816 21 John B. D. Belcour. Two-story stone and dwelling. 76 S. Main. 36 J. B. D. Belcour.
1816 22 Aug. Alvarez. One story with gallery. N. W. cor. 3d and Market. 85 Luke E. Lawless.
1817 23   The county jail commenced this year. S. E. cor. 6th and Chestnut (finished 1820). Lucas' add., 114 Sheriff Brown & others.
1818 24 Jos. V. Garnier. Dwelling-house. S. E. cor. 7th and Walnut. Chouteau's add , 133 Joseph V. Garnier.
1818 25 Hyp. & Sil. V. Papin. Blacksmith-shop. S. side Pine above Main. 32 Papins.
1818 26 Barthelemy Arnand. Dwelling-house. S. E. cor. 3d and Locust. 63 Jno. & Thos. Bothick.
1819 27 Pat'k M. Dillon. Warehouse. N. W. cor. Green and Water. 15 Sold it unfinished to R. Easton.
1819 28 Wm. Deakers, Sr. Dwelling-house. N. W. cor. 6th and Elm. Chouteau's add., 112 Mrs. D. Deakers.
1819 29 Thomas Brady. Missouri Hotel. 168 N. Main. 26 David Massey.
1820 30 John Brady. Stone warehouse. On Water above Cherry.   Brady & McKnight.
1818 31 Aug. Guiber. Small dwelling. S. side Locust above 4th. Lucas' add., 99 Aug. Guiber.
1818 32 Gen. Wm. Clark. Stone warehouse. S. E. cor. Vine and Water. 12 John Bacchus.
1818 33 Manuel Lisa. Stone warehouse 26 by 67 1/2. S. W. cor. Chestnut and Water. 8 Mo. Fur Company.
Stone dwellings in the near vicinity of the town. 1821.
1810 34 Antoine Roy. Large stone dwelling. Near his wind-mill on the riverfront at foot of Biddle.   Renard.
1818-19 35 Wm. Christy. Large two-story stone dwelling. N. St. Louis near the foot of N. Market.   Christy.
1780 36 Ant. Soulard. One-story stone. E. side Carondelet Ave. opposite Park Ave.   Soulard's widow.
1780 37 John B. Duchouquette. One-story built by Jos. Brazeau, Sr. River-bank at the foot of Lami.   J. Duchouquette.
1807 38 Silas Bent. Stone dwelling, water-mill, etc. River-bank N. of the Arsenal grounds.   S. Bent.


When built. No. Owners. Description. Locality. Blocks. Occupants, 1821.
1812 1 Bartholomew Berthold. Two-story store and dwelling. 11 N. Main. 8 Berthold & Chouteau.
1812 2 William Smith. Two-story store and dwelling. 7 N. Main 8 Smith & Ferguson.
1813 3 Christian Wilt. Two-story store and dwelling. 85 N. Main 11 Joseph Hertzog.
1813 4 Manuel Lisa. Two-story store and dwelling. 21 N. Main 8 P. J. & J.G. Lindell.
1816 8 McKnight & Brady. Double two-story, two stores and boarding-house above. 42 " (1816, T. Kibby's "Washington Hall.") 32 Thomas McGuire.
1816 9 Same 44 N. Main. 32 Bernard Gilhooly.
1815 5 Wm. C. Carr. Two-story dwelling, the first. 99 S. Main. 3 Gen. Atkinson and others.
1815 6 Syl. V. & Hyp. Papin. Two offices, and dwelling above. 34 N. Main. 32 M. P. Leduc.
1816 7 William Clark. Two-story store and dwelling. 55 N. Main. 10 Then vacant.
1816 10 William Rector. Two-story dwelling and office. East side 3d above Vine. 65 Wm. Bennett's Hotel.
1817 11 Bernard Pratte, Sr. Two-story store and dwelling. 5 N. Main. 8 B. Pratte & Co.
1817 12 Robert Simpson. Two-story store and dwelling. 68 S. Main. 36 Daniel C. Boss & Co.
1817 13 Abraham Bird, Two-story store and warehouse in rear. 66 S. Main. 36 Wm. H. Savage & Co.
1817 14 Thompson Douglass. Two and one-half-story dwelling, and Masonic Hall in attic. Elm above Main, north side.   Lieutenant-Governor William H Ashley.
1817 15 Thos. McKnight. Small dwelling. 202 N. Main.   Thomas McKnight.
1817-18 16 Robert Collet. Double two-story, two stores and dwellings above. 82 S. Main. 37 Charles Hastings.
1817-18 17 Same. 84 S. Main. 37 C. March and S. Ober.
1818 18 Robert Collett. One-story store. 88 S. Main 3 N. Main. These were the old Pratte House, with new brick fronts. 37 John Nicholson. Kerr, Bell & Co. Caleb Cox.
1818 21 Bernard Pratte. Sr. Two-story warehouse. N. W. cor. Market and River. 8 John Crawford.
1818 22 Thomas Hanley. Two-story stores and vaults below. S. W. cor. Water and Morgan (60 front). 15 Thomas Hanly and others.
1818 23 William Clark, Large two-story residence. 103 N. Main (removing Chaucellier's old store). 12 Gen. William Clark.
1818 24 Same. Large brick for Indian office and museum. 101 N. Main. 12 Clark's office, etc.
1818 25 Antoine Chenie. Two-story store. 4 N. Main. 33 Tracy & Wahrendorff.
1818 26 Jos. Henderson. Two-story dwelling. 108 S. Main. 38 Vacant.
1818 27 Thos. F. Riddick. Two-story residence. South 4th below Poplar. 109 Thomas F. Riddick.
1818 28 The Baptist Church. 40 by 80 feet. S. W. cor. Market and 3d. 84 For general purposes; Geyer's office basement.
1818 29 Alexander Neave. One-story warehouse, 40 front. 72 N. 2d. 63 A. Scott & W. K. Rule.
1818 30 John Jones. Two and one-half-story dwelling. S. W. cor. 2d and Green. 66 Patrick McDonald.
1818-19 31 Patrick M. Dillon. Two-story store. 153 N. Main. 15 George H. Robb.
1818-19 32 Elijah Beebe, Two-story store and dwelling. 8 N. Main. 33 Elijah Beebe
1818-19 33 Thos. McGuire. Small dwelling. Market W. of 8th. Chouteau's add , 190. Thomas McGuire.
1818-19 34 Jabez Warner. Double two-story dwelling. East side 4th above Olive. Lucas' add., 88 J. Warner and others.
1818-19 35, 36 Thos. Winstanley. Two two-story dwellings. North side Spruce above 5th. Chouteau's add., 110. Mrs. C. Reed and others.
1819 37 Gabriel Paul. Two two-story stores and his dwelling above. 71 N. Main. 11 James Arnold & Co.
1819 38 Same. 73 N. Main 11 Gabriel Paul.
1819 39 Aug. Chouteau. Two-story store and dwelling. 17 S. Main. 7 Paul & Ingram.
1819 40 Same. Two-story store and dwelling. 19 S. Main 7 Wallace, Howell & C`o.
1819 41 Same. Two-story store and dwelling. 21 S. Main. 7 Vacant below.
1819 42 Same. Two-story store and dwelling. 23 S. Main. 7 Vacant below.
1819 43 Same. Two-story store and dwelling. 25 S. Main. 7 Brand & Detandebaratz.
1819 44 Manuel Lisa. Two-story store and dwelling. 17 N. Main. 8 James Clemens.
1819 45 Same. Two-story store and dwelling. 19 N. Main. 8 Jno. and Geo. Collier.
1819 46 John Holbrook. Two-story store and dwelling. 78 S. Main. 37 Jason Holbrook.
1819 47 Stephen Gay. Two-story store and dwelling. 80 S. Main. 37 Same.
1819 48 James Loper. Two-story dwelling. 119 S. Main. 3 James Loper.
1819 49 Robert Patton. Two-story dwelling. 6 S. 3d. 84 Vacant.
1819 50 Jos. Charless, Sr. Two-story dwelling. S. E. cor. Market and 5th. Chouteau's add., 103. Joseph Charless.
1819 51 H. S. Geyer. Two-story dwelling. S. W. cor. Market and 5th Chouteau's add., 113. Alex. Ferguson.
1819 52 John and Jerry Jones. Two-story dwelling. S. E. cor. Market and 6th. Chouteau's add., 113. Vacant.
1819 53 Joshua Barton. One-story office, etc. N. W. cor. Market and 6th Chouteau's add., 184. Jos. Barton and Ed. Bates.
1819 54 Christ. M. Price. Brick livery-stable. 4th above Market. 85 Smith & Waddingham.
1819 55 Chas. Bosseron. Two-story dwelling. Pine above Main. 31 Chas. Bosseron.
1819 56, 57 Same. Two one-story offices. Pine above Main. 31 H. M. Breckenridge, Drs. Williams and Lemingnon.
1819 58 Eulalie Guitard. One-story dwelling. Olive above 6th. Lucas' add. Eulalie Guitard.
1819-20 59 Aug. P. Chouteau. Two-story store and dwelling. 94 N. Main. 29 William Deane.
1819-20 60 Aug. Alvarez. One-story dwelling. 3d above Market. 85 Mrs. Agnes Gay's school.
1819-20 61 Chris. M. Price. Two-story dwelling. 12 S. 3d. 84 Chris. M. Price.
1819-20 62 Thompson P. Williams. Two-story dwelling. 93 S. 3d. 56 Jos. and W. James.
1819-20 63 Ellen Leroux. Two-story dwelling. Elm above 4th. Chouteau's add., 105. Madame Leroux.
1819-20 64 Peter Ferguson. Two-story dwelling. Olive above 5th. Lucas' add., 117. Peter Ferguson.
1819-20 65 Bank of Missouri. Banking-house. 6 N. Main, 1818 by 19. 33 Bank of Missouri.
1819-20 66 James Kennerly. Two-story store and dwelling. 57 N. Main 10 James and George H. Kennerly.
1819-20 67 Pryor Quarles. One-story. S. W. 4th and Myrtle. 106 Benj. J. Seward.


When Built. No. Owners. Description. Locality. Blocks. Occupants, 1821.
1820 68 Josiah Bright. Large warehouse, 45 feet. N. W. Water and Morgan, four stores. 16 O. C. Smith, Thomas January, Jno. Campbell, Thomas Hempstead.
1820 69-78 John Jones row. Ten one-story offices. Market east from 4th to alley. 85 William Lucas, Alex. Gray, and others.
1820 79 Arch. Gamble. Double one-story dwelling. S. S. Market above 5th Chouteau's add, 113. Arch. Gamble.
1820 80 Michael Traynor. Small dwelling. N. W. cor. 4th and Green. Christy's add. Michael Traynor.
1820 81 James O'Tool. Small dwelling. N. E. cor. 6th and St. Charles. Connor's add. James O'Tool.
1820 82 Jean Louis Provencher. One-story dwelling. N. E. cor. 2d and Pine. 31 E. Block and H. Shurlds.
1820 83 Gen. Wm. Rector. Two-story for land-office. 4th, Vine and St. Charles. Connor's add., 90. Land-office.
1820 84 Abr'm Gallatin. One-story shop. S. S. Walnut above Main. 35 W. Orr's register office.
1820 85 Dagget & Haldeman (Wilt). Two-story store and dwellings. 75 N. Main. 11 Daggett & Haldeman.
1820 86 Jacob Fry. Double story for dwelling. East side 4th below Locust. Lucas' add., 188. Shidley, Fry, and others.
1820 87 Bishop L. William Dubourg. Two-story college building. 2d below Market. 59 St. Louis College.

The following brick houses, although, not within the town limits, were in the near vicinity, and were the residences of parties whose business was in the town:

When built. No. Owners. Description.
1816 88 Col. Elias Rector. Two-story residence near the first large mound, northwest of the town, on the upper road to the cantonment at Bellefontaine (now Block 689).
1819 89 Wm. C. Carr. Small brick dwelling, northwest of the town, stood on the south part of Carr Street, just west of its junction with Broadway (was removed in opening Carr Street, 183-).
1819 90 Wm. C. Carr. Two-story brick dwelling, built for him by McCollough & Ferguson, northwest of town, stood in our present Fifth Street, a little south of Wash Street, occupied by Robert Wash in 1821.
1819-20 91 Silvestre Labbadie. One-story dwelling, North Main, above Mullanphy's brewery, near his ox-mill, at southwest corner of present Ashley Street.
1819-20 92 Governor Alex. McNair. Large two-story dwelling, west side of Broadway, near the first mound, on the upper road to the cantonment at Bellefontaine, a little south of our present O'Fallon Street.
1820 93 Thomas English Carpenter. Small brick dwelling on Broadway, just north of McNair's residence, a little north of our present O'Fallon Street.
1820 94 Judge John B. C. Lucas. Brick dwelling, one-half mile out on south side St. Charles road, now forming part of the Missouri Park, between 13th and 14th Streets.
1820 95 William Stokes. Large residence, two miles west of the jail, now Pine Street and Leffingwell Avenue.
1820 96 James Mackay. Two-story dwelling, southwest of the town, afterwards part of the convent building, within the walls on 6th below Labbadie Street, recently taken down.
Omitted in their Proper Places.
1817 97 Matthias McGirk. One-story brick office, south 4th, west side, above Walnut (Chouteau's add., Block 103), occupants, 1821, D. Barton and James H. Peck.
1818 98, 99 George Casner. Two brick dwellings, one story, north 5th, west side, below Locust (Lucas add., 117), Bradley and others.
1818-19 100 The first Catholic Cathedral. On the west side of 2d, or Church Street, between Market and Walnut, 59.
1819 101 Aug. Chouteau. One-story brick warehouse of 40 by 80 feet along the river-front, southeast corner of his north half of Block No. 6.
When built. No. Owners. Description. Location. Blocks. Occupants May, 1821.
1805 1 Joseph Laprise. Small frame dwelling. 106 N. W. cor. Vine and 2d. 65 Bart. Tobin, laborer.
1806 2 Geminin Beauvais. Log house. 138 N. Main, extension. 24 Vacant.
1806 3 Mme. Benite Vasquez. Log house. 206 N. Main, north of village.   Mme. Vasquez.
1807 4 Wm. Christy. Frame. Green above 3d, north of town.   Vacant.
1808 5 Jos. Philibert. Log. 112 N. 2d. 65 Mary Dolan.
1808 6 Mary Martigny (colored). Log. 4th, east side, N. E. cor. Cedar. 77 Mary Martigny.
1809 7 Chas. Vachard. Log. 91 S. 3d. 56 Vacant.
1809 8 Francis Berard. Log. 203 N. Main, extension above town.   Vacant.
1809-10 9 Madame Laprise. Log. 205 N. Main, extension above town.   Aug. Durocher.
1810 10 Antoine Rencontre. Log. 214 N. Main, extension above town.   Jacob Hawken.
1810 11 Same. Log. 218 N. Main, extension above town.   Richard Robinson.
1810 12 Elijah Smith. Double frame. S. E. cor. Main and Poplar. 1 Fred'k Mullett.
1807-8 13 Stedman, Wescott and Tharp. Frames for tan-yard. 121 to 129 S. 2d. 39 Jno. and Sam'l Rankin, tanners.
1811 14 Normand McKenzie. Frame dwelling. N. E. cor. Myrtle and 3d. 57 Vacant.
1811 15 Alfred Crutsinger. Log dwelling. 77 N. Church. 30 A. Crutsinger, hatter.


When built. No. Owners. Description. Location. Blocks. Occupants May, 1821.
1811 16 Jacques Perras. Log dwelling. S. 2d, west side, above Myrtle. 57 Jas. Perras
1811 17 Dr. B. G. Farrar. Double frame dwelling. 8 N. 2d. 60 Dr. B. G. Farrar.
1811 18 James Baird. Large frame shop. 3d below Spruce, 40 by 70 (various uses). 80 At the time Methodists.
1811 19 John P. Pourcelli. Small log. 128 S. Main. 39 William Stewart and others.
1812 20 André l'Andreville. Log store. 91, 93 N. Main. 12 Jno. Cowan, grocer.
1812 21 Madame Pescay. Two-story frame store and dwelling. 46 S. Main. 35 Phil. Millandon.
1812 22 David Delaunay. Frame store. 56 N. Main. 31 Jos. Yard, furniture.
1812 23 Bazile Bissonnet. Log. 171 N. Main. 16 Jno. B. Leconte, laborer.
1812 24 Mrs. Sally Adams. Log. S. Main, east side, below Poplar. 1 Wm. Duncan.
1812 25 Toussaint Benoist, Frame or log. 101 N. 2d. 64 Thos. Johnston and others.
1812 26 Madame Laquaisse. Log. 80 N. 2d. 63 Jane Hardin.
1812 27 Victoria Loissel (colored). Log. 114 N. 2d. 65 Wm. Howard, turner,
1812 28 Marie Belfort. Log. S. Main below Mulberry. 43 Batiste Belfort.
1813 29 Geminin Beauvais. Frame dwelling. 192 N. Main. 24 Maj. Thos. Forsythe.
1813 30 Francis Williams (Hodgins). Log. 200 N. Main, above town.   Jas. Lakenan, guns.
1813 31 Louis Boissy. Log. 222 N. Main, above town.   Jno. B. Gagnon, boat.
1813 32 Laurent Lanodiere. Frame dwelling. 234 N. Main, above town.   L. Lanodiere.
1813 33 Joseph Papin. Frame dwelling. S. W. cor. Vine and 3d. 89 Joseph Papin, grocer.
1813 34 Samson Furr. Frame dwelling. N. 3d above the bastion, above town.   M. E. Wilson's school.
1813 35 Guyol de Guiran. Log and stone. 2d below Poplar. 40 Dr. Gebert and others.
1813 36 Matthew Kerr. Large two-story frame (2 stores below). 77 and 79 S. Main, cor. of Myrtle. 4 Johnson, Campbell & Co., nail manufactory, etc.
1813 37 M. P. Leduc. Two-story frame. 39 N. 2d. 32 A. L. Magenis, lawyer.
1813 38 Wm. Morrison, of Kansas. Frame store. 60 N. Main. 31 Essex & Hough, books.
1814-15 39 William C. Carr. Small frame. N. 3d above bastion, north of town.   Eliza Mulligan, widow.
1814-15 40 Daniel Shope. Frame and log. 85 S. 3d, for "Green-Tree Tavern."   H. C. Davis.
1814-15 41 Philipson & Habb's brewery Frame buildings. N. Main, in extension north of town.   M. Murphy and others.
1815 42 Farrar & Walker. Frame for their apothecary. 68 N. Main. 30 Farrar & Walker's shop.
1815 43 William C. Carr. Small frame. 56 S. Main. 36 Grimsley & Stark.
1815 44 Thos. F. Riddick. Large frame store and warehouse rear. 58 S. Main. 36 John Shackford & Co.
1815 45 James Irwin. Two-story frame dwelling. 72 S. 3d. 82 Col. Sam'l Hammond.
1815 46 James Irwin. Frame house or shop in rear. Myrtle above 3d. 82 Jas. Irwin, carpenter.
1815 47 Philip & Henry Rocheblave. Frame house and shop in rear. 26 Myrtle. 37 Philip Rocheblave.
1815 48 Alex. McNair. Frame dwelling. 3d below Spruce. 80 Zebulon Pendleton.
1815 49 Alex. McNair. Frame dwelling. 3d below Spruce. 80 Teacher and others.
1814 50 Eden Bunch. Frame dwelling. S. 3d below Plum. 52 Sarah Labross, etc.
1815 51 John Lee. Log house. N. 3d above the bastion, northwest of town.   Mary Lee, widow.
1815 52 Toussaint Benoist Two-story frame. 2d below Poplar. 53 James Fitzsimmons, grocer.
1815 53 Madame Phil. Rivičre. Two-story frame 2d below Poplar. 53 Madame Rivičre.
1815 54 Felix Fontaine. Frame. 87 N. 3d. 64 Felix Fontaine, laborer.
1815 55 Francis Lebeau. Log. 700 N. 2d. 64 Francis Lebeau, carpenter.
1815 56 Paul Prime. Log. 3d above Pine. 87 Paul Prime.
1815 57 Louis Desiré. Log. 84 N. 3d. 88 Madame Julie.
1815 58 Louis Desiré. Log. 86 N. 3d. 88 Bernard Dignon.
1815 59 David Monestes. Log. Locust below 2d. 29 D. Monestes, carpenter.
1815 60 Celeste Ambroise Log. Locust below 2d. 29 Madame Ambroise.
1816 61 John B. Beaufils. Two-story frame dwelling. 89 S. 3d. 56 Henry Adams, carpenter.
1816 62 Clement B. Penrose. Two-story frame dwelling. N. E. cor. Pine and 2d. 62 Risdon H. Price.
1816 63 Josiah Brady, hatter. Two-story frame dwelling. E. side 3d above Chestnut. 61 A. Faris & Geo. Pitzer.
1816 64 Josiah Brady, hatter. One-story frame shop. N. E. cor. 3d and Chestnut. 61 Vacant.
1816 65 Peter Primm. Two-story dwelling. S. aide Elm above 2d. 57 Peter Primm.
1816 66 Abraham Gallatin or Charless. Two-story dwelling and kithen 27 S. 2d. 35 Beck & Spalding and others.
1816 67 Louis Sol Migneron. Two-story dwelling and shop. 97 N. Main. 12 L. S. Migneron, gunsmith.
1816 68 Michael Tesson. Two-story dwelling and shop. On hill, Market above 5th. Chouteau. Vacant.
1816 69 Wm. Sullivan. Two-story dwelling and shop. South side Walnut, above 4th. Chouteau. Wm. Sullivan, justice.
1816 70 Moses Scott. Two-story dwelling. Elm above 4th. Chouteau. Moses Scott, justice.
1816 71 Geo. Everhart. Frame. Myrtle below Main. 5 A. Sutton, cabinetmaker.
1816 72 Jos. Vasquez. Log. 208 N. Main, north of town. 5 Louis Ray, butcher.
1816 73 Hyp. Vasquez. Log. 210 N. Main, north of town. 5 H. & J. Vasquez.
1816 74 Chris. Smith. Log. 28 Myrtle. 37 Jacob Varner.
1816 75 Same. Log. 30 Myrtle. 37 Jno. Greggs, carpenter.
1816-17 76 Daniel Freeman. Frame addition to "Green-Tree Tavern." 85 S. 2d. 37 Jacobs & Blanchard.
1817 77 Alex. McNair. Large two-story frame. Spruce above Main. 37 Josh Lane, boarding.
1817 78 Thos. Cartmill. Frame, two or three tenements South side, Spruce above Main. 38 Richard Dunlavy and others.


When built. No. Owners. Description. Location. Blocks. Occupants May, 1821.
1817 79 Wm. Cabeen, carpenter. Frame shop. 3d above Chestnut. 61 Vacant.
1817 80 John S. Russell. Two-story frame. 17, north side of Myrtle. 36 J. S. Russell and others.
1817 81 John Keesacker. Log. 19, north side of Myrtle. 36 J. Keesacker, grocer.
1817 82 Nero Lyons. Frame dwelling. 24, south side of Myrtle. 37 Mrs. Sherkey, widow.
1817 83 Jos Leblond. Frame dwelling. 66 N. 2d. 63 J. Leblond and others.
1817 84 Daniel Shope. Frame dwelling. 83 S. 2d. 37 Roger Collins, tavern.
1817 85, 86 87, 88 Col. A. Chouteau. Row of four frame shops. 33, 35, 37, 39 S. Main. 6 R. Millgen, tailor, in 33; Dagget & Blair, watchmakers, in 35; Daniel Harrison, cordwainer, 37; Johnson & White, hatters, 39.
1817 89 Sam'l Mount. Frame carriage-shop. S. E. cor. 6th and Locust. Lucas. Sam'l Mount.
1817 90 Same. Frame blacksmith-shop. S. E. cor 6th and Locust. Lucas. Same.
1817 91 Jno. Bobb. Log dwelling. N. E. cor. 7th and Walnut. Chouteau. Jno. and Wm. Bobb.
1817 92 Alexis Lalande. Small log. South side Elm, above Main. 36 Alexis Amelin.
1817 93 Francis Valois. Large house of posts on wall, 60 feet front, high basement. North side Elm, above Main. 35 Fran. Valois and others.
1816-17 94 Moses D. Bates. Two-story frame dwelling. 201 N. Main, back, north of town.   Capt. Jas. McGunnegle, U.S.A.
1817 95 Jno. H. Reed. Two-story frame dwelling. N. W. cor. 3d and Almond. 80 Sarah Sparks, widow.
1817 96 Jas. Sawyer, sold to Salmon Giddings. Two-story frame dwelling. Market above 4th.   Court-rooms below, clerk's office and school-room above.
1818 97 Aug. P. Chouteau (Sarrade). Two-story frame dwelling. 54 N. Main. 31 Jno. Sarrade, confectioner.
1818 98 Theophilus Smith. Two-story frame dwelling 91 S. Main. 4 Harlow & Jas. P. Spencer, chairs.
1818 99 Ephraim Town. Two-story frame dwelling and office. South side Chestnut below 2d. 33 Post-office, Elias Rector. P. M.
1818 100 Col. Eli B. Clemson. Large dwelling. N. W. cor. Olive and 6th. Lucas. Geo. F. Strothers, U.S. receiver.
1818 101 Jno. C. Potter. Small dwelling 81 and 83 N. 2d. 30 Chris. Boyd, grocer.
1818 102 L'Ange Allard, built by Jos. Montagne, 1815.   67 N. 3d. 63 L'Ange Allard, carter.
1818 103 Moses D. Bates. Two-story dwelling. S. E. cor. Laurel and 3d. 65 Thos. Hempstead, U.S. Indian agent.
1818 104 S. Gantt and Jno. Campbell. Two-story dwelling double house. West side 5th, below Elm. Chouteau. B. and P. McGinn & Quigley, butchers.
1818 105 Jeremiah Connor. Large frame dwelling. N. W. cor. 2d and Laurel. 66 Thos. H. Benton.
1818 106 Evariste Maury. Two-story frame. 30 S. 2d. 58 Episcopal Church in 1821.
1818 107 Oliver C. Smith. Small store, and billiards back. 82 S. 2d. 56 Al. Skinner & Co., and others in rear.
1818 108 Isaac H. Griffith, carpenter. Frame store. 74 N. Main. 30 Josh. Armitage, merchant.
1818 109 Same. Frame store.   30 Jos. Bouju, jeweler.
1818 110 Same. Small frame theatre. In rear of above. 30  
1818 111 Alex. McNair. Frame for office of register. Spruce above Main. 37 Garret Anderson's office.
1818 112 Laurent Pruget. Small frame. 107 S. 2d, 38 Smith & Dougherty, grocers.
1818 113 Madame Widow Bouis. One-story frame store. 49 N. Main. 10 Fred'k Becker, tailor.
1818 114 Same. One-story frame store. 51 N. Main. 10 Peter A. Lebeaume.
1818 115 Same. One-story frame store. 53 N. Main. 10 Daniel Moore, bacon store.
1818 116 John Little. Small frame store for Hoffa's shop. 27 N. Main. 9 John Hoffa, barber.
1818 117 Chris. Wilt. Frame wagon-shop. 77, 79 N. Main. 11 John Frame, blacksmith.
1818 118 John B. Gigaire. Log dwelling. 98 N. 2d. 64 John B. Gigaire, laborer.
1818 119 Francis Creely. Log dwelling of posts. N. E. cor. Market and 3d. 60 Francis Creely, carpenter.
1818 120 Madame Veuve Pescay. Two-story frame. E. side 7th above Elm. Chouteau. Her gardener's house.
1818 121 Jos. Montague. Blacksmith-shop and dwelling. N. E. cor. Olive and 3d. 63 Joseph Montague.
1818 122-123 McKnight & Brady. Two log wagon-shops. 181, 185 N. Main. 16 Earl & Light, and Daniel Caster.
1818 124 Frederick Dent. Three frame stores (Smith's). 10 N. Main. 33 Jonas Christman, hatter.
1818 125 Same. Three frame stores (Smith's). 12 N. Main. 33 Jacob Eckstein, tailor.
1818 126 Same. Three frame stores (Smith's). 14 N. Main. 33 Dr. H. L. Hoffman, drugs.
1819 127 Wm. Carr Lane. Two-story dwelling. 127 S. Main. 2 Dr. Wm. Carr Lane.
1819 128 Batiste Godair. Small dwelling. S. E. cor. 5th and Locust. Lucas. Batiste Godair.
1819 129 Francis Derouin. Log dwelling. 3d below Walnut. 83 F. Derouin.
1819 130 R. H. Price, by D. B. Hill. Frame. W. side 3d above Vine. 90 David B. Hill, carpenter.
1819 131 Same. Frame. W. side 3d above Vine. 90 Nehemiah Bates, bottler.
1819 132 Same. Frame. W. side 3d above Vine. 90 H. Waddle & J. Ramsey, grocers.
1819 133 Mrs. Eliza Fair. Two-story dwelling. S. E. cor. 4th and Chestnut. 85 James Conklin, tailor
1819 134 Toussaint Benoist. Two-story dwelling. W. side 2d Poplar. 53 Cheney Osborn, hatter.
1818-20 135 John R. Guy. Double frame. 228 N. Main, N. of town.   John R. Guy.
1818-20 136 Baronet Vasquez. Two-story frame. 200 N. Main, N. of town.   Vacant.
1818-20 137 Oliver C. Smith. Two-story frame. Myrtle above 3d. 82 O. C. Smith.
1818-20 138 Jason Holbrook. Frame. 14 Myrtle. 37 Ed. Horrocks, baker.


When built. No. Owners. Description. Location. Blocks. Occupants May, 1821.
1818-20 139 Stephen Gay. Log house. 20 Myrtle. 47 Mary Shannon, widow.
1818-20 140 Same. Carpenter-shop. In rear No. 16 Myrtle. 37 Laveille & Rupley.
1818-20 141 Simon Sanguinet. Small log. S. side Almond W. of 2d. 54 Vacant.
1818-20 142 William Brown. Small frame. S. side Cedar E. of 4th. 76 Wm. Brown, pumpmaker.
1818-20 143 Nicholas Verdin. Frame carpenter's shop. S. E. cor. Olive and 5th. Lucas. N. Verdin and others.
1820 144 Reuben Neal. Small frame office. N. side Chestnut above 4th. Lucas. D. H. Conrad, clerk Chancery Court.
1820 145 Beriah Cleland (Bright). Two-story dwelling. N. E. cor. 6th and Chestnut. Lucas. Beriah Cleland, carpenter.
1820 146 Beriah Cleland (Bright). Small frame. 6th above Chestnut. Lucas. Joseph Glegg, grocer.
1821 147 Morton and Rocheblave. Large frame, several tenements. S. 2d below Plum. 52 Gen. Morton and others.
1820 148 James Moore. Frame (Carr). N. E. cor. 2d and Cherry. 24 Jas. Moore, carpenter.
1820 149 Joseph Kaufman, Frame (Christy). W. side 4th above Green. Christy's. Jos. Kaufman, butcher.
1820 150 Francis Fouche, carpenter. Frame. N. side St. Charles above 5th. Connor's. F. Fouche, carpenter.
1820 151 Francis Rochford. Frame. N. side St. Charles above 5th. Connor's. F. Rochford, teacher
1820 152 Lakenau & Hawken. Two-story log. N. 2d above Cherry, north of town. Connor's. William Hughey, laborer.
1820 153 Alfred Moore. Small frame. S. side Poplar above 2d. 53 Henry Peterson, laborer.
1821 154 Joseph Klunk. Frame shop. S. E. cor. 3d and Chestnut. 60 Joseph Klunk, stonecutter.
1821 155 James J. Purdy. Frame shop. 3d below Chestnut. 60 J. J. Purdy, carpenter.
1821 156 John L. Sutton. Frame house. 91 S. Main. 4 Madame A. Tellier, widow.
1821 157 John Finney, Sr., and Thos. Kells. Two-story house. S. side Washington Ave. above 5th. N. W. John Finney and Thos. Kells, laborers.
Omitted in their Regular Places.
1806 158 Louis Guittard, Small posts. 82 S. 3d. 81 Louis Guittard.
1806 159 Pre Datcherute. Small posts. 88 S. 3d. 81 John Latresse, boatman.
1818 160 Louise Truteau. Log dwelling. S. side Pine above Main. 32 Vacant.
1815 161 Sampson Furr. Log dwelling. N. side of Oak east of Main. 16 Eliz. Hale and Eliz. Droddy.
1817 162 Abraham Gallatin. Small log shop. S. side of Walnut east of 2d. 35 Nathan Seymour, tailor.
1818 163 M. D. Bates or Paul Anderson. Frame warehouse. On Water above Cherry, under the bluffs.   Kirker, Say, Fought, etc., grocers.
1818 164 Gabriel Philibert. Frame. N. E. cor. Water and Laurel. 14 Philibert & Cornelius, tavern.
1817 165 Thomas Hanly. Frame stores. On his lot of 35 feet front on river above Oak. 16 Hanlon & Sparrow, soap and candles.
1818 166 John Dunn. Log blacksmith-shop. On river on McK. & B.'s lot, next to Hanley. 16 John Dunn.
1818 167 Réné Paul. Small log. On the river N. W. cor. Olive. 11 J. Gall & Scollin, grocers.
1818 168 Paul Loise. Small log. On Gen. Clark's lot below Pine. 10 Paul Loise, Ind. in.
1818 169 Alexander Nash. One or two small logs. N. side of Oak above the steamboat warehouse. 16 Mary Barclay, widow.
Outside the Town Limits.
1818 170 John B. N. Smith. One-story frame dwelling. About three miles southwest of the "town," near the Gravois road, in after-years known as the McDonald place, in Block 57 of the St. Louis Commons, — yet standing in 1879.    
1820 171 Col. John O'Fallon. Large double two-story frame dwelling northwest of the town. In after-years when the town limits were extended beyond, it was at the N. W. cor. of 9th and Franklin Ave.      
1806-7 172 Fred'k Connor. Frame dwelling. S. 2d, S. W. cor. of Lombard. 49 David Hughes.
1807 173 Francis Ride. Log dwelling. S. 2d, west side, N. W. cor. Hazel. 49 Batiste Morin.
1810-12 174 François Caillon. Log. West side 2d, above Hazel. 49 F. Caillon.
1812 175 Eustache Caillon. Log. East side 2d below Hazel. 45 Veuve Marie Lalande.
1813 176 Isaac Septlivres. Log of posts. West side 2d below Hazel. 48 Pierre Provenchere.
1815 177 Robert Duncan. Log. East side 2d north of bridge. 46 R. Duncan.
1815 178 Vital Beaugenou. Log. West side 3d, N. W. cor. of Cedar. 77 Vital Beaugenou.
1815 179 Michel Morin. Log. West side 3d. above Cedar. 77 Michel Morin.
1816-17 180 Thos. F. Riddick. Small frame. 4th, S. E. cor. of Mulberry St. 75 George Everhart.
1814-15 181 Joseph Brazeau, Jr. Two-story frame dwelling on the river-bank, about 1 1/2 miles below town, between Duchouquette & Bent's, now in suburb St. George.     Col. Chas. Delassus.
1818-19 182 Sil. Labbadie's. Ox-mill for sawing lumber, on the river-bank above town, foot of Ashley St.     Sil. Labbadie.
1810-15 183 Bap. Molaire. Log. East side 3d, above Olive. 63 Bap. Molaire.
1820 184 François Poirier. Log. West side 2d, below Hazel. 47 Fran's Poirier.
1812 185 Cath. Crevier. Log. West side 2d, above Morgan. 68 Antoine Crevier.
1810 186 Wm. Christy. Log. West side 3d, above Morgan. 93 D. V. Walker.
to 187 Wm. Christy. Log. West side 3d, above Morgan. 93 Alphonse Wetmore.
1815 188 Wm. Christy. Log West side 3d, above Morgan. 93 Ambrose Newell and Osborne.
1812 189 Alex. Bellisime. Dwelling of posts. East side 3d, below Poplar. 53 James Murphy.
1815 190 Alex. Bellisime. Dwelling of posts. East side 3d, below Poplar. 53 Alfred Moore.
1818 191 Pierre Belleville. Dwelling of posts. East side 3d, below Poplar. 53 Belleville.


When built. No. Owners. Description. Location. Blocks. Occupants May, 1821.
1819 192 Jos. Joyalle. Frame. East side 3d, below Spruce. 55 Joyalle.
1818-20 193 François Bompart. Log. S. E. cor. 3d and Plum. 52 F. Bompart.
1812 194 Joseph Salois. Log. East side 3d, above Olive. 63 J. Salois.
1812 195 John B. Beardfils. Frame. N. W. cor. 3d and Walnut. 84 John Hall.
1816 196 Jos. Labarge. Frame. West side 3d, above Walnut. 84 J. Labarge.
1818 197 Jos. Lacroix. Frame. 66, 68 N. W. cor. 3d and Olive. 88 Thornton & Kennedy.
1815 198 Jos. Brazeau, Jr. Posts on wall. S. W. cor. 2d and Myrtle. 56 E. English.
1816 199 Abraham Gallatin. Small frame. South side Walnut, east of 2d. 35 N. Seymour.
  200 Fran's Bompart. Small log, for blacksmith-shop. North side Spruce, east of 2d. 37 Bompart's shop.
1817 201 John B. Hortiz. Small dwelling. S. 2d, east side, below Mulberry. 43 Hortiz's residence.

The first addition made to the town of St. Louis after its incorporation by the Court of Common Pleas was that of Chouteau and Lucas, referred to above. With the record of the sale of these lots we complete Mr. Billon's exhaustive catalogue of early real estate transactions in the city. His materials come down much later, and in the same complete shape as regards each lot, but there is not space in which to give them without injustice to other branches of the subject.

By Chouteau.
      Lots. Feet. Price. Book and Page. Present Location.
1 Alexander Stuart. May 22, 1816 33, 34, 51, 52 288 by 270 $1200 E 486 The block from Market to Walnut, and 5th to 6th.
2 Matthias McGirk. May 24, 1816 5 144 by 135 600 E 488 N. W. cor. 4th and Walnut.
3 James Sawyer. May 27, 1816 6 144 by 135 250 F 17 S. W. cor. 4th and Market.
4 Moses Scott and Samuel Hammond. May 27, 1816 3, 32 (22?) 115 by 222 500 F 66 N. side of Elm from 5th to Chouteau's east line, 48 feet west of 4th.
5 Michael Tesson. June 4, 1816 50 124 by 135 300 F 466 N. E. cor. Market and 6th.
6 Pryor Quarles. June 5, 1816 24 114 by 135 291 F 26 N. E. cor. 5th and Myrtle.
7 Marie P. Leduc. June 8, 1816 67 and 82 117 by 270 500 E 522 N. side of Market from 6th to 7th.
8 Joseph Charless. June 18, 1816 19, 20 288 by 135 742 G 378 E. side of 5th from Market to Walnut.
9 Charles Lucas. June 18, 1816 31, 32 228 by 135 600 H 109 W. side of 5th from Walnut to Elm.
10 William Sullivan. Aug. 17, 1816 4 115 by 135 450 F 99 S. W. cor. of 4th and Walnut.
11 John Bobb. Jan. 8, 1817 65, 66, 83, 84 288 by 270 1500 G 278 A block from Market to Walnut, and 6th to 7th.
12 William Sullivan. March 11, 1817 21 114 by 135 300 F 200 S. E. cor. of 5th and Walnut.
13 Réné Paul. April 1 , 1817 35 135 by 135 300 G 208 N. W. cor. of 5th and Market.
14 Stoughton Gantt. April 1, 1817 29 114 by 135 300 G 110 W. side of 5th from Elm to Myrtle.
15 John Campbell. April 1, 1817 30 114 by 135 300 G 112
16 John Marsh. May 20, 1817 64 114 by 135 318 F 290 S. W. cor. of 6th and Walnut.
17 John Dales. July 22, 1817 25, 26 228 by 135 600 F 342 E. side of 5th from Myrtle to Spruce.
18 Madame Pescay. July 26, 1817 86 114 by 135 400 F 347 N. E. cor. of 7th and Elm.
19 Dr. James Minor. July 26, 1817 27 114 by 135 400 F 362 N. W. cor. of 5th and Spruce.
20 Dr. Pryor Quarles. July 26, 1817 53 114 by 135 400 F 363 S. E. cor. 6th and Walnut.
21 Col. Robert Quarles. July 26, 1817 28 114 by 135 400 F 364 S. W. cor. of 5th and Myrtle.
22 Rufus Easton. Sept. 11, 1817 1, 2 228 by 55 and 80 300 F 390 W. side of 4th from Elm to Myrtle.
23 Madame Pescay. Oct. 1, 1817 63 114 by 135 400 G 99 N. W. cor. 6th and Elm.
24 Madame Garnier. Oct. 28, 1817 85 114 by 135 300 G 48 S. E. cor. of 7th and Walnut.
25 Isaac H. Griffith. Jan. 13, 1818 131, 132 228 by — 600 K 161 E. side of 5th from Spruce to Almond.
26 Thomas McGuire. Feb. 26, 1818 93, 94 — by 270 450 G 76 N. side of Market from 8th to 9th.
27 Thomas F. Riddick. April 23, 1818   9804 sq. feet 191 G 154 E. side of 5th between Poplar and Plum.
28 Gabriel Paul. June 14, 1818 61, 62, 88 228 by 135 114 by 135 800 G 269 W. side of 6th, Elm to Myrtle, and N. E. cor. 7th and Myrtle.
29 Thomas Winstanley. Aug. 27, 1818 57, 58 228 by 135 800 G 398 E. side 6th from Myrtle to Spruce.
30 Thomas F. Riddick. Sept. 23, 1818   qn'ty not spec. 100 G 387 E. side of 5th near Poplar.
31 John B. C. Lucas. Oct. 16, 1818 91, 92 97 1/2 & 88 by 270 500 K 322 N. side of Market from 7th to 8th.
5 Ellen Leroux. June 3, 1816 23 115 by 135 300 P 415 S. E. cor. of 5th and Elm.
  William Deakers. — — , 1818 54, 55 ea. 114 by 135 Not on record. N. E. and S. E. cors. of 6th and Elm.
By John B. C. Lucas to Theodore Hunt, Anthony F. Saugrain, Charles Gratiot, William Christy, and Thomas Brady.
      Lots. Feet. Price. Book and Page. Present Location.
1 Jail Commissioners. June 25, 1816 49 115 by 135 $5 F 43 S. E. cor. of 6th and Chestnut.
2 Josiah Bright. July 12, 1816 48 114 by 135 325 J 107 N. E. cor. of 6th and Chestnut.
3 Henry Von Phul. Dec., 20, 1816 38, 47 114 by 270 640 F 135 S. side Pine, 5th to 6th.
4 George Casner. Jan. 14, 1817 42 114 by 135 450 F 298 S. W. cor. 5th and Locust.
5 Samuel Mount. Jan. 14, 1817 43 114 by 135 350 F 300 S. E. cor. 6th and Locust.
6 Lilburn W. Boggs. Feb. 8, 1817 70 115 by 135 300 F 160 S. W. cor. of 6th and Pine.
7 Jude and Jabez Warner. May 20, 1817   120 by -- 350 F 259 N. E. cor. of 4th and Olive.
8 William Rector. Aug. 5, 1817 13 115 by 135 350 F 445 S. E. cor. 5th and Locust.
9 Col. Eli B. Clemson. Aug. 5, 1817 73, 74, 75, 76 228 by 270 2000 G 67 Block from 6th to 7th, Olive to Locust.
10 Eulalie Guitard. Nov. 5, 1817 77 115 by 135 318 F 470 S. E. cor. of 7th and Olive.
11 Adrian Lucas. Dec. 11, 1817 9, 16 116 by 270   F 511 N. side of Pine from 4th to 5th.
12 William Cabeen. Dec. 20, 1817   125 by 131 350 G 312 S. E. cor. of 4th and Locust.
13 Ann L. Hunt. Dec. 20, 1817 39, 40, 45, 46 228 by 270   H 387 Block from 5th to 6th and Pine to Olive.
14 Peter Ferguson. Sept. 18, 1818 44 115 by 135 700 G 377 N. E. cor of 6th and Olive.
15 George C. Sibley. Dec. 16, 1818 72 114 by 135 300 H 101 S. W. cor. of 6th and Olive.
16 Wait Lourey. Jan. 19, 1819 37 114 by 135 1000 H 155 N. W. cor. of 5th and Chestnut.
17 Nicholas Verden. Nov. 22, 1818 N. 1/2 of 15 57 by 135 250 H 540 S. E. cor. of 5th and Olive.
18 Reuben Neal. Dec. 31, 1818 17, 18 228 by 135 1200 J 31 E. side of 5th from Chestnut to Pine.
19 Daniel Marsh. April 11, 1821 S. 1/2 of 15 57 by 135 350 K 448 E. side of 5th below Olive.
20 David Sheperd. Oct. 25, 1821 part of 68 28 by 135 250 K 401 W. side of 6th between Market and Chestnut.
21 Britton Mount. Sept. 9, 1822 S. 1/2 of 41 57 by 135 225 L 131 N. W. cor. 5th and Olive, south half.
22 Asa Wilgus. Sept. 9, 1822 N. 1/2 of 41 57 by 135 175 L 132 N. W. cor. 6th and Olive, north half.


Reconveyances in Chouteau's Addition.

James Sawyer to Salmon Giddings, May 1, 1817, 40 by 144, part of lot 6, F 242, south side Market above 4th.

Alexander Stuart to H. S. Geyer, Sept. 17, 1818, 120 by 270, part of 34 and 51, G 373, south side Market 5th to 6th.

Same to same, 24 by 270, balance of 34 and 51, H 419, south part of same lots.

Thomas Winstanley to Jacob Reed, March 16, 1819, 228 by 135, 57 and 58, H 229, east side of 6th, Myrtle to Spruce, $4000.

W. P. Leduc to Joshua Barton, June 1, 1819, 117 by 135, lot 67, J 22, N. W. cor. 6th and Market.

H. S. Geyer to John and Jeremiah Jones, July 29, 1819, 138 by 113, part of 51, H 435, S. E. cor. 6th and Market.

John Jones to Joshua Barton, Dec. 22, 1819, 138 by 113, the above, J 21, 22, $2500, K 43.

Joshua Barton to John Jones, Dec. 22, 1819, 117 by 135, lot 67, J 20, $2500, second above.

Joshua Barton to A. Gamble, May 8, 1820, 56 1/2 by 138, east 1/2 of 51, K 148, south side Market, between 5th and 6th.

H. S. Geyer to Arch. Gamble, Feb. 11, 1821, 16 by 77, part of 51, K 140, south side Market, between 5th and 6th.

(In Lucas') Eli B. Clemson to John Hall, Sept. 1, 1818. 228 by 270, lots 73, 74, 75, 76, for $7670, G 360, 6th to 7th, Olive to Locust.

John Campbell to Rufus Easton, May, 1819, undivided half of 29 and 30, H 331, west side 5th, Elm to Myrtle.

S. Gantt, by sheriff, to C. S. Hempstead, June 22, 1822, other half 29 and 30, L 197, west side 5th, Elm to Myrtle.

In Lucas' Addition.

William Cabeen to William Rector, July 14, 1818, 120 feet on 4th, H 337, S. E. cor. 4th and Locust.

William Rector to Phineas Bartlet, Feb. 9, 1819, 120 by 59, H 337, S. E. cor. 4th and Locust (see note below).

Eulalie Guitard to P. Bonamie, June 16, 1818, 57 by 135, south 1/2 of 77, G 242, east side 7th between Pine and Oliver.

L. W. Boggs to Pryor Quarles.

Pryor Quarles to Lewis Learned, March 6, 1819, 115 by 135, lot 70, H 539, S. W. cor. 6th and Pine.

Wm. Rector to Baptist Godair, May 21. 1819, 115 by 67 1/2, west 1/2 of 13, H 408, S. E. cor. 5th and Locust.

Wm. Rector to Aug. Guibor, Oct. 19, 1819, 115 by 67 1/2, east 1/2 of 13, H 531, south side Locust east of 5th.

Geo. Cassner to Moses Broadwell, Jan. 22, 1820, 57 by 135, south 1/2 of 42, I 44, S. W. cor. 5th and Locust, $2100.

Geo. Cassner to Brit, and Sam'l Mount, Jan. 29, 1820, 57 by 135, north 1/2 of 42, I 46, S. W. cor. 5th and Locust, $1550.

Josiah Bright to Joseph C. Brown, March 13, 1820, 114 by 135, lot 48, J 106, N. E. cor. 6th and Chestnut, $600.

Joseph C Brown to Beriah Cleland, March 17, 1820, 114 by 135, lot 48, J 113, N. E. cor. 6th and Chestnut, $1200.

Phineas Bartlett to Chaun. Shepard, March 15, 1820, 120 by 59, J 212, S. E. cor. 4th and Locust, $565.

Chauncey Shepard to Jacob Fry, Aug. 11, 1820, 120 by 59, J 386, S. E. cor. 4th and Locust, $425.

Jacob Fry to David Shirtle, Oct. 5, 1820, 120 by 59, J 473, same lot, $1000.

Geo. C. Sibley to Eulalie Guitard, Jan. 13, 1825, 114 by 135, lot 72, M 224, S. W. cor. 6th and Olive, $300.

Same to Francis Giroux, June 20, 1826, 57 by 135, south 1/2 of 72, N 69, west side 6th between Pine and Olive.

John B. C. Lucas to Dr. Thos. Houghan, April 14, 1828, 114 by 135, lot 71, O 165, N. W. cor. 6th and Pine.

Dr. Houghan to Chas. R. Hall, Aug. 20, 1830, 114 by 135, lot 71, Q 174, same above, $1000.

Auguste Chouteau sold to Wm. Deakers, Sr., prior to 1820, the two lots Nos. 54 and 55, S. E. and N. E. cors. of 6th and Elm, deed not recorded. Deakers built a stone house on the N. E. cor. lot, and on the other had his brick-yard.

Deakers and Dorothy, his wife, mortgaged this property Feb. 22, 1820, to Matthew Maloney for $305, Book S, page 214. Deakers died that same year, 1820; the mortgage was foreclosed and the property sold by Sheriff Jos. C. Brown to Maloney, March 13, 1822, for $361.45.

These lots were sold for taxes, and purchased by John Shackford, his deed for same, April 18, 1825, recorded in Book M, page 289. Shackford relinquished it to the sons of Deakers for $50, Dec. 2, 1825, Book O, 548. These parties divided lot 54 March 17, 1827, as follows:

George, having purchased William's fourth, got the west half, 67 1/2 feet on Elm by 115 north on 6th Street; Lambert, 33.9 feet next east on Elm; and Richard, 33.9 feet next east to alley by 115 deep, Book O 546.

Mahoney having also died, David Shepard and Jonas Moore paid the mortgage debt to Keinlen, administrator, Feb. 17, 1835, and received a deed for the lot from Keinlen, Book U 263.

NOTE. — The eastern portion of this lot on Locust Street was Rector's property as late as Oct. 25, 1823, and had thereon at that date a frame stable of David Massie, who then kept Rector's City Hotel, Vine and Third. This hotel property, 80 by 150 feet, and the stable lot above, were mortgaged by Rector on that date for a loan of $12,000 for five years. The mortgage also included the east part of two lots Rector had acquired from Guibor and Godair in 1819, which lay across Third Street.

On Oct. 19, 1877, Mr. Richard Dowling read a very interesting paper before the Missouri Historical Society, in which he took occasion to speak from memory and personal recollection in regard to some of the real estate transactions so carefully catalogued above. The vein of his reminiscence ran back as far as 1817, at which time he claims that there were but two houses north of Franklin Avenue. Some of these reminiscences do not accord with other contemporary traditions, and we will not attempt to harmonize them. They stood near the four mounds there, which have since disappeared. There were but fifteen brick houses in the town, the largest being Kibbey's Hotel, built by Knight & Brady.

There were at that time two ferry-boats making regular trips, one at the foot of Market Street, and one near Morgan Street. In front of the city was a sand-bar, which in 1819 reached from Market to Morgan Streets, and extending two-thirds the way across the river.

The ferries were owned by Mr. Nash and E. M. Van Arsdel. One of the boats crossed above Bloody Island, and the other below. Skiffs and keel-boats were also much used in the transfer of freight and passengers.

Mr. Day started the first horse ferry-boat about 1824, which was also the first one that had any cover or protection from the weather. In 1827, Mr. Wiggins, of Cincinnati, came to St, Louis, and about a year afterwards brought here from that place the first steam ferry-boat ever run here.

The old jail, a very primitive structure, stood in the centre of the crossing of Fourth and Walnut Streets. The jailer was William Sullivan, a large and powerful man, weighing over three hundred pounds. In 1818, this jail being found inadequate, a new one was built on the southeast corner of Sixth and Chestnut Streets. It was of undressed stone, and consisted of a main story and basement, the latter being a sort of dungeon in which to confine dangerous or refractory prisoners. The stone-work was done by Thomas Reynolds, and the woodwork by Beriah Clelland. In after-years, and until recently this structure was known as the "Old Jail," a larger and more imposing building having been built in the rear and adjoining it.

The first building used as a court-house was James Beard's blacksmith-shop, altered for the purpose. It was situated on the west side of Third Street, between Almond and Spruce. It was about forty feet front by about seventy feet deep. When the court was not in session it was used as a place of amusement, and the first theatrical performance in St. Louis was given there in October, 1817, by Mr. Vos. He brought his company from Nashville, Tenn. It was the largest room in the city, and was therefore in demand for balls, Fourth of July dinners, etc.

About the year 1820 the court was moved to an old frame building on the southwest corner of Second and Walnut Streets, and some years afterwards to the Baptist Church, southwest corner of Market and Third Streets. The first court-house built by St. Louis County stood on Fourth Street, occupying a portion of the ground now covered by the east wing of the present structure. It was built by Morton & Laveille, and was commenced in 1826 and finished in 1828.

The principal part of the land surrounding St. Louis in those early days belonged to a half-dozen persons, viz.: Col. Auguste Chouteau, Judge John B. C. Lucas, Jeremiah Connor, William Christy, William C. Carr, and Robert Wash. They owned all the land west of Fourth Street, running forty arpens in length, to near where Grand Avenue now is, which joined the prairie common fields. The land west of Eleventh Street was all timbered. West of Chouteau's pond were dense thickets of hazel-bushes, oaks, and persimmons, reaching out to the prairie.


North of Franklin Avenue and west of Broadway all the land was timbered, as was all that north of Ashley Street. All the land south of Chouteau Avenue, taking in the Sacred Heart Convent, was timbered down to the Widow Chouteau's tract, which south of Lafayette Street was cultivated. From the Arsenal walls to Carondelet the land was all timbered except on the east side of the Carondelet road, which was cultivated by Antoine Soulard, Joseph Brazeau, Governor Delassus, and Judge Bent, whose place joined the arsenal.

There were three principal county roads. The road going south passed over Mill Creek bridge close by the present gasworks. About three hundred feet south of where Park Avenue is now there was another road leading southwest to Gravois.

The road north was a continuation of Main Street, running through what is now Bellefontaine Cemetery to Bellefontaine, which was then a military post. There was a beautiful spring there then which no longer exists, and which gave the title to the place.

The road west ran out St. Charles Street for about fifteen blocks, when it bore north until it came in a line with Franklin Avenue at what is now Twenty-second Street. Starting from St. Charles Street and running south of Lucas Place, there was a road leading to Manchester and other points.

Returning now to the article of the Globe-Democrat, we find that

"The principal additions of real estate blocked out with street and alley dedications by the owners during the first seventeen years of the existence of St. Louis as a city were as follows, as seen by the plat books in the office of the recorder of deeds. The locations are given according to the present designations of streets:

"John B. C. Lucas' addition of Sept. 6, 1833, was from Seventh to Ninth Street, between Market and St. Charles Streets.

"Julia C. Soulard's addition of May 18, 1836, was from the river to Carondelet Avenue, between Park and Geyer Avenues.

"J. J. O'Fallon, Feb. 1, 1836, the block between Seventh, Eighth, and Wash Streets and Franklin Avenue.

"E. T. Langham, September, 1836, from the present La Salle Street to Rutger Street, between Second and Fifth Streets.

"E. T. Christy's addition of 1836 was from Ninth to Twelfth Street, between Franklin and Lucas Avenues.

"J. J. O'Fallon's addition of July 17, 1837, between Seventh and Fourteenth Streets, from Franklin Avenue to Biddle Street.

"Julia C. Soulard's second addition, June 21, 1838. It included the area from Carondelet Avenue to Decatur Street, between Park and Geyer Avenues. The square where Soulard Market is was in this addition, dedicated to market purposes.

"Blow and Le Beaume's addition, Dec. 20, 1838, between the river and Carondelet Avenue, with a width of one hundred and forty-one feet north at Carondelet Avenue, and six hundred and sixty-three feet north at the river, from the north side of Victor Street.

"Feb. 8, 1839, the city limits were extended northwardly and described as follows: Beginning at a point in the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River due east of the mouth of Mill Creek, so called; thence due west to the mouth of said creek; thence up the centre of the main channel of said creek to a point where the southern side of Rutger Street produced intersected the same; thence westwardly along the southern side of said street to the intersection of the same with the western line of Seventh Street, produced; thence northwardly along the western line of Seventh Street to the northern line of Biddle Street; thence eastwardly with the northern line of Biddle Street to the western line of Broadway; thence northwardly with the western line of Broadway to a point where the southern boundary of survey No. 671, produced, shall intersect the same; thence eastwardly along the southern boundary of said survey to the Mississippi River; thence due east to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River; thence down with the middle of the main channel of said river to the place of beginning.

"This change of boundary did not enlarge the area of the city more than five or six blocks; but the lines were made more definite and straighter. The southern side of survey No. 671 was afterwards Ashley Street, extended to Broadway. The city at this time had a population of about sixteen thousand, and the taxable property was assessed at $8,682,506, and the taxes paid amounted to $43,291.

"The property owners who during the succeeding years made the principal additions to the city were as follows:

"Edmund T. Christy's addition of March 18, 1839, was from Twelfth to Thirteenth Streets, between Franklin and Lucas Avenues.

"T. B. Lesperance's addition, May 15, 1839, from the river to Carondelet Avenue, between Allen and Russell Avenues, formerly Lesperance and Picotte Streets.

"The Duchouquette addition, Dec. 4, 1839, was made by Jean Baptiste Duchouquette, Theodore Papin, John B. Lesperance, and Brazil M. Alexander. The area was from the river to Carondelet Avenue, between Allen Avenue and Lami Street.

"Ann Biddle's addition, April 16, 1840, from Broadway to Thirteenth Street, between Biddle and O'Fallon Streets.

"John Stacker and Martin Thomas' addition, May 21, 1840, contained ten arpens of land, and was from O'Fallon to Howard Streets, between Broadway and East Seventeenth Street.

"Feb. 15, 1841, the city limits were extended southwardly, westwardly, and northwardly, and were described as beginning at a point in the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River, thence due east to the southeast corner of St. George, in St. Louis County; thence due west to the west line of Second Carondelet Avenue; thence north with the said west line of said Avenue to the north line of Chouteau Avenue; thence northwardly in a direct line to the mouth of Stony Creek, above the present north line of the city of St. Louis; thence due east to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River; thence southwardly with the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River to the place of beginning.

"The limits for 1841, and which continued for fourteen years, were briefly as follows: North line, from a point on Main Street, between Dock and Buchanan Streets, to the river, along the recent Rocky Branch; west line, a straight southwardly projected line from Main Street, near Dock, to Chouteau Avenue, one hundred feet west of Second Carondelet Avenue; thence south along Second Carondelet Avenue to Wyoming Street; south line, Wyoming Street, from Second Carondelet Avenue to First Carondelet Avenue, thence eastwardly to an intersection with the river at the foot of Anna Street.

"The area of the city within these limits was two thousand six hundred and thirty acres, or nearly four and one-ninth square miles. The assessment of property increased from $8,682,506 to $12,101,028, and taxes were increased from $43,291 to $45,088.

"This extension of the city took in the following additions:

"The incorporated town of North St. Louis, dedicated by William Chambers, W. T. Christy, and Thomas Wright, on June 29, 1816. This town was from the river to Twelfth Street, between Madison and Montgomery Streets. In the dedication by Messrs. Chambers, Christy, and Wright, they gave a market square and school park and church sites. These special gifts are now known as Exchange Square, at the foot of North Market Street, and the Webster School, Jackson Park, and Grace


Episcopal Church site, between Eleventh and Twelfth Streets, from Madison to Montgomery Street.

"The town of St. George, with streets and blocks, was dedicated Nov. 15, 1836, by Wm. Carr Lane. This town was located from the river to Carondelet Avenue, between Victor Street and the rear of lots on the north side of Lynch Street, formerly Harper. One of the conditions of St. George addition was that William Carr Lane's heirs and assigns should have the right to locate and maintain forever, free of charge or cost whatever, a railroad, with one or more tracks, through any street in said addition which they might select for that purpose. The dedicator also reserved the right of ownership in the ferry privileges, and in the addition of land deposited by the river.

"A village then known as Central St. Louis, located from the river to Eleventh Street, between O'Fallon and Tyler, formerly Webster Street, was also taken into the city by the extension of 1841. The dedicated additions in Central St. Louis were as follows:

"Thomas J. Payne's addition of Jan. 8, 1841, to Central St. Louis, was from the river to Broadway, between Mound and Bogy (formerly Brooklyn) Street. The dedicator reserved to himself the right of wharfage, ferriage, and Levee grading.

"Robert Moore's addition of June 6, 1840, was about seventy-five feet each side of Mound Street, from Broadway to the west end of the present street.

"Charles Collins' northern addition, July 1, 1839, was from the river to the rear of lots on the west side of Second Street, between Mound and Chambers Streets. This addition contained ten blocks or forty arpens of land.

"Charles Collins' western addition, Nov. 22, 1845, was both sides of Bogy (formerly Brooklyn) Street, from Broadway to Ninth Street.

"The other principal additions to St. Louis during the fourteen years preceding the next extension of the city boundary were as follows:

"H. M. Shreve's addition of July 8, 1840, was from Twelfth to Fourteenth Street, between Franklin Avenue and Biddle Street.

"Benjamin A. Soulard's addition of November, 1841, was from Buel to Morton Street, between Park Avenue and Marion Street, and from State to Morton, between Marion and Carroll Streets.

"Julia C. Soulard's third addition, Sept. 28, 1840, was from Decatur to Rosatti Streets, between Marion Street and Allen Avenue.

"Julia C. Soulard's fourth addition, Oct. 7, 1840, was from Rosatti to the rear of the lots on the west side of Closey Street, between Carroll and Soulard Streets.

"Louis A. Benoist's addition of Aug. 9, 1842, was from Laclede Avenue to lots on the north side of Locust Street, between Beaumont Street and Leffingwell Avenue.

"Julia C. Soulard's fifth addition, Sept. 15, 1841, was from Rosatti to Morton Streets, between Soulard Street and Geyer Avenue, and from Rosatti Street to rear of lots on the west side of Closey Street, between Geyer and Russell Avenues.

"William C. Carr, on Aug. 1, 1842, added the area from Fourteenth to Seventeenth Streets, between Franklin Avenue and Biddle Streets, and dedicated Carr Park, ‘to remain vacant and to serve forever for a pleasure-ground and public square, and for no other purpose whatever.’ In dedicating this addition factories, nine-pin alleys, or other then offensive institutions were prohibited within the limits of the addition.

"Gabriel Paul's addition of Sept. 6, 1842, was on the East side of Adolphe Street, from Market to Spruce Street, and in the rear of these lots was the western limit of Chouteau's pond.

"Réné Paul, Oct. 7, 1844, added the blocks between Market Street and Clark Avenue, from Seventeenth to Eighteenth Streets. At that time most of this area was represented as being in Chouteau's pond.


"Theodore Papin and Honoré Picotté's addition, Sept. 9, 1842, was from De Kalb Street to Carondelet Avenue, between Russell Avenue and Shenandoah Street.

"John B. C. Lucas' addition of Feb. 7, 1843, was from Ninth to Eleventh Streets, between Market and St. Charles Streets.

"Réné Paul's addition, Dec. 24, 1845, was from Gratiot Street to Chouteau Avenue, between Beckwith and Barlow Streets.

"Dr. Hardage Lane's second addition, April 13, 1846, was from First Carondelet to Second Carondelet Avenue, between Wyoming and Arsenal Streets, containing about two arpens. At


that time this addition formed the southwest corner of the city.

"Bernard G. Farrar's addition, Sept. 22, 1847, was from Eleventh to Eighteenth Street, between Hebert and Sullivan Streets.

"Susan La Beaume and Charles Collins' addition, Jan. 21, 1847, from Ninth to Eleventh Street, between Bogy, formerly Brooklyn, and Tyler, formerly Webster Street.

"Louis A. La Beuame and Archibald Gamble's addition of Aug. 9, 1847, was from Mercer Street to Jefferson Avenue, between Clark Avenue and Walnut Street.

"William C. Carr's third addition, July 10, 1847, from Eighteenth Street to Jefferson Avenue, between Franklin Avenue and Biddle Street. The recorded conditions of the dedication of the streets in this addition were that ‘there shall be no butchery, tallow chandlery, soap-factory, steam factory, tannery, nine-pin alley, or any other offensive business or occupation set up or carried on on any part of said addition, whereby the dwellings of any other lot-owners, proprietors, or occupants may be in any way annoyed or disturbed;’ that there shall be no change in the streets or alleys as laid off in the plot, and that all the fences and timber on the streets and alleys shall be reserved for the use of Wm. C. Carr.

"Adolphe Paul's addition, Jan. 30, 1846, between Market and Walnut Streets, from Adolphe Street to Twentieth.

"Dr. Hardage Lane's addition of October, 1839, revised March, 1846. This addition was from Austin to Poplar Street, between Fourteenth and Sixteenth Streets.

"Solomon H. Robbin's addition of Sept. 3, 1847, was from Seventeenth to Eighteenth Streets, between St. Charles Street and Lucas Avenue.

"Richard W. Ulrici's addition of Oct. 26, 1847, was from Twenty-third Street to Jefferson Avenue, between Market and Eugenia Streets.

"Thomas Allen's first addition, April 12, 1848, was from Carondelet Avenue to Fulton Street, between Geyer and Allen Avenues. Among the conditions of this dedication is the following: ‘There shall be no slaughter-house, bawdy-house, soap and candle factory, tannery, distillery, nine-pin alley, or any other offensive business or occupation set up or carried on upon any part of the addition.’

"The Fairview addition, made by Charles K. Dickson and John J. Murdoch, May 1, 1848, was between Sidney and Victor Streets, from Rosatti to Morton, formerly Summer Street.

"J. G. Shand's addition of June 12, 1848, was from Monroe to Montgomery Streets, between East Sixteenth and Seventeenth Streets.

"Ed. Haven's addition of May 10, 1848, was eight blocks, within the area from Carondelet Avenue to Decatur Street, and between Victor and Shenandoah Streets.

"The Devolsy addition of June 9, 1848, was four blocks, two each side of Gravois Avenue, from Wisconsin, formerly McNair Avenue.

"The Labadie addition of June 28, 1848, was six blocks,


within the area from Carondelet Avenue, two blocks west, between Sidney and Pestalozzi Streets.

"James H. Lucas and Ann L. Hunt's addition, Jan. 18, 1849, was from Twelfth to Seventeenth Street, between Market and Olive Streets.

"Isaac W. Taylor and E. R. Mason's addition of Oct. 6, 1848, was two and a half blocks, in the area from Carondelet Avenue west, between Barton and Sidney Streets.

"Thomas Allen's second addition of Dec. 13, 1848, was six blocks from Rosatti to Morton Street, between Victor and Shenandoah Streets.

"Among the conditions of this dedication were that there should not be any offensive business set up or carried on upon the addition, ‘such as a slaughter-house, bawdy-house, soap and candle factory, tannery, or distillery.’

"Dec. 5, 1855, the limits of the city were farther extended southwardly, westwardly, and northwardly, and described as beginning at a point in the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River, where the continuation of the south side of Keokuk Street eastwardly would intersect said main channel; thence westwardly by the said line of the south side of Keokuk Street to a point six hundred and sixty feet west of Grand Avenue; thence northwardly and parallel to said Grand or Lindell Avenue, at a distance of six hundred and sixty feet therefrom, until it intersects the Bellefontaine road; thence northeast to the line dividing townships 45 and 46, range 7 west; thence eastwardly with said line and in the same direction to the middle of the main channel of the Mississippi River; thence southwardly with the meanderings of the main channel of said river to the place of beginning.

"The new limits made Keokuk Street the southern boundary, and a line six hundred and sixty feet west and north of Grand Avenue as the west and north line. This made the area of the city about seventeen square miles. The assessment of property for taxation was increased from $42,991,812 to $59,609,289.

"This extension took in the town of Bremen. This town was incorporated April 6, 1845, under a dedication of blocks and streets made by George Buchanan, E. C. Angelrodt, N. N. Destrehan, and Mallinckrodt. It was located from the river to the Bellefontaine road, between Buchanan and Salisbury Streets.

"The village of Highland came in also under this extension. This village was dedicated by John R. Shepley, Aug. 1, 1848. It had an area of five blocks, extending from Jefferson to Leffingwell Avenues, between Laclede Avenue and Eugenia Street.

"James E. Yeatman and Robert S. Holmes' addition, dedicated March 28, 1851, five blocks, fronting on the south side of Angelica Street, from the river to the Bellefontaine road.

"Julie G. Cabanné's addition of ten blocks, dedicated April 24, 1849, between Decatur and Menard Streets, with Victor Street as the south line.

"William T. F. Wright's addition of four blocks, dedicated April 23, 1849, from Benton to Hebert Street, between Twelfth and Thirteenth Streets.

"Adam L. Mills' western addition of four blocks, dedicated July 10, 1869, from Laclede Avenue to the rear of the lots on the north side of Pine Street, between Jefferson Avenue and Beaumont Street.

"John J. Murdoch and Charles K. Dickson's addition of ten blocks, dedicated Jan. 19, 1850, between Randolph and Market Streets, with Adolphe Street as the eastern line.

"The Union addition, dedicated March 5, 1850, by John O'Fallon, Louis A. La Beaume, James Miller, Josiah Dent, John R. Shepley, L. A. Benoist, Albert Todd, Samuel Knox, B. B. Dayton, and others. This addition contained fifty-four present city blocks, and was between North Market and Hebert Streets, from East Sixteenth Street to Jefferson Avenue. One of the conditions of the dedication of the Union addition was the reservation of the park now known as St. Louis Place ‘for a public park or pleasure ground,’ to be kept in good order and to be improved by the city as a private park, for the use of the residents of the area comprised within the district designated as Union addition.

"Fairmount addition, dedicated by Wm. R. Price and John Ivory, April 11, 1850. This addition included six blocks on both sides of Liberty Street, from Sidney to Lynch Street.

"Ann C, T. Farrar's addition, dedicated Oct. 26, 1850, included seventeen blocks between Buchanan Street and Bremen Avenue, from Tenth to Sixteenth Street.

"The Arsenal addition, dedicated by J. S. Dougherty, J. W. Taylor, and E. R. Mason, Dec. 18, 1850, included eight blocks west of Carondelet Avenue and opposite to the present Lyon Park.

"Adam L. Mills' addition of May 15, 1844, from Jefferson Avenue to Beaumont Street, between Lucas and Franklin avenues.

"Lewis Bissell's addition of nine blocks, dedicated Jan. 8, 1852, from the river to Broadway, between Angelica and Bissell Streets.

"Stoddard addition, dedicated Sept. 9, 1851, by Henry Stoddard and John J. Murdock. This addition includes the area between Beaumont Street to Cardinal Avenue, from Laclede to Franklin Avenue, and from Jefferson to Compton Avenue, between Franklin Avenue and the rear of the lot on the north side of Thomas Street. It comprises about seventy-two present city blocks.

"Clement B. Penrose's addition of May 22, 1852, was between Eleventh and Sixteenth Streets, both sides of Penrose Street.

"William Glasgow, Jr.'s addition of March 28, 1853, was nine blocks, situated on both sides of Cass Avenue, from Garrison Avenue to Francis Street.

"Rock Point addition, made April 9, 1853, by Stephen D. Barlow as executor of the will of William C. Carr, extended from Main Street to Carondelet Avenue, between Dorcas and Lynch, formerly Harper.

"Florence village, dedicated by James S. Watson and Samuel D. South, April 20, 1853, on the west side of Garrison Avenue, between Thomas Street and Cass Avenue.

"Beaumont addition, made by Deborah and Israel G. Beaumont and Sarah Irwin, June 14, 1853, extended from Jefferson Avenue to Beaumont Street, from the rear of the lots on the south side of Olive Street to Lucas Avenue.

"West Bremen, an addition made by William C. and A. R. Taylor, Oct. 12, 1853, extending from West Sixteenth Street to Grand Avenue, on both sides of Bremen Avenue.

"George Mincke's addition, April 24, 1854, on the east side of Tayon Avenue, from Clark to Chouteau Avenue.

"Compton Hill addition, made by James S. Thomas, May 20, 1854, includes ten blocks from Park to Chouteau Avenue, between Compton and Grand Avenues.

"Mary L. Tyler's addition of July 10, 1854, from Eleventh to East Sixteenth Street, between Tyler, formerly Webster, and Clinton, formerly Exchange Street. One of the conditions of this dedication was a reservation of all surplus earth above established grades of streets for the purpose of filling up streets and lots below grade.

"South St. Louis, situated between the old Arsenal and the present Marine Hospital, dedicated by Samuel S. Rayburn, Wm. S. Stamps, John Withnell, and twenty others, May 11, 1836.

"Thomas F. Smith's first addition, Sept. 28, 1855, both sides of Ewing, formerly Summit Avenue, from Laclede Avenue to Randolph Street.

"North Stoddard addition, made by Thomas A. Buckland


and Robert M. Funkhouser, March 24, 1856, included thirteen blocks, north of Stoddard Street to Benton, between Beaumont Street, formerly Elliot Avenue, and Glasgow Avenue.

"South Stoddard addition, made by R. A. S. and F. John Alexander, March 31, 1856, was from Laclede Avenue to Randolph Street, between Ewing and Glasgow Avenues.

"J. H. Lucas and Anne L. Hunt's addition of June 8, 1859, was from Seventeenth Street to Jefferson Avenue, between Market Street and the rear of the lots on the north side of Olive Street.

"La Monte addition, made by Robert Mc. O'Blenis, June 22, 1858, was ten blocks, included in the area from Chouteau to Park Avenue, west of Jefferson Avenue.

"James B. Eads' addition of four blocks, June 14, 1859, was south of Chouteau Avenue, both sides of Josephine.

"Edward Delano's addition, May 17, 1859, was six blocks along the south side of Arsenal Street, between Jefferson and California Avenues.

"Peter Lindell's first addition, made May 26, 1864, comprised fifteen blocks, from Laclede to Lindell Avenues, between Garrison and Grand Avenues.

"Ann C. T. Farrar's addition, made Aug. 4, 1864, from Eleventh to Sixteenth Streets, between Mallinckrodt Street and Bremen Avenue, included four blocks dedicated for park purposes. This park is now known as Hyde Park.

"Bryan addition of fifty-seven blocks, between Grand and Prairie Avenues, formerly Bryan, from Hall, formerly Water Street, to Penrose, formerly Belle Street, was made by John Cano Bryan's heirs, March 15, 1861, and by Eveline Bryan, Oct. 3, 1865, of fifteen blocks, between Grand and Prairie Avenues, from Hall Street to the river.

"Ranken addition, made by Thomas Ranken, Jr., David Ranken, Hugh L. Ranken, Robert Ranken, and Thomas R. Patton, Nov. 30, 1868, was between Chouteau Avenue and Manchester road, from Compton to Channing (formerly Ranken) Avenue, and both sides of Grand Avenue.

"Thomas Allen's western addition, May 17, 1869, was from Jefferson to California Avenue, from Lafayette Avenue to the rear of lots on the south side of Ann Avenue, and contained twelve blocks.

"Thomas Allen's central addition, of June 21, 1869, was twenty-two blocks, between South Carondelet Avenue and Jefferson Avenue, from Geyer's Avenue to the rear of lots on the south side of Ann Avenue.

"Gabriel S. Chouteau's addition of twelve blocks, June 8, 1870, from Garrison (formerly Montrose) to Compton Avenue, between the Missouri Pacific Railroad and Clark Avenue.

"Tower Grove Park and Grand Avenue additions of thirty blocks, from Louisiana to Gustine Avenue, along the south side of Arsenal Street, was dedicated by the Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Company, June 18, 1881.

"April 5, 1870, St. Louis was farther extended south so as to include the section south of Keokuk Street and east of line six hundred and sixty feet west of Grand Avenue. Under this extension the assessed value of the real estate in the city increased from $113,426,410 to $123,833,950.

"By this extension, through a legislative enabling act, the city of Carondelet was taken into St. Louis. Carondelet had an area of about three square miles. It was founded in 1767, first incorporated as a town Nov. 4, 1833, and March 1, 1851, was formed into a city. The Carondelet municipal government organization took place April 9, 1851, when the place had twelve hundred and sixty-five inhabitants, twenty-six of whom were slaves. Mr. James B. Walsh, now clerk in Comptroller Adreon's office, was the first mayor of Carondelet. The present Walsh Street was about the northern limit of Carondelet.

"Besides adding Carondelet by this extension, a section was taken in lying between Keokuk and Osceola Streets, known as South St. Louis, that had been blocked off and dedicated in 1866 by several parties.

"Also, South St. Louis, suburban addition, dedicated by John C. Ivory, July 14, 1858. This addition was from Eichelberger to Osceola Streets, between the Stringtown and Cabanné Avenues, formerly Stringtown road and Seventeenth Street. This addition comprised sixty-three blocks.

"March 30, 1872, the city limits were extended farther west and north, so as to include Tower Grove, Forest and O'Fallon Parks, and so as to make districts for assessment of taxes for park purposes. On Feb. 4, 1874, the Legislature repealed the act of 1872, and placed the limits back to a line six hundred and sixty feet west of Grand Avenue.

"Aug. 22, 1876, the present city charter was adopted, the city was made separate and independent from the county, and invested with certain legislative rights formerly belonging to the State Legislature. This action made St. Louis a free city in local government, being the only one in the great valley in that condition.

"Under this new charter the limits of the city were farther extended, so as to include the Tower Grove, O'Fallon, and Forest Park districts, and increased the area of the city from nineteen and a half square miles to sixty-two and a quarter square miles.

"This last extension of the city limits increased the assessed value of the real estate from $166,009,660 to $181,345,560.

"Under this extension the following additions were made to the city:

"The town of Lowell, forty blocks, incorporated in 1849 by E. C. Hutchinson, Josephine Hall, Edward F. Pittman, Robert Hall, Wm. Garnett, and others. The town was between the river and Bellefontaine road, from Grand Avenue to Adelaide, formerly O'Fallon Avenue.

"Rock Springs, dedicated by John B. Sarpy, May 28, 1852.

"Cheltenham, dedicated by Derick A. January and others, in 1852.

"Quinette, dedicated by Oliver Quinette, Feb. 17, 1859.

"Mount Olive, dedicated by M. F. Hanley, May 10, 1854.

"These last four-named villages were between Forest Park and Shaw's Garden.

"Côte Brilliante, four hundred arpens, or a little over one square mile, dedicated by Charles Gibson, James C. Page, and Felix Coste, Dec. 14, 1853.

"McRee City, being an addition of fifteen blocks, made by the Laclede Race-Track Association, James J. O'Fallon, president, and Charles L. Hunt, secretary, June 29, 1869; and thirteen blocks added by Mrs. Mary McRee, Oct. 4, 1869. This city was between Cabanné Avenue, Manchester road, McRee and Chouteau Avenues.

"Fairmount, twenty-five blocks, dedicated June 10, 1869, from King's highway to Macklind, formerly St. Louis Avenue,between Bischoff, formerly Bernard Avenue, and Northrup Avenues. This dedication was made by Mary C. Hereford, Elizabeth Phare, Robert E. Pattison, Ashley R. Northrup, E.W. Pattison, Julia A. Letcher, Julia A. Ashbrook, and others.

"Rose Hill addition of thirty blocks, made by D. C. and Hamilton Gamble, June 8, 1871, between Union and Hodiamont Avenues, along the south side of Easton Avenue, formerly St. Charles rock road.

"Evans Place, twelve blocks along the north side of Page Avenue from Prairie to Taylor Avenues, dedicated in August, 1872, by B. D. Evans, Clara Evans, Lydia Evans (McCarty), Montgomery Blair, Walker Evans, and Amanda Evans.

"College Hill, a tract dedicated by the St. Louis University


at various times since 1857, and located along the south side of the present O'Fallon Park, between the Bellefontaine road and Penrose, formerly Belle Street, and Prairie, formerly Bryan, and Adelaide, formerly O'Fallon Avenue.

The history of the "commons" and "common fields" of St. Louis would of itself suffice to establish the Latin-race origin of the old town, so different in manners and customs from those which distinguish our communities of English foundation and descent. This history takes the close student into a region filled with the romance of litigation. The lawyers of the city have enriched themselves in the process of quieting the innumerable disputed titles of individuals to tracts which were once, by common consent and usage and the tacit approval of law, the common property of the entire community. These tracts and sections belonging to the commons and common fields of St. Louis furnished between eight and nine miles of the present area of the city.

The history of these common fields, according to a recognized authority, is as follows:

"They consisted of a tract of land comprising a quantity of acres, according to the wants of the inhabitants, in which each inhabitant possessed a portion for the purpose of cultivation. They were inclosed at the joint expense, or, rather, each one furnished his proportion of labor. These lots were obtained by petition and grant, and belonged to the inhabitants as fee-simple property.

"The French and Spanish founders of new settlements invariably adopted this system of common fields, which were at some little distance from the town, and which the inhabitants jointly cultivated. It was done for protection, as it was necessary that the inhabitants should all reside in the village, so as to be ready to support each other in case of an attack from the Indians, and when engaged in their agricultural occupations, being together, they could the more readily resist any invasion."

These common fields were designated with French personal and descriptive names and as prairies.

The use and origin of commons and common fields were explained fully and lucidly by Col. Auguste Chouteau, in his testimony before the board of land commissioners in 1808. That testimony is as follows:

"Of those who were the first to come over to this from the other side, far the largest portion were tillers of the soil, who by their labor in the field produced their own subsistence and that of their stock. Some of them, in seasons when not engaged in their agricultural avocations, exercised the calling of rough artisans, such as blacksmiths, carpenters, stone-masons, hewers, etc., employed in building; others, procuring small outfits of merchandise, spent the winter trading with Indians and trapping; consequently, it was a matter of prime necessity with them, so soon as they had erected their domiciles in the village, to proceed at once to the production of their breadstuffs. For this purpose the land immediately adjoining the village on the northwest, being the most suitable, was set aside for cultivation, and conceded in strips of one arpent front by forty in depth, and each applicant allotted one or more, according to his ability to cultivate it. This was called the common-field lots, and the tract extended from a little below Market Street on the south, to opposite the big mound on the north, and from the Broadway to Jefferson Avenue, east to west. The land lying southwest of the village, being well watered with numerous springs and well covered with timber, was set aside for the village commons, in which the cattle and stock of the inhabitants were kept for safety and convenience. These two tracts of land were at once inclosed by the people in 1764-65, and their eastern fence formed the western boundary of the village for many years."

The "commons" were not inclosed; the "common fields" were, and were divided into what were called "forty-arpent lots." That is to say, the common field was inclosed in one common fence, and within this inclosure each head of a family had a lot to cultivate, which was one arpent wide and forty arpens long. The regulations for the management and care of the common fields were explicit and full. The people who settled St. Louis knew the entire unwritten law of the "prairie," and they put it in force forthwith. It was of course necessary to add continually to the common, and especially to the common field, by taking more land from the royal domain as the population increased, and this fact of itself restricted their communal privileges and customs to small towns and unprogressive villages. In St. Louis the common-field was fenced in as early as 1764-65, and this fence was several times extended. The evidence that the common was property of the village is found in a decree of Lieutenant-Governor Cruzat, Sept. 22, 1782. When the American jurisdiction was established in St. Louis, the inhabitants wished to have their common land confirmed to them. They claimed at that time 4293 arpens under the decree of Don Francisco Cruzat. The commons were taken care of by a syndic, and eight umpires, nominated in general assembly of the people the first day of each year. Their duty was to "watch together" the repairs of streets, bridges, and drains, and enforce the regulations in regard to the lands of the commune. The syndic and umpires for 1782 were Perrault, Brazeau, Cerré, Réné Kiercereau, Joseph Taillon, Joseph Mainville, Chauvin, and Auguste Chouteau. Their chief work, after seeing that water-courses were kept clear, was to view and preserve the common-field fence. The fence was to be viewed on January 1st, and to be in full repair by April 15th at farthest. On the first Sunday after this date the umpires were to "receive" the fence. "The aforesaid umpires shall not receive the fences unless they are constructed in such a way that cattle shall not be able to get out of the common and go into the town fields of the inhabitants, to injure them." When the umpires had reported to the syndic, it was his duty to appoint eight other umpires to test and verify their action; neglect


or misrepresentation involved a penalty of ten livres fine, besides paying for all damages. Any one crossing or injuring the fence after it had been received was to be fined and cast into jail.

Messrs. Clement B. Penrose, John B. C. Lucas, and James L. Donaldson, trustees of St. Louis in 1806, heard the claim of the people to the 4293 arpens of commons. Auguste Chouteau, Gregoire Sarpy, W. H. Le Compte, and many other citizens testified to the fact of the common and its conduct. The trustees were in doubt. The claim lacked the quality of inhabitancy, and there was no registered warrant or survey, but still the claim originated under the French government; such grants were usual under both the French and Spanish régimes; they were in conformity with the laws of the respective countries, and they seemed equitable under Spanish law. However, Messrs. Lucas and Frederick Bates voted for rejecting the commons claim, only Mr. Penrose favoring its confirmation. By act of Congress, however, of June 13, 1812, the right of St. Louis to its common lands was fully confirmed.

In 1835 the Missouri Legislature authorized the St. Louis authorities to sell the "commons" east of the present Twelfth Street, provided the majority of the resident property-holders in the city consented. These inhabitants gave their consent on condition that one-tenth of the proceeds of the sales be used for public school purposes, and the balance for municipal improvements.

About 4293 arpens, or 3735 acres, were sold at that time for nearly $425,000. Subsequently the purchasers imagined that they had agreed to pay too much, and therefore failed to make the payments on time, and the sales in most instances were set aside.

In 1843 the city authorities began to resell the "common fields," and realized nearly fifty dollars per acre. Between 1843 and 1850 about 3615 arpens of these commons were sold, and the city treasurer received $163,680. The lowest price fixed by the city was twenty-five dollars per acre, or about $21.75 per arpent. In 1860 the part of the city commons sold was estimated to be worth about $25,000,000. The purchasers platted the commons into blocks and small additions, and subsequently made them a part of the city's improved area. In 1860 the city held five hundred and ninety-one acres of the commons unsold, and this property was assessed at $581,391. Since then the city has sold or leased out most of the "common fields," and held the rest for public parks, sites for public buildings and markets.

The city now owns of the unimproved commons fifty-seven pieces, valued at $143,025. The improved real estate belonging to the city government for parks, markets, engine-houses, police stations, hospitals, city hall, court-houses, penal institutions, and water-works is estimated this year (1882) to be worth about $5,709,370. The value of the buildings and improvements on the city real estate is estimated at $12,789,145.

The United States government now owns property in real estate and buildings in St. Louis to the value of $5,787,800, and the St. Louis school board owns property valued at $2,382,342. The valuation of property owned by private schools and convents is $1,418,465, and by church corporations, $3,610,586. The total amount of real estate exempt from taxation in the city is about $35,000,000.

The street nomenclature of St. Louis has undergone several radical changes since the formation of the place. At first French designations were given to the streets in the old village. When the town was incorporated the streets running east and west were named in English after various trees or plants, and the streets running north and south were designated by letters of the alphabet, Market Street being the only street to retain its original name, and that being its translation from the old French name.

Five years after the town became a city, or in 1827, the City Council changed the north and south streets east of Seventh, between Biddle and Rutger Streets, to their present names, and amended Hazel to Chouteau Avenue, and Laurel to Washington Avenue, as now designated.

Occasionally, during the subsequent fifty years, a few street names were changed, and some streets, like the present Clinton Street, Lucas Avenue, and Grand Avenue, were changed three or four times.

During the past twelve years there became incorporated with the city of St. Louis the cities, towns and villages of Carondelet, Rock Spring, Cheltenham, Elleardsville, Côte Brilliante, Rinkelville, Ashland, Lowell, and Baden. Before these additions were made their territory was mapped out in blocks, with the streets named similarly to the ones in St. Louis.

After the extension of the city limits in 1855, the farms between Jefferson and Grand Avenues were platted into blocks, and became additions. In mapping out these additions the owners of the lands named the streets to suit their fancy, regardless as to whether the street names were similar to those in other parts of the city, or whether the streets were lineal connections of other streets previously named.

In consequence of the above circumstances, out of the two thousand one hundred street names in the city in 1881, over two hundred were duplicates, nearly


one hundred were triplicates, fifty were divided among four names, thirty among five names, and five among six names. Besides this frequent repetition of names, two hundred and twenty streets that were about in a continuous line had from two to seven names, or a name for each addition of city blocks through which they passed.

The introduction of the present system of city delivery of post-office matter, and the establishment of the district system of registering voters and assessing public improvement taxes made it necessary for the street commissioner, under instruction of the Municipal Assembly and the Board of Public Improvements, to revise the street nomenclature. A revision was made, and it passed the Municipal Assembly. The ordinance was No. 11,693, approved March 31, 1881. After the approval of this ordinance the street commissioner found it necessary to make another revision, to correct omissions in naming continuous street lines, and therefore he postponed enforcing the ordinance. In October, 1881, the additional revision of street names was presented in the City Council, and went to the House of Delegates Nov. 29, 1881, and passed both houses March 21, 1882. The ordinance was approved March 22d, and is known as ordinance No. 11,966.

The names of streets is a sore subject to the genuine antiquarian, who cannot avoid a pang when he sees an old historical landmark in the way of a name ruthlessly wiped out by the carelessness, ignorance, or opinionativeness of a city alderman or a municipal clerk. Names mean something; when nothing else, they serve at least to fix dates in the public memory and revive or keep alive patriotic and national events and occurrences. The old Indian, French, and Spanish names of St. Louis and Missouri ought to be reverently treated as a venerable and valuable inheritance. To an outsider the idea of sinking such a name as "Carondelet" in the commonplace "Broadway" is almost inconceivable, yet it has been done.

There is a great deal of history in the Missouri names which have come down from the past. Even the nicknames won by the towns, such as "Pain Court," "Vide-poche," "Misčre," etc., have much of by no means unpleasant significance. In this view of the case the Missouri Historical Society is doing an excellent work in its efforts to preserve the orthography and keep on record the meaning of its geographical names. In many cases the French foible for abbreviation, followed by the English propensity to corrupt and misspell French words, has destroyed the intelligibility of names. Thus, the Des Moins River is spelt Des Moines, as if it were the Monks' River, whereas it is really la rivičre de Moingona, an Indian tribe of that name frequenting its banks. Maramec, the river forming the southern boundary of St. Louis County, is really Maniameck, "Catfish River." Gasconade, according to the late James A. Lucas, should really be "Gassonade," meaning raw sugar, a favorite article with the Delaware Indians once settled on the banks of that stream. "Pain Court," meaning a deficient loaf, is said to be the reminiscence of an ancient parish in France, and not simply an epithet originating in Kaskaskia. "Vide-poche," it has been suggested by Hon. Wilson Primm, referred to the skill of the Carondeletians at games of chance, and the fact that they were usually able to send their St. Louis visitors home with empty pockets.

As to names of streets and localities in connection with topography, a writer in a St. Louis journal of May 28, 1870, says, —

"In our own city we have mixed up several systems of naming our streets. The stereotype ‘principal street’ of all towns of French or Spanish origin on this continent is preserved in our Main Street, and Market Street still indicates the locality of the sole market-place of the French village of St Louis. But in the village itself, the first American settlers having been to a considerable extent from Pennsylvania, and the overland trade of Missouri with the Atlantic States having been mainly with Philadelphia, the system of that city was adopted. Accordingly the Chestnut, Walnut, Spruce, and Pine Streets of the Quaker City have their namesakes here, and, with the exception of Market Street and Washington Avenue, all the old streets of French St. Louis running westwardly from the Mississippi River are named after trees; one, indeed, Olive, bears the scarcely appropriate designation of a stranger to our climate. With the extension of the city, the list of trees being soon exhausted, new streets were usually given the names of the owners of the various additions through which they were laid out. Occasionally the memory of some original settler, whose name had become too closely connected with the locality to be readily got rid of, has been preserved in the designation of a street, and more frequently some distinguished public man, as Benton, Geyer, etc., has received a like tribute of respect. In naming our streets parallel to the Mississippi River, we have followed, except in regard to some few great avenues, the sensible practical plan, general in American cities, of merely numbering them.

"But we have wholly neglected in naming our streets to preserve any remembrance of the old landmarks and lines of division which are of interest in the history of our city, and sometimes of importance for the understanding of its annals. The next generation will find no names, and, indeed, even few streets or avenues, to point out the boundaries of the common and the common fields which figured so largely in the public as well as in the private history of old St. Louis. Grand Avenue very nearly but not exactly marks the eastern boundary of the Grand Prairie, and ‘The King's Highway’ is still the designation of the old colonial main road. This is one of the very few instances in which historical reminiscences have been respected in the naming of streets or avenues. As the subject of our street names was before our last City Council, with a view to simplifying them, which is not unlikely to be revived, we wish to put in a plea for regard to the historical reminiscences


of St. Louis in giving a general designation to the most important of our great avenues of communication which run parallel to the Mississippi River."

Among the oddities and curiosities in old local names we find "Kerry Patch," once used to designate a district between Seventeenth Street on the east and Twentieth west, between Mullanphy and Biddle Streets. It was settled by Irish immigrants about 1842, and being then commons, without street lines, the shanties were sprinkled in a very promiscuous fashion about the "Patch," all the occupants being alike squatters. "Duncan Island" in 1817 was nothing more than a common "towhead" in the river. The name was derived from "old Bob Duncan," who came from Pittsylvania County, Va., and planted a cabin on the island in order to insure a pre-emption claim. The sand-bar extended from the foot of Market Street to the south of Mill Creek, or La Petite Rivičre, as it was called by the French inhabitants, and kept on increasing by accretions until about the year 1829 or 1830. The old channel of the Mississippi River previous to about 1817 ran along the front of the city; above St. Louis the main channel ran on the east side of Gaberet Island. Then the channel changed, and it ran on the west side, scooping out hundreds of acres, and forming a chute since then called "Sawyer's Bend," on account of the numerous "sawyers" or snags that planted themselves there. The river then followed in its course to near where the old dry-docks were located at the foot of Ashley Street, and then the current shot across from the Point of Rocks, at the foot of Ashley Street, towards the Illinois shore, causing a bar to form along the whole front of the city, so that no boat could land south of what is known as the foot of Morgan Street. The channel then ran at the foot of Bloody Island, and hugging the Illinois shore kept that direction as far as Cahokia Bend, and then crossed over to the Missouri shore about a mile above Carondelet. The sand-bar at the foot of Market Street extended two-thirds the way across the river as far back as about 1828. About the year 1830 a member of the board of aldermen named Cotton M. Tabor had a contract with the city to build log cribs on the west side of Bloody Island in order to throw the channel again over to the Missouri side. The cribs were built of cottonwood logs, which he had cut off Gaberet Island and floated down to Bloody Island. He filled the interior of the cribs with sand instead of rock, and the first high water that came washed all the cribs down the river, not leaving a remnant behind.

The channel was first improved by Maj. Robert E. Lee, of the Engineer Department, in conjunction with Henry Kayser, the then city engineer. They constructed heavy dams of stone, and filling up the channel between the Illinois shore and Bloody Island had a tendency to throw the channel on this side, and dikes were thrown from this side out to straighten the line of the wharf, which is now the present line.

"Happy Hollow" was a name given in primitive times to the ravine commencing south of Spruce Street and west of Fifth. Chouteau's Mill Creek traversed it, and the banks were shaded by tall sycamore-trees, under which the colored "aunties," who were the precursors of "Ah Sin," did their washing and stretched their clothes-lines. On Sunday they used to have their "bush meetings" in the glade, at which they often got "happy." The "old race-track," a name which is still sometimes applied to the locality, long since built up, was on the Grand Prairie, on the Gallatin farm, afterwards known as Capt. Shreeve's place, three-fourths of a mile above Franklin Avenue. It was the earliest race-course near St. Louis, and some of the most famous thoroughbreds of Kentucky and Tennessee have tested their speed upon it.

"Vinegar Hill" was years ago given to an elevation near the then head of Morgan Street and Franklin Avenue, at Eighteenth Street. The name was derived from the well-known battle-field in Ireland, where the United Irishmen fell to pieces. "Clabber Alley" is a familiar name, but the spot is not so well known. It runs north and south from Franklin Avenue to Biddle Street, between Sixth and Seventh, has many tenement-houses, and a dense population of divers colors and nationalities. Years ago, when there were many dairies in the vicinity, the negroes and low whites in the alley used to subsist in a measure upon buttermilk and "clabber," and the police gave the name to the place from seeing the gutters generally half-full of sour milk. "Battle Row" notorious in old steamboating flush times, was on the Levee, between Morgan and Washington Streets. It comprised several low two-story stone houses, owned by the John Mullanphy estate, and was noted for scenes of turbulence and disorder, and for being the most dangerous locality in the city. Many a bloody fight came off there, and scarcely a day elapsed without a row, it needing generally a squad of policemen to make an arrest in the vicinity.

"Wild-Cat Chute" is the euphonious cognomen of an alley running north and south between Carr and Biddle and Seventh and Eighth Streets, filled with tenements, and peopled by a low class of negroes. The name originated about thirty years ago, when a large amount of what has been known as "wild-cat money" was in circulation, especially among


steamboat deck hands and roustabouts, the lower classes of whom frequented the locality named. The wild-cat money was easily passed on the ignorant negroes, and the word "chute" was applied by the river men, because the alley was a by-way or short cut to another notorious locality. The two facts originated the name of "Wild-Cat Chute," which was for a long time used only by river men. The name seems generally and permanently established now.

"Castle Thunder" has long been applied to a large tenement-house in "Wild-Cat Chute." During the early part of the war the colored people, who came to the city in droves, generally settled in communities in the large tenement-houses, and were fond of calling their domiciles by the name of some fort, generally southern. Thus one such tenement-house was called "Fort Sumter," and another "Fort Pinckney," but the names did not stick. "Castle Thunder" received its name from the negroes in the same way, and is still known by it.

"Pond Fort" was a dance-house, so called because it was the nearest place of the kind to Chouteau's Pond. It was a two-story brick building, located on the northeast corner of Sixth and Spruce Streets, and was kept by a woman known as "Capt. Jack." The building is still standing, about opposite the Italian Church. It was a gathering-place for the fast people of that day as long as the "Fort" was held by Capt. Jack.

"Robber's Roost." This was an infamous resort on the river-bank, where Filley's foundry now stands. It was a roost for gamblers and other disreputable people of the worst description. The scenes enacted there gave it its name. In June, 1831, the citizens became incensed, and one night assembled together and burned it down, with all the furniture and other contents. Some of the inmates at the same time received a pretty severe handling, one feature of which consisted of tarring and feathering.

"Shakerag." Some years ago a locality in the upper end of the city obtained the nickname of "Shakerag," and it is sometimes so called at the present time. There was a slang meaning to the word at that day, which is now obsolete, and the name was fixed to the locality indicated when there were but few houses there, and the inmates of most of them were in the habit of shaking a rag held out of the window as a signal in certain cases.

"Vauxhall Gardens." There have been two places in St. Louis which at different times obtained some local celebrity as the Vauxhall Gardens, the first so called after the famous London resort of that name. It surrounded one of the oldest brick residences in the city, and which was built by Thomas C. Riddick, on the west side of Fourth Street, between Plum and Poplar. It was after Riddick's occupancy that it was turned into a public garden. In 1823, and for a number of years afterwards, it was a place of great public resort, and was famous for its Fourth of July celebrations.

The second "Vauxhall Gardens" was established at the old Soulard residence, on the east side of Carondelet Avenue, south of Miller Street. It was surrounded by a large orchard, bearing excellent fruit, and, like its predecessor, became a great public resort and place for political meetings. The garden has long ceased to exist, but the building still remains, although it has lost its name.

Chapter VIII.


IN the well-known fragment of Auguste Chouteau's Journal, in which he begins the narrative of the founding of St. Louis, he records some names which have a peculiar value for every one interested in the early settlement and the earlier settlers of that city. In addition to his own name and that of Laclede Liguest, his employer, he mentions the fact that he set out to plant the new post with a boat containing thirty men, "nearly all mechanics." There were also on the site, after the building of the first house began, some people who had come from "Caos" (Cahokia), but had fled when the Missouri Indians put in their appearance. Laclede was sent for, — he was at Fort Chartres, — and on his arrival found means to send the Indians away without any likelihood of their return. Thereupon "those persons who had fled to Caos on the coming of the savages, says Chouteau, "returned as soon as they knew that they had gone away, and commenced building their houses, or, to speak more correctly, their cabins, and entered their lands agreeably to the lines of the lots which I had drawn, following the plan which Monsieur Laclede had left with me."

The names of these persons of "Caos" are given in a note to the Journal as follows: Joseph Tayon, Roger Tayon, Dechene, Beauchamps, Morcerau (Marcheteau), Joseph Bequet (Becquet), André Becquet, Gabriel Dodier, Baptiste Martigny, Lemoine Martigny, Beaugenou, Cotté, Picket, Hervieux,


Baccané, François Delin, La Garrosse, Paul Kierseraux, Gregoire Kierseraux, Alexis Picard, Antoine Pothier, Th. Labrosse, Labrosse, Louis Chancelier, Joseph Chancelier, Gamache, Ride, Roi, Lajoie, Le Grain, — thirty-one in all. These, with the thirty from Fort Chartres, in the words of Chouteau, "commenced to give some permanence to St. Louis." The names of these thirty it does not now seem possible to ascertain, but the greater part of them are undoubtedly among those obtaining the first concessions of lots, given in the chapter preceding this. In Hunt's Minutes Joseph Boury, a rope-maker, Baptiste Rivičre, Antoine Rivičre (dit Baccanet), Sr., and his wife, Barbara Eloi, are mentioned as having come at the same time with Chouteau and Laclede.

Louis Ride, Sr., who came to St. Louis in 1764 with the Cahokians, was born in Canada. His first wife was Veronique, daughter of Louis Marcheteau, by whom he had four sons, Louis, Laurent, Francis, and Claude, all born before he moved to St. Louis. His wife died in 1772-73, and he married Cartella Jacinthe (Youassen), widow of Louis Lunant, of Ste. Genevieve. She had three sons and two daughters. She died in 1784, and Ride in 1787. Gabriel Dodier was a blacksmith of Fort Chartres; one of his sisters married J. B. Becquet, another Alexis Cotté, the third Simon Coussot.

Among the first who came over from the east side to settle in St. Louis was the very numerous family of the Marcheteaus, alias Denoyers (correct orthography, Marcheteau). The three older Marcheteaus were brothers, Louis, Sr., Joseph, and Francis. These elder Marcheteaus were originally from Canada. Louis Marcheteau's, Sr. (dit Denoyers), first wife was Françoise Leduc. Their children were Basile, Louis (2d), alias Kierq, a married daughter of Veronique, first wife of Louis Ride, with several children, and two others, names not given. Louis married a second wife, a widow, Quirigaut Felip, July 3, 1772, then quite an old man, and died early in 1774. Joseph Marcheteau had been twice married before coming over to St. Louis, and three married daughters with their husbands and children came with him, viz.: Jeanne, the wife of Charles Routier, daughter of his first wife, Madeline Robert; Elizabeth, wife of John Bap. Becquet, and Catharine, wife of François Bissonnet, his daughters by his second wife, Elizabeth Leduc, and perhaps others whose names are not on record. Marcheteau, Francis, the third brother, was a carpenter. His wife was Marie Josephe Noiselle (a daughter, Marie Josette, became the wife of John B. Durand in 1768; she died in 1769 or 1770, leaving an infant daughter, Theotiste; and Durand died in 1773, at the age of thirty-one. This orphan child, then but four years old, in after-years became the wife of Emilien Yosti, and died in the year 1826, in her residence at the southwest corner of Main at Locust; one of her sons, Francis Yosti, now over eighty years of age, is still living in St. Charles, 1878). A son of the above Marcheteau, Joseph Marcheteau, Jr., married Ursula or Charlotte Cardinal in 1779.

Michael Lami came over in 1765-66, built a house of posts in Block 43 in 1766, married the widow of François Lefebvre Duchouquette in Ste. Genevieve in 1776. Hyacinthe St. Cir, Sr., was one of the few prominent men of the early times in St. Louis, and one of the most enterprising, having built several stone houses, etc., in different parts of the village. He received from the government several grants of land in the country not far north of the village. This couple had fifteen children, through whom they left a numerous posterity: 1, Hyacinthe, Jr., born in 1784. 2, Marie Constance, born in 1785; Mrs. William Christy. 3, Leon Narcisse, born in 1787; disappeared; supposed drowned. 4, Marie Helene, born in 1789; died 1820. 5, Françoise Agnes, born in 1792; Mrs. Llewelyn Hickman. 6, Melanie, born in 1793; Mrs. Auguste Brazeau. 7, Therésč, born in 1795; died 1806. 8, François, born in 1797; married Mary Ann Bellew, 1835; died 1839. 9, Brigette, born in 1799; died 1800. 10, Brigette P., born in 1801; Mrs. Samuel Abbott. 11, Pascal Hebert, born in 1803; married Maria Taylor. 12, Helene, Mrs. Nicholas Bailvin. 13, Emilie; 14, Benjamin C.; 15, Stephen; left no issue.

The Brazeaus, Joseph and Louis, were married to two sisters, Delisle. They were all born in Kaskaskia; at least they came from there to St. Louis prior to 1782, as Joseph, Sr., was one of the syndics of the village in that year.

Joseph Brazeau, Sr., born in 1742; died Nov. 23, 1816, aged seventy-four years. Marie Therésč Delisle Brazeau, born in 1749; died February, 1834, aged eighty-five years; monument at Calvary Cemetery.

Louis Brazeau, Sr. ("Old Cayewa"), and wife, Marie Françoise Delisle, brother and sister of above, came from Kaskaskia about the same time. They had a numerous family of sons and daughters; the sons, — Louis, Jr., Joseph, Jr., and Auguste; the daughters, — Marie (Mrs. John B. Duchouquette), Julie (Mrs. Alexander Papin), Therésč (Mrs. Charles Bosseron), Cecile (Mrs. Charles Sauguinette), and


Aurore (Mrs. Louis Bompart), were all married previous to 1818. Mrs. Louis Brazeau, Sr., died Nov. 1, 1810, and "Old Cayewa," Dec. 5, 1828.

Their sister, Françoise Brazeau, veuve John B. Charleville, was in St. Louis prior to 1793.

Lupien, Pierre I., dit Baron, was married to Louise Margaret Gondeau, in Kaskaskia, Feb. 3, 1759, in presence of Labuscičre, then royal notary at the other side. Baron died Oct. 12, 1775; inventory same day, lot one hundred and twenty by one hundred and fifty, north half Block 4; two houses of wood, twenty-four by eighteen and twenty by eighteen.

Another one of the Cahokians mentioned by Chouteau, Beaugenou, Nicholas, Sr., and wife, née Marianne Henrion, came over from the Fort Chartres settlement among the first, in 1764-65, with two sons — Nicholas and Charles — and four daughters, — Marie Josephe, Helčne, Thérčse, and Agnes, all minors, and perhaps others. He built a house at the southwest corner of our present Main and Almond Streets, in 1765, where he lived a few years. In this house his oldest daughter, Marie Josephe, then near eighteen, was married on the 20th of April, 1766, the first recorded marriage in St. Louis. His wife died in this house, early in the year 1769. It was then sold to William Bissette. Beaugenou himself died prior to May 4, 1771, date of the marriage of his daughter Helčne.

Bissette, Guillaume (William), was born in Montreal, Canada. He had been living at Fort Chartres before the establishment of the "post" of St. Louis, and was among the first to come over to St. Louis after the cession of the east side to England became known there. He was a single man when he came here, and had never been married. His will is dated May 30, 1772. He died six days afterwards, June 5, 1772, and the inventory of his property was taken June 15, 1772. He was a merchant, and left a considerable estate for that early period in our history. His heirs here were two brothers — Charles and John B. — and two sisters, — Isabelle, wife of Louis Vachard, and Marianne, wife of Claude Marechal. He had also five married sisters living in their native place, Montreal, Canada.

Vachard, Louis, and wife, Isabelle Bissette, sister of the above Guillaume, came married from Montreal. After the death of Guillaume Bissette they purchased the house in which he died, the same built by Beaugenou above. Here they lived the balance of their lives, Vachard dying about 1787, and his widow, Isabelle, early in August, 1797. They left four sons — Louis, Joseph, Charles, and Antoine, all born in Montreal, Canada — and some daughters.

Buet, Réné, came here from Cahokia, on the other side, in 1766-67. He had a concession of a half block, one hundred and twenty by three hundred (north one-half of the present Block 50), upon which he had built the same year, 1767, a large stone house, forty by thirty feet, one of the earliest stone houses in the village. He died, unmarried, Nov. 30, 1773. In his will, dated Nov. 28, 1773, he leaves his property to his niece, daughter of his brother in Cahokia, and a bequest of two hundred livres to assist in the erection of the village church, then in contemplation.

This house, then called "south of the village," was on the block between Second and Third and Mulberry and Lombard, for many years the Saugrain property.

Langlois. There were three Langlois here in the infancy of the village. Two of them, Alexander (dit Rondeau) and Noel, were brothers, and came over from Cahokia. The third, Joseph Langlois, might have been a brother also. They were all three Indian traders. Alexander Langlois received an outfit of goods for the Indian trade from M. Duralde, Aug. 6, 1777, which debt was paid by his widow July 10, 1778, he having died in the interval.

Josepha Lacroix, widow first of Champagne, and second of Alexander Langlois, first will July 21, 1778, names her cousin and brother-in-law, Noel Langlois, her executor and heir of her property, first paying a few bequests. She makes one of six hundred livres (one hundred and twenty dollars) to the church. Her second will, Dec. 2, 1778, six months after the first, names her nephew, Joseph Tayon, Sr., and Angelique Chauvin, wife of Beaulieu, of Cahokia, her heirs; same bequests as in the first will, Tayon named as executor. Her third and last will, dated Feb. 22, 1779, names Louis Robert, Sr., of Cahokia, her sole heir and executor. In this the bequest to the church is cut down from six hundred livres (one hundred and twenty dollars) to one-half, three hundred livres (sixty dollars).

Veuve Langlois' sale of her property between her second and third wills is thus described, Marie Josette Lacroix, veuve Alexandre Langlois, to Louis Robert, of Cahokia, Dec. 31, 1778, for two thousand livres (four hundred dollars), all her property, real and personal, which she may have in the Post of St. Louis, and wherever else they may be found, — a lot and house of posts on a wall, with the furniture, useful and ornamental, all the animals, horses, cattle, and hogs, fowls, lands, dwellings, carts, plows, negroes, negresses, male and female Indians, the whole as it is at this day, or in such quantity as may be found, wheat, flour, grain, corn, barns, outhouses, and generally everything which the said Widow Josette


Lacroix possesses at this time, to whom the whole belongs, having acquired and settled it for cash with the deceased Alexander Langlois, her husband.

On the 27th of August, 1770, Lieutenant-Governor Don Pedro Piernas, the first Spanish Governor in St. Louis, banished for ten years from the Spanish settlements, on attaint and conviction of using seditious language, disturbing the peace, and acting in contempt and derision of the ordinances of the king, a certain Aimable Letourneau, a Canadian. The offense, according to the record, was very trivial, and did not merit such a heavy penalty. Letourneau had simply talked at the church porch, derisively commenting on an ordinance laying an excise-tax on provisions. He declared that he said no more than that, if all the young men were like him, "they would not work for forty sous a day in peltries." However, his banishment did not need to drive him any farther than Cahokia or Kaskaskia, so it did not amount to much. Letourneau's name is introduced here because he was a Canadian voyageur in St. Louis in 1764, and most probably one of Chouteau's boatmen.

Paul Kiergereau was a resident of Fort Chartres in January, 1764, at which time he took an inventory of the effects of Alexander Thomas Laville, shoemaker, lately deceased, whose widow, Josepha Quevado, was about to contract a second marriage with Claude Tinon. The Tinons moved to St. Louis, as also did another of the appraisers, Pierre Montardy, whose wife (Marie Duchamin) was some years later (in 1779) a party to a suit for slander. A sister of Paul Kiergereau's married Pierre Chouteau, younger brother of Auguste, and some of their descendants are still living in St. Louis.

The following are some memoranda from the marriage contracts in the Archives: Kiercereau, Paul, of age, born in New Orleans, son of Gregoire Kiercereau, deceased, and of Gillette Le Bourse, father and mother, and Marie Josephe Michel (dit Tayon), aged eighteen years, daughter of Joseph Michel and Marie Louise Bosset, his wife, her father and mother, here present, at the house of the said Joseph Michel, dit Tayon, post St. Louis, May 10, 1766.

Kiercereau, Gregoire, aged twenty-two years, born at Fort Chartres, Ill., son of Reynaldo Kiercereau and Marie Magdaline Robillard, father and mother, and Magdalina St. François, aged eighteen, daughter of Antoine St. François and Carlotta Larche, all here present, Aug. 26, 1774.

St. François, Antoine, son of Joseph St. François and Charlotte Lemaistre, of St. Joseph, Canada, and Charlotte Larchveque, daughter of Augustin Larchveque and Marie Madeline Reaume, Quebec, Canada, were married at the post of Rivičre St. Joseph, Canada, Aug. 19, 1754. These were the parents of the young lady married to Kiercereau above.

Jean Baptiste Becquet, the blacksmith, mentioned above as having married Dodier's daughter, was the first owner of the southeast quarter of Block 36, upon which he had built a small house of posts for his residence and a blacksmith-shop, immediately after he came over, in 1764. In this house he died in 1797, October, leaving three children, — Margaret Marianne, then the wife of Joseph Alvarez Hortiz; Marie, wife of Louis Barada; and Gabriel Becquet, his only son, married to Louise St. François. These relinquished to their uncle, Pierre Becquet, brother of their father, in conformity to his desire, the property at the northwest corner of Main and Myrtle Streets, Nov. 18, 1796. Pierre Recquet, their uncle, sold it to Joseph A. Hortiz, Dec. 28, 1799, and Hortiz and wife to William Hebert Lecompte, June 9, 1807, who bought it for a gift to his niece, Rosalie, wife of John B. D. Belcour, Nov. 11, 1807. (Of course Hortiz was not living in this house at the period of death, in 1808).

Joseph Alvarez Hortiz was the son of François Alvarez and Bernarda Hortiz, born in the town of Lienira, province of Estremadura, Spain, in 1753. He was married to Marguerite Marianne Becquet, born at Fort Chartres, Ill., daughter of John B. Becquet and wife, Marie Françoise Dodier, Jan. 27, 1780, he twenty-seven and she seventeen years of age (was but fifty-five when he died, in 1808). He was a private in the Spanish service when he came up to St. Louis, after the Spanish authority had been established here in 1770. He afterwards rose to the rank of sergeant (which in subsequent years in some of the translations was corrupted into "surgeon," which he never was nor claimed to be). Having had some education in his youth, and been long a military attaché at the Government House, he eventually became the secretary of the two last Spanish Governors, Trudeau and Delassus, and had charge of the public archives for a number of years down to the date of the transfer in 1804. Two months after his marriage he purchased from Jacques Noisé Labbé the lot at the northwest corner of Main and Spruce, March 13, 1780. Here he lived for about six years, and sold it to Silvestre Labbadie, Sr., Jan. 15, 1786. He then bought the south half of Block 2, with an old house. On this lot he built a new house of upright posts, kitchen, stable, etc., and lived here until March, 1802, when he sold it to John Baptiste Lebeau, one of his sons-in-law, whose widow was afterwards the wife of André Landreville.


Joseph M. Tayon, who came from Cahokia in 1764, was still living in 1806. Antoine Hubert had a house in St. Louis in 1766, the timber for which was furnished and hewed by John B. Langevin and Joseph Deschenes. Jacques Denis did the carpenter's work. Joseph Chancellier was born in Illinois, came to St. Louis in 1764, was married to Elizabeth Becquet in June, 1773, and died in December, 1784. Two years later his widow married Antoine Gauthier. Louis Chancellier, Joseph's brother, who came to St. Louis with him, married Marie Louise Deschamps in 1782, and died in 1785. His widow married Joseph Beauchamps, one of the settlers of 1764, but who was living in St. Charles at the date of his marriage.

There are several sources from which the names of the first inhabitants of St. Louis can be derived besides those already given. The cathedral records is one, the "Archives" is another, and the chief source. A third source is the minute-books of the various land commissions and the register's office. The Archives are the books in which legal documents and many other curious matters were registered. Mr. Billon, in his prefatory note to his very extensive search among these records, says that, —

"The documents deposited in the archives of the French and Spanish days of St. Louis comprised concessions or grants, deeds, leases, marriage contracts, wills, inventories, powers of attorney, agreements, and many miscellaneous documents pertaining to individuals. These papers were always executed in the presence of the Governor, or, in his absence, in the presence of his official representative, and were left for safety in the custody of the government authorities; and as at least nineteen-twentieths of the inhabitants of that day could not read, much less write their names, but made their signatures with a cross, as is evidenced by an examination of them, they were deemed safer in the keeping of the government than in the possession of the individuals to whom they mostly belonged. At the date of the execution of each of these papers no other record was made of it than to register it alphabetically under its proper head on a few sheets of foolscap paper loosely sticking together for the purpose, and at the close of the administration of each successive Governor this alphabetical list of his official acts was certified to by himself in person, and together with the documents themselves handed over into the possession of his successor in the government; and it was not until after the country had passed into the possession of the United States that these loose sheets were stitched together in the order of their dates, the last of the series being that of Capt. Amos Stoddard, who acted in the capacity of the civil Governor for the United States until Sept. 30, 1804, and who, perhaps, not being authorized or not deeming it advisable to make any change in the modus operandi in regard to these matters, pursued the same course as his predecessors under the former dominations.

"Of these documents there were over three thousand, many of which still remain in the recorder's office in St. Louis to the present day. When at the change of the government, March 10, 1804, these documents, together with such books and papers of the old French and Spanish authorities as related to concessions of lands and lots, came into the possession of the authority of the United States, they consisted of six small books of ordinary foolscap size, containing about three quires each, called the ‘Livres Terriens’ (land books), in which were entered the concessions or grants of lands and lots, and four smaller books in size, with leather covers, in which were recorded about one hundred and thirty of the above three thousand documents, between the years 1797 and 1799."

(From these it would appear that during the first thirty-five years of the village it was deemed unnecessary to record these papers in books, and that the last were so recorded at the instance, perhaps, of the owners, who may have looked to the future.)

"What are now designated as the ‘archives’ comprise six large volumes, in which are copied the most important of the foregoing three thousand documents, particularly all those relating to real property, lands, lots, and houses, and of a personal nature. These record-books were commenced in November, 1816, twelve years after the change of government, when the country began to increase in population from abroad, and a consequent increase in the value of lands and lots pointed out to individuals the safety of having their titles recorded, and for some years thereafter only those were put on record whose owners were willing to pay the recording fees for recording the same.

"The first of these old deeds put on record in vol. i. of the so-called archives was by Marie P. Leduc, on Nov. 18, 1816." (Mr. Leduc was a native of France, and had come to the country about the close of the last century, and was a notary and scrivener by profession, and after the acquisition by the United States and the organization of the new Territory, was appointed the first recorder of St. Louis, and opened the record-books in the English language.)

The cathedral records, and the records of births, marriages, and deaths, are also preserved in the Archives, and are very interesting. They show a very healthy population, one at the same time very nomadic, and great prolificacity in the inhabitants. The baptismal registry is not precisely one of births, especially as regards Indians and negroes; but even when due allowance has been made for that fact, the figures are remarkable. The record from the foundation to the year 1818, from the cathedral books, is as follows:

  Whites. Negroes. Indians. Mixed. Total.
Baptisms 1702 582 236   2520
Marriages 336 1 4 5 346
Interments 987 362 130   1479

The first child born in St. Louis, according to Judge Primm, was John B. Guion, September, 1765, son of Amable Guion, Sr., and Margaret Blondeau, who, after Amable's death, married William Hebert, a native of Canada. The first death in St. Louis is not recorded, but the first interment in the Cathedral Cemetery of which we have a record is that of John B. Oliver, buried Jan. 7, 1771, Réné Kiercereau officiating. The first marriage is said to have been celebrated on April 20, 1766.


The complete list of the interments is as follows, taken, of course, from Mr. Billon's manuscripts:

1771. — Jan. 7, Jno. B. Olivier; Réné Kiercereau.
March 14, Gabriel Descari, 70; Réné Kiercereau.
March 17, Charles Paran, 55; Réné Kiercereau.
March 17, Jno. B. Brindamour, 45; Réné Kiercereau.
Sept. 13, Jos. Robidou (No. 1); Réné Kiercereau.
Oct. 30, Jno. B. St. François; Réné Kiercereau.
Dec. 16, Jno. B. Pelletier; Réné Kiercereau.
Dec. 25, Louis Pouillotte; Réné Kiercereau.

1772. — June 6, Wm. Bissette; Pčre Valentin.

1773. — July 29, Jacques La Marche; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 10, Jno. B. Durand; Pčre Valentin.
Nov., — Larsche; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 15, Nich. Vincent, sergeant; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 19, Jean Denoyer Marchetand; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 22, Jacques Bon Varlet; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 24, Jean Vaudry; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 30, Jno. B. Buet; Pčre Valentin.
Dec. 5, — Turgeon; Pčre Valentin.

1774. — March 20, young son of Governor Piernas; Pčre Valentin.
March 25, Jacques Lacroix; Pčre Valentin.
Oct. 14, Nich. Briesbach, Lucerne; Pčre Valentin.
Nov. 20, François Le Page; Pčre Valentin.
Dec. 27, Louis St. Ange, capt. regiment Louisiana; Pčre Valentin.

1775. — Jan. 9, young girl of Governor Piernas; Pčre Valentin.
June 7, Joseph Dubreuil; Pčre Valentin.
July 30, — Lachapelle; Kiercereau.
Sept. 15, Pierre Lapointe, 100 years; Kiercereau.
Sept. 22, Fran's X. Cruzat, son of the Governor; Kiercereau.
Oct. 18, Pierre Baron; Kiercereau.
Nov. 6, Jno. B. Hervieux ; Kiercereau.
Nov. 15, Rollet Laderoute; Kiercereau.

1776. — Feb. 11, Chas. La Pierre; Kiercereau.
Feb. 14, Antoine Berard; Kiercereau.
Nov. 29, Auguste Conde; Pčre Bernard,
Dec. 16, Nicholas Barsalou; Pčre Bernard.

1777. — March 10, Charles Routier, 74; Pčre Bernard.
Dec. 7, — Ange, huissier; Pčre Bernard.
Dec. 16, — St. François, 40; Pčre Bernard.

1778. — March 2, Mr. Blondeau, 78; Pčre Bernard.
March 4, Pierre Parans, 70; Pčre Bernard.
April 28, — d'Avignon, 60; Pčre Bernard.
July 27, Comparios, dit Gascon; Pčre Bernard.
Nov. 6, B. Damvier, soldier; Pčre Bernard.

1779. — March 20, Mme. Rondeau, 67; Pčre Bernard.
June 28, Benoit de Meru, soldier; Pčre Bernard.
July 20, Domingo Bargas, 38; Father Bernard.
Nov. 15, — Marin, 60; Father Bernard.

1780. — April 26, Veuve Parent, 55; Father Bernard.
May 26, Chas. Bissette, murdered by the Indians; Father Bernard.
May 26, Amable Guion, murdered by the Indians; Father Bernard.
May 26, — Calvet, Jr., murdered by the Indians; Father Bernard.
May 26, Chancellier's negro, murdered by the Indians; Father Bernard.
June 28, Fernando de Leyba, Governor; Father Bernard.
July 24, Pekard, or Picard (Pierre Massé); Father Bernard.
Aug. 9, Picoté Belestres' two children; Father Bernard.
Sept. 10, Mme. Tremblée, 70; Father Bernard.
Dec. 10, — Dernige, 68; Father Bernard.

1781. — Jan. 3, Alexis Picard, 70; Father Bernard.
April 3, Lalande, 66; Father Bernard.
April 30, Veuve Blondeau, 70; Father Bernard.

1783. — April 30, Eug. Pouré, capt. militia; Father Bernard.
May 10, Louis Perraute, 58; Father Bernard,
Sept., Chas. Henrion; Father Bernard.

1784. — Jan. 3, M. Lami; Father Bernard.
March 13, Nich's Sans Quartier; Father Bernard.
March 15, — Pepin; Father Bernard.
July 9, Pierre Martin Ladoucour, 64; Father Bernard.
Sept. 25, Jno. B. Rivet; Father Bernard.
Oct. 12, Josette, daughter of Governor Cruzat, 4; Father Bernard.
Nov. 11, — Duchemin, 70; Father Bernard.
Dec. 2, — Rivičre ; Father Bernard.
Dec. 5, Veuve Marechal; Father Bernard.
Dec. 9, Fran's Marmillon, 50; Father Bernard.
Dec. 21, Joseph Chancellier; Father Bernard.

1785. — Jan. 13, Joseph Belile; Father Bernard.
Feb. 17, Jno. B. Deschamps, 61; Father Bernard.
April 9, Louis Chancellier, lieut. of militia; Father Bernard.

1786. — Jan. 28, Joseph Crepo, soldier, 68; Father Bernard.
Feb. 1, daughter of Governor Cruzat; Father Bernard.
March 13, Louis Vachard, Ardoise; Father Bernard.
April 15, under the first bench of the main aisle, against the balustrade alongside of the evangile, the body of Mme. Nicamora Ramos, consort of Don


Francisco Cruzat, lieutenant-colonel, captain of grenadiers, and commandant of the Illinois, with the sacraments of our Holy Mother Church.
April 20, Louis Bissonnet, 60; Father Bernard.
April 25, — St. Jean, 73; Father Bernard.
July 17, — Demers, 74; Father Bernard.
Aug. 11, Françoise Barrč, soldier; Father Bernard.
Oct. 5, — Oliver, dit Bellpeche; Father Bernard.

1787. — Jan. 13, Francis Bissonnet, 46; Father Bernard.
May, — St. Pierre, 70; Father Bernard.
May 20, Claude Mercier, surgeon, 61; Father Bernard.
Jan. 21, Pierre Berger; Father Bernard.
Nov. 6, Louis Ride, Sr.; Father Bernard.

1788. — Jan. 9, Louis Robert, 70; Father Bernard.

1787. — March 11, Widow Picard, 66; Father Bernard.
September, Claude Dufloc, Parisien, 56; Father Bernard.
Oct. 8, Pierre Sarpy, Berald, 33.
Dec. 23, Amiot, 40.

1789. — April 17, Joseph Rivet.
May 19, Pedro Ruiz, soldier.
June 27, John B. Chauvin, 86.
July 5, Louis Dufresne.
July 19, J. B. Hebert, Leconte.
Oct. 15, John P. Pourcelli, Provençal.
Nov. 1, Joseph Aubuchon, 70; Ledra Cieré.
Dec. 24, Noel L. Anglois, 67; Ledra Cieré.

1790. — Jan. 12, John B. Tardif, 64; Ledra Cieré.

1792. — Sept. 22, J. B. Martigny, 80; Ledra Cieré.

1793. — Feb. 9, Pel K. Chouteau, 26; Ledra Cieré.

1794. — March 17, Francisco Ventura, soldier; Ledra Cieré.
March 25, Joseph Fallardo; Pčre Dodier.
June 19, Silves. Labbadie; Pčre Dodier.
John B. Cadien, Savoie; Pčre Dodier.
Louis Dubreuil, 58; Pčre Dodier.
Aug. 4, Antoine Sans Souci, 60; Pčre Dodier.
Mme. Cath. Beaugenou; Pčre Dodier.

1795. — Joseph Mainville; Pčre Dodier.

1784. — June 10, Louis Blanchet; Pčre Dodier.

1795. — Sept. 28, P. Fran's de Volsay; Pčre Dodier.

1796. — Thérčse Chouteau, 10; Pčre Dodier.

1797. — Alexis Marie, 60; Pčre Dodier.
John B. Marley, Sr., age 61; Pčre Dodier.
July 30, Veuve Vachard, l'Ardoise; Pčre Dodier.
Daniel Appleby, soldier; Pčre Dodier.

1798. — Oct. 6, Pierre Quenel; Pčre Dodier.
Joseph Labrosse, Sr.; Pčre Dodier.

1797. — John B. Morin, 60; Pčre Dedier.

1798. — January, Pierre Peri, old French soldier, 80; Pčre Dodier.
Louis Barois, 60; Pčre Dodier.
Sept. 19, Antoine Morin, Sr., 60; Pčre Dodier.

1799. — A. Morin, Jr.; Pčre Dodier.
A. Roussell, Sans Souci; Pčre Dodier.
Réné Brian, 79; Pčre Dodier.

1800. — Feb. 20, Veuve Routier, 72; Pčre Janin.
July 21, Cath. Giard Cerré, 50; P. Janin.
Dec. 1, Veuve Labrosse, 65; P. Janin.

1801. — Jan. 28, Jos. Hebert, 60; P. Janin.
April 12, Joseph Neptune, sailor, 92; P. Janin. May 24, Pierre Picoté de Belestre, 25; P. Janin.
June, Louis Chevallier, 47; P. Janin.
June 25, Joachim Roy, 55; P. Janin. June 29, Joseph Loisel, 80; P. Janin.
July 14, Louis Bompart, 45; P. Janin.
Oct. 24, wife of Bollay, German, 58; P. Janin. Dec. 30, Louis Dubois, soldier, 60; P. Janin.


1802. — Jan. 8, John B. Duffau, vestryman of this church, age 45; F. Janin.
Feb. 14, Pierre Coudaire, Provençal, age 80; F. Janin.
Feb. 22, Louis Ambroise, age 70; F. Janin.
Feb. 23, H. Hebert Martigny, age 70; F. Janin.
Mar. 3, Ante Reithe, age 67; F. Janin.
November, Fran'co Lorenzo, soldat, age 44; F. Janin.
Dec. 29, John A. E. Motard, age 80; F. Janin.

1803. — March 12, Jos. Moquet, age 78.
Sept. 24, Fran's Barrčre, soldier, Bayonne, France, age 56.
Nov. 22, Chas. Bienvenue Delisle, age 80.

1820. — Oct. 17, wife of Liguest Chouteau, age 40.

1821. — Oct. 12, Thomas Brady.

1822. — March 8, T. A. Flandrin, age 71.
Marh 22, Paul Guitard, 97.

1823. — Sept. 16, Edward Knapp, 45.
Sept. 20, Jeremiah Connor.

Some more important persons were buried under the floor of the cathedral itself, as the following records attest:

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine, the sixth September, I, Capuchin, priest, apostolic missionary, curate of St. Louis, have inhumed in this church, in front of the right-hand balustrade, the body of Madame Mary of the Conception and Zezar, consort of Don Fernando de Leyba, commandant of this post, captain of infantry, invested with all the sacraments of Penitence and Extreme Unction. In testimony whereof I have signed this the day and year as above.

"FATHER BERNARD, Missionary."

"In the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty, the twenty-eighth of June, I, Capuchin, priest, apostolic missionary, curate of St. Louis of Illinois, province of Louisiana, diocese of Cuba, have inhumed in this church, in front of the balustrade on the right, the body of Don Fernando de Leyba, captain of infantry of the battalion of Louisiana, commandant of this post, with all the sacraments of our Holy Mother Church administered to him. In faith whereof I have signed the present, the day and year above stated.

"FATHER BERNARD, Missionary."

Every one who died in St. Louis made his or her will, no matter whether there was property or not to leave. The will was executed and put away among the Archives. If one was sick to death, or thought himself so, or going upon a distant or perilous journey, his first impulse was to make a will; and some of these testaments, as will be seen in the chapter on manners and customs, were very curious and original. The witnesses were many, the bequests specific, and thus we get a great many names, and sometimes a good deal of family history. François Vallé, of Ste. Genevieve, ancestor of the present generation of Vallés in St. Louis and Ste. Genevieve, and always styled "the commandant," drew up and executed five wills (which are recorded) before he could get one to suit him. To be sure, he had a great deal of


property to leave, and was a person of consequence, "captain of militia and lieutenant of the post." He had slaves, silver-ware, land, and money. When a will was executed, and also, as a rule, when a widow with children married a second husband, an inventory was duly drawn up and made part of the record. Thus we learn that Vallé had seventy-two slaves, several houses and lots, thirty head of horses, — the names of which are given in the inventory, — thirty-two work-oxen, eighteen cows, twelve heifers, nine cows, etc. The appraised value of Vallé's estate was 193,063 livres, or about $38,600, "a very large fortune in those primitive days of our early settlements, constituting him the wealthiest man in the country."

It is from an inventory accompanying one of these wills that we get one of the most complete lists extant of the early inhabitants of St. Louis. This is the inventory of the estate of the gentleman who seems to have been the earliest and the leading physician of St. Louis, Dr. Auguste A. Condé, who died in November, 1776. He was a man of consequence in the community, a witness to wills, etc. He was married, and had a daughter who married a man named Bonaventure Collett, from whom she got a divorce afterwards, it being proved he had a wife already in Barcelona, Spain. At one time we find him subscribing for the building of the new cathedral, at another buying six packs of playing-cards at auction. When he died his books showed that nearly all the people in St. Louis owed him for professional services, and their names, consequently, went down in the inventory of assets, — bills receivable to the amount of five thousand one hundred and fifty-six livres three sols ($1031), not a small sum for a country doctor to "book" in those times. There are two hundred and thirty-three names, — a very good directory of St. Louis at that time, for the first directory of the city, that of 1821 by Paxton, only contains seven hundred and forty-nine names. The list begins with the name of St. Ange de Bellerive, who owes forty-five livres, — a bad debt, for St. Ange had died on Dec. 26, 1774, leaving a will in which he directed the payment of what he owed, and Conde's bill is not included in the schedule. The other names are, in alphabetical order:

Anson, of Caho.
Auguste Hebert.
Antoine, merchant.
Amiot (paid).
Alexis, Jaques.
Aler, Madame.
André, soldier.
Alonzo, soldier.
Baré, nephew.
Bequet, blacksmith.
Bequet, miller.
Basque, handman.
Bissonnet, hunter.
Butand, Pčre.
Bequet, Jr.
Barsalou (dead).
Berard (dead).
Bissonnet, Jr.
Boldy, soldier.
Charles, Roy.
Chancellier, Jno.
Courtois, Lieut.
Chancellier, Sr.
Chouteau, Mme.
Cotč, soldier.
Cadet, Jean.
Crespo, soldier.
Chevallier, Sr.
Dorean, Sr.
Denan, blacksmith.
Dorean, Jr.
Duralde (paid).
Daniel (paid).
Dubreuil (paid).
D'Amour, soldier.
Dublin, at Jacques.
Duchenne (paid).
Deshestres, Intes.
Dauson, soldier.
François, at Pedro.
Fafi Beaugenou.
Flose, free negress.
Falardeau (paid).
Falis, Mme.
Gadobert (dead).
Girardin, Jr.
Gravar, hunter.
Gabriel Dodier.
Grand Pré.
Guion, blacksmith.
George, Herman.
Gotié, soldier.
Glenier. Hervieux.
Hebert, Sr.
Hortiz, corporal.
Jacques, Fortin.
Lafitte, servant.
La Chapelle.
Lacouture, joiner.
Lecompte, blacksmith.
Leduc, Chas.
Lederoute, Paul.
Lapierre, Coudrey.
Labrosse (paid).
Larrive (paid).
Leblanc, sergeant.
Lapoule, hunter.
Lacroix (paid).
Louison Desnoyer.
Laclede (paid).
Lecompte, Sr.
Laderout (deceased).
Liberge (paid).
Louvel, Mme.


Lapierre (paid).
Louis, at Geve.
Leduc, Mme.
Lafleur (paid).
Lepage, C.
Lacroix, at Dechenne.
Lacroix, Bapt.
Laferne, Mme. (paid).
Marie (paid).
Michel, baker.
Michel, — .
Mercier, Caho.
Marechal, Mme.
Marantel (died insolvent).
Nicholas, Bombas.
Nicole (paid).
Olivier, soldier.
Pierre Becquet.
Perrault, Mme. (paid).
Petit, Le J.
Parent, Mme. (her note).
Petit, Le Marie.
Querq Desnoyers (paid).
Roy, of Martigny.
Rouquier, fiddler.
Roy, Jr.
Renand, at Caho.
Roe, corporal.
Rigauche (paid).
Rouquier, at Caho.
Renaud, at Deline.
Roy, blacksmith.
Sans Souci.
Sans Cartičr.
St. François.
Tinon, soldier.
Turfeon, Grand — .
Trudeau (dead).
Trotier, Caho.
Tuyean, Canddien.
Tebean, servant.
Torri, soldier.
Trudel (dead).
Tassey, corporal.
Volsay, Mme. de.
Vallč, Jr.
Venau, carpenter.
Villedieu (dead).

St. Ange, as has already been stated, came over to St. Louis from Fort Chartres in 1765, and in January, 1766, assumed, by general consent, the position of acting Lieutenant-Governor. The infant settlement owed as much to him, probably, and to the notary Labuscičre, as it did to Laclede and Chouteau. Without any commission, he was a man used to command and accustomed to be obeyed. He had been in position before at Fort Chartres and Post Vincennes; he knew military matters well, had a hearty hatred of the English, and understood the Indian character thoroughly. Pontiac was his friend, and Laclede, whom he made his executor, seems to have had perfect confidence in him, while Capt. Rios, the Spanish commandant, who established Fort Charles the Prince, in 1768, felt safe in leaving St. Louis under his magistracy. This St. Ange did not surrender until 1770, when Don Pedro Piernas, Lieutenant-Governor under the authority of Captain-General O'Reilly, came up the river and took command of the post. St. Ange did not leave St. Louis after being superseded. His health was probably already broken, and, as we have said, he died in 1774. His kinsfolk were in St. Louis also. He seems to have been related to Labuscičre, the notary (he sometimes signed his name St. Ange Labuxiere, though in the will it is St. Ange de Bellerive), and Madame de Volsay was his niece. He boarded in St. Louis with Madame Chouteau, mother of Auguste, and wife of Laclede Liguest, and owed her fifteen months' board, less three hundred livres paid on account. He owed Deschene (an immigrant from Cahokia in 1764) for twenty-five loads of wood. He owed Laville, the tailor, the cost of making a riding-coat, waistcoat, and two pairs of breeches, less forty livres paid in peltry, an old velvet waistcoat, and a pair of breeches, paid on account. François de Lui owed the testator seventy livres, borrowed money. St. Ange left to the church five hundred livres for funeral service and masses; three hundred livres to Antoine Bareda (a Spanish cadet of the fort, who had sued Lieut. Gomez for calling him "an ass," but who married very well in St. Louis) "for the good services he has received from him," and "gives and bequeaths to his niece, Madame de Volsay, the sum of three hundred dollars." St. Ange owned three slaves, —


Angelique, an Indian woman, Charlotte, aged nine years, and Antoine, aged sixteen months, children of the said Angelique, whom he bequeathed to his niece, Madame Belestre, the mother for life, the children till the age of twenty years, when they are to be free. Madame Belestre and François de Villiers, his niece and nephew in New Orleans, are left the entire estate, which he beseeches his friend, Pierre Laclede Liguest, as the "last proof of his friendship," to settle up. The witnesses to this will were Labuscičre, Benito Basquez (father of the late Madame Eulalie Martin), Joseph Labrosse (immigrant of 1764), Antoine Berard (merchant), and Jean B. Martigny, captain of militia (another immigrant of 1764).

When Capt. Rios came up to the mouth of the Missouri in 1768, he brought with him as surgeon, Dr. Jean B. Valleau, a Frenchman by birth. Valleau got a lot in the village (a concession from St. Ange), and contracted with Peter Tousignan to build him a house of posts upon it eighteen feet long by fourteen wide, shingle roof, stone chimney, partition in centre, door in partition, and door on the outside, two windows with shutters, well floored and ceiled with well-jointed cottonwood plank, the pay to be sixty silver dollars, and Valleau to provide the iron and nails. In addition to this house, Valleau bought an adjoining lot for six hundred livres, on which Calvé, an absconding debtor, had built a house of posts sixteen by sixteen feet. In November Valleau fell sick, and died on the 24th, having made his will the previous day. He had not occupied either of his new houses, dying in that of Desnoyers. He appointed Duralde, a Spanish officer, as his executor, and directed all his property to be made available for the benefit of Madame Valleau, his wife, and children, residing in La Rochelle, France. The witnesses were Francisco de Rive (Rios), and Joseph Papin, trader.

De Volsay's will, no less than his wife's character, reveals a not very excellent state of society in early St. Louis. He leaves the best part of his property to Françoise, a mulatto girl, his natural daughter, the wife of François Dupuy; sets free his colored man, Jean Louis, to whom he leaves $100; bequeaths his cross of the Order of St. Louis to Baron Carondelet, and his sword also, for his son, Don Renato Tudeau, and names Silvestre Sarpy and Charles Sanguinet as his executors. Wm. Hebert, dit Lecompte, left a will much more pleasant to read. Having no children by his wife, Blondeau, widow of Amable Guion, he leaves her all his estate. When they married, he records in the will, she brought in $900, of which her mother gave her $400, and $500 was the product of her own industry. He had $4000. Since then they had gained $600, and he left the whole $5500 to his wife; Auguste Chouteau and Charles Sanguinet, executors. Still, Madame Margaret Hebert-Lecompte, veuve Guion, née Blondeau, may not have been a very pleasant person to live with. Indeed, there is testamentary evidence that she was not, for her own father and mother went to die among strangers rather than live with her.

When Don Fernando de Leyba, "Captain of the regiment of Infantry of Louisiana, Commander-in-Chief and Lieutenant-Governor of the Western Part of Illinois," was on his death bed, June 9, 1780, he sent for his lieutenant, Don Francisco Cartabona, and executed his will. He named as executor François Vigo, merchant, and as his substitute Benito Vasquez, lieutenant of militia. (Vasquez had come to St. Louis in 1774, and married Julia Papin, then only ten years old, who bore him twelve children.)


De Leyba left $1000 in hard money to his mother; the rest of his property to his two daughters, Pepita and Rita. The witnesses to his will were, besides officials, Diego Blanco, sergeant in the garrison, Jean Pousada, another sergeant, and Louis Richard, soldier.

Among other names and incidents to be gleaned from the record of wills may be mentioned Pierre Alexis Marie and his wife, Reine Gilgaud, first comers. Marie bought and improved several lots. In the winter of 1796-97, when he died, the house in which he resided, northeast corner of Main and Market Streets, was sold to Bernard Pratte, Sr., in whose family the property is still held. Joseph Verden, a cabinet-maker and turner, and a first comer, had married Victorie Richelet, widow of Jean Soyé, she having one child, Henrietta. Joseph and his wife lived together for twelve years, quarreling incessantly, but still having five children. At last they agreed to separate, Verden giving up children, house, and all, and taking with him nothing but his bed, his clothes, his gun, axe, and the tools of his trade.

The industry of Mr. Billon enables us to supply the following complete and satisfactory index to marriage contracts in the Archives:

Alvarez, Eugene, to Josephine Crepeau.
Barada, Antoine, to Eliza Tesson Honore.
Barada, Louis, to Marie Becquet Laroche.
Barrčre, Fran's, to Marie Gene, née Catoise, widow of Wm. Paille.
Barsalou, Nich's, to Magdalen Le Page.
Baudoin, Louis, to Marie Tes. Honore.
Becquet, Gabriel (2), to Marie Louise St. Françoise.
Belland, Jno. B., to Cath. Lalande, veuve Pierre Petteliar.
Bellisčme, Alex'r, to Marie Josepha, veuve P. Morriseau.


Benoit, Fran's M., to Mar. Cath. Sanguinet.
Berger, Pierre, to Josette Mayer (Maillet).
Berger, Rougeau Pierre, to Therese Hebert.
Bienvenu, Louis Delisle, to Cath. Nic Les Bois.
Bissette, Louis, to Euphrosine Truteau.
Bissette, Charles, to Marie Pepin.
Bissonnet, Louis, to Genevieve Routier.
Blanchet, Louis, to Angelique (Indian).
Boissy, Louis, to Marie Bissette.
Bompart, Louis, to Celeste Duchouquette.
Bordeau, Pierre, to Therese Petit.
Bourg, Pierre, to Marie Dunegaut.
Bravier, dit Ciril, to Elizabeth Rice.
Bricant, Lamarche J. B., to Mar. Lou. Courtois.
Buron, Aug't, to Mme. M. Louise Boudon.
Cabanne, Jno. Pierre, to Julie Gratiot.
Cailhol, Francis, to Magdalen de Lor.
Caillon, Eustache, to Felicite Hortiz.
Cerré, Paschal, to Therese Lamy.
Chalifour, Pierre, to Victoire Coussot.
Chancellier, Joseph, to Elizabeth Becquet.
Chancellier, Louis, to Marie Louise Deschamps.
Charleville, Jac. Chauvin, to Victoire Verdon.
Choret, Pierre, to Marie Jose Kiercereau.
Chouteau, Aug'te, to Marie Therese Cerré.
Chouteau, Pierre, to Pelagie Kiercereau.
Chouteau, Pierre, widower, to Brigitte Saucier.
Coignard, Louis, to Julia Vasquez.
Collell, Bonaventura, to Constance Condé.
Cotté, or Coté, Alexis, to Elizabeth Dodier.
Couder (Couderre), Jos., to Angelique Roque.
Courtois, Louis, to Marie L. Menard.
Delor (De Freget), Clem., to Angelique Martin.
Desautels, Joseph, to Therese Mainville.
Deshetres, Hyacinthe, to Fran's Normand Deslauriers.
Deslauriers, Henry, to Magd. Bissonnet.
Dodge, Israel, to Cath. Camp, veuve Guion.
Dorlac, Fran's, to Amable Lalande.
Dorsieres, Euge. Dorys, to Marie Anne Nicole Les Bois.
Doyon (Dayon), Fran's, to Pelagie Laplante.
Drouin (Deroin), Fran's, to Cath. Tougard Laviolette.
Duchouquette, Jno. B., to Marie Brazeau.
Duchouquette, Hen. Lafleur, to Félice Quior San Filip.
Dubreuil, L. Chauvet, to Susanne Saintous.
Dubreuil, Louis, to Marianne Laroche.
Dufant, Jno. Bap. Benoni, to Marianne, widow of Louis B. Laroche.
Dunnegant, Francis, to Eugenie Jarret.
Dunnegant, Fran's, to Cath. Labbe Noise, widow of Jno. B. Bidet, Langoumois.
Duralde, Martin, to Marie Josepha Perraute.
Durand, Jno. B., to Marie Jos. Marcheteau.
Faustin (Fortin), Fran's, to Rosalie Kiersereau.
Fayet, Joseph, to Felicité Marechal.
Fine, Philip, to Marie Newby, veuve Phil. Gagnon.
Fine, Phil, to Widower Celeste Boly.
Flandrin, Ante, to Marg't Baroda, widow Jno. Pourcelly.
Fournier, Fran's, to Jos, Renard, widow Jos. le May.
Fremon (Delaurier), Chas. Aug., to Josephine Celeste Dubreuil.
Gagnon, Philibert, to Marie Newby, widow John Cleborn.
Gagnon, Pierre, to Helen Mainville Deschenes.
Gamache, Jno. B., to Charlotte Damours de Louvieres.
Gates, Juan, to Genevieve Morin.
Gauthier, Ante, to Isabel Becquet, widow of Joseph Chancellier.
Giard, Jno. B., to Marie Josepha Rivet.
Gratiot, Charles, to Victoire Chouteau.
Guion (Dion?), Nich's Franc's, to Therese Hervieux.
Guion, Amable (No. 2), to Reine Felicité Robert.
Hebert, Franc's, to Magdalena le Roy.
Hebert, Wm., to Marie Blondeau, veuve A. Guion,
Hebert, Joseph, to Vic. Alvarez Hortiz.
Honoré, Louis, to Catherine Rivet.
Hortiz, Jos. A., to Mar. Marianne Becquet.
Hubert, Michel, to Marie Ursule Rapideux.
Hugé, Dominique, to Marie Rose Pourcelly.
Hunaud, Toussaint, to Marie J. Beaugenou.
Ignace, Valentin Pierre, to Marie Juannette (blacks).
Jourdain (Labrosse), Fran's, to Sally Russell.
Kiersereau, Paul, to Marie J. Michel Tayon.
Kiersereau, Greg'y, to Marie St. François.
Labbadie, Silvestre, to Pelagie Chouteau.
Labbadie, Joseph, to Therese Damours de Lou, veuve Louis Deshetres.
Lacroix, Pierre, to Helene Larche.
Lafernai, Joseph, to Margaret Pourcelly.
Lajeunesse, Jacques, to Hel. Vachard l'Ardoise.
Lapierre, Joseph, to Rosalie Olivier.
Laroche, Ignace, to Marie Becquet.
Lasabloničre, Jacques Brunel, to Helene Beaugenou.
Lebeau, Jean Jacques, to Marie Lafernai.
Lebeau, Jno. B., to Marie Alva Hortiz.
Le Duc, Marie Philip, to Marie M. Papin.
Lee, Patrick, to Constance Condé.
Lefebvre, Augustin, to Felicite Bayancourt.
Lefebvre, P. F. B. Jos. D'Inglebert, to Marg. Laferne.
Lerige, Laplante Franc's, to Marie Loat.
Le Roy, Charles, to Susanne Dodier.
Le Roy, Julien, widower, to Reine Gilgant, veuve Marie.
Letourneau (Lafleur), Louis, to Maria Bissonnet.
Lorens (Lorin), Jos., to Marg't, veuve Ante Barada.
Mainville (Beschenes), Jos., to Ann Chancellier.
Marchetand, Louis (1), to Marie Angelique Metivier, veuve Dequirigon Felix.
Marchetand, Louis (2) Kierq Denoyers, to Veronique Panissee la Giroflee, veuve Jno. Prunel.
Marie, Alexis M., to Marie Rose Delord Treget.
Martin (Ladouceur), Ante, to Maria E. Marechal.
Martin (Ladouceur), Pierre, to Angelique Bissonnet.
Mercier, Julien, to Marie Hunaud.
Monier, Jno. B., to Marie Louise Lalande.
Moreau, François, to Catherine Marechal.
Noise (Labbč), Jacques, Therese Beaugenou.
Ortes, Jno. Bap., to Elizabeth Barada.
Panet, Pierre, to Marie Anne Cerré.
Papin Jos. M., to Marie Louise Chouteau.
Payant (St. Onge), to Elizabeth Crely.
Petteliar, Andre, to Euphrasine Gagné, veuve François Boalanger.
Petit, Jno. B., to Therese Charron.
Pratte, Bernard, to Eulalie Sauveur Labbadie.
Prevot, Jno. B., to Angelique (an Indian).
Provenchere, N. Pierre, to Marie J. Rutgers.
Provenché, Jno. B., to Marie Pepin, veuve S. Bisset.
Quenel, Michel, to veuve Marie L. Jourdain, veuve Fran's Lebeau.
Recontre, Alex. A., to Marie J. Roy.
Rivet, Jos., widower, to Marianne Olivier.
Rivičre (Baccanné) Ante, to Charlotte Rogue.
Rivičre (Baccanné), Philip, to Marie Liberge, veuve Louis Guerel Dumont.


Robert, Charles, to Jeannotte Courtois.
Robidou, Joseph (2), to Cath. Rotel Laderoute.
Rolet (Laderoute), Michel, to José Morrisseau.
Roubieu, Gaspard, to Marie de la Ferne, veuve Condé.
Rousseau, François Jos., to Marg't A. Hortiz.
Roussell (Sans Souci) Ante, to Fran'se Vifvarenne.
Roussell, Pierre, to Françoise Gagné.
Salle, Jean, to Marie Rose Vidalpane, veuve John Joseph Jacques.
Sanguinet, Charles, to Marie Anne Condé.
Sarpy, Gregoire, to Pelagie Labbadie.
Saugrain, Ant. F., to Genevieve R. Michau.
Savoie, John B. Cadien, to Louise Ladurantaie, veuve Antoine Donys.
Schuttz, George, to Victoire Tesson Honorč.
Schuttz, Christopher, to Eliz. Tesson Honorč.
Schuttz, Peter, to Marie R. Chouquet.
Simoneau, Charles, to Marie Picard.
Sincenne, Amable, to Marie Baudoin.
Soulard, Ante P., to Julie Cerré.
St. Cyr, Hyacinthe, to Helene Hebert.
St. François, Ante, to Charlotte Larcheveque.
St. Vrain, Jac. Marcellin Ceran Dehaute Delassus, to Marie F. C. Dubreuil.
Tayon, François, to Pelagie Chauvin Charleville.
Tayon, Joseph, to Marie Berger.
Thibeau, Joseph, to Marie Louise Vincennes.
Vachard, Joseph Lardoise, to Marie Mondion, widow of John B. Vien.
Vallé, Michel, to Françoise Suejuese (Indian).
Valois, Francis X., to Julie Beaugenou.
Vasseur, Regis, to Fran, Guitard Lagrandeur.
Vien, John Baptiste, to Euphrosine Hunaud.
Vifvarenne, John B., to Genevieve Cardinal.
Vincennes, Louis J., to Elizabeth Deves.
Yosti, Emilien, to Theotiste Durande.
One hundred and sixty-three marriage contracts recorded in the Archives.

The first and most striking thing to notice in connection with the marriage records of St. Louis is the great number of intermarriages among a few leading families of the early inhabitants. In 1804, when the United States took possession of the government of upper Louisiana, these marriage connections were so extensive that at least two-thirds of the people were cousins of one another. This sort of connection began with the founding of the city, and when old Grandma Chouteau died in 1814, all the first families of the place could legitimately put on mourning for her. This venerable lady probably had more to do with the founding of St. Louis than she seems to get credit for. She was a native of New Orleans, by name Therese Bourgeois, and in 1749 had married Auguste Réné Chouteau, of that city, bearing him one child, Auguste Chouteau, the "colonel," as he was called, and head of the house, who was born in September, 1750. Madame Therese Chouteau left her husband after the birth of her son, on account of ill treatment, returning to her family. After this she met Pierre Laclede Liguest and a mutual attachment sprang up between them. The rules of the Catholic Church forbade a divorce except under such special circumstances as could not be established in this case, and Madame Chouteau, with the advice and consent of her friends, contracted a civil marriage with Laclede and went to live with him. By him she had four children, — Jean Pierre, Pelagie, Marie Louise, and Victoire, — all of whom bore the name of Chouteau, in obedience to French law. In 1763, when Auguste was thirteen years old and Jean Pierre six, she went up the river to Fort Chartres, reaching St. Louis via Cahokia in the spring of 1764. A house was built for her, and she always resided in the village, looking after the business affairs of her husband and children, and her own likewise, with masculine energy and sagacity. Laclede was nearly all the time away, extending his trading operations in every direction, and Auguste Chouteau was frequently journeying from post to post in the Indian country, collecting furs and superintending trappers. In one of his trips to New Orleans, Laclede died, in July, 1778, at the mouth of the Arkansas River, where he was buried. Chouteau had at this time become a man of twenty-eight years, grown up with the village, known to all the inhabitants of this upper country; at the head of large business affairs, was acquiring property; prominent in the affairs of the village, a man of education, had drawn up the first plat of the village, etc. All this combined soon made him the most prominent man perhaps in the place, and in a very few years after the death of Laclede, when the memory of the man was almost forgotten, Chouteau grew to be considered the founder of the place. Such was the general belief of the inhabitants of the village at the period of Mr. Billon's advent here in 1818, and it was not until Mr. Billon had resided a number of years in the place that the existence of such an individual as Laclede was gradually brought out by researches into the early history of St. Louis.

The old lady probably knew that her eldest son could take care of his own interests sufficiently well. At any rate she made it her chief concern to look after her own affairs, add to her own fortune, and provide for and marry off her younger children. She was a thorough business woman, and drove a hard bargain now and then. We have seen that she took St. Ange de Bellerive to board with her, and it is on record that, when one of her negro men, Baptiste, was shot and accidentally killed in December, 1785, in an attempt to capture some runaway slaves, she sued her son-in-law, Joseph M. Papin, for damages, and finally compelled all the parties interested in the matter to pay pro rata an assessment of one thousand


dollars, the full value of the slave. She acquired a great deal of property, and exercised a great deal of influence in the community, being herself a trader in goods and furs as well as in real estate.

Madame Therese Chouteau's children married as follows: Auguste Chouteau, son of Auguste Réné Chouteau and Marie Therese Bourgeois, married, Sept. 21, 1786, being then thirty-six years old, Marie Therese Cerré, daughter of Gabriel Cerré and Catharine Geard. Gabriel Cerré was the leading merchant of Kaskaskia, and bitterly hostile to the American cause in the Revolution until Gen. George Rogers Clark procured an interview with him, and not only secured his friendship and sympathy, but obtained also the aid of his great influence with the Indians of Illinois. Auguste Chouteau died in St. Louis, Feb. 24, 1829, leaving seven children.

Jean Pierre Chouteau married Pelagie Kiercereau, daughter of Paul Kiercereau and Marie Taillon (daughter of Joseph M. Taillon), on July 26, 1783. Pelagie died in 1793, leaving four children, — Auguste P., Pierre, Jr., Paul Liguest, and Pelagie. This last, in 1811, married Barthelemi Berthold, who built the first brick house in St. Louis, to which to bring home his bride. Jean Pierre Chouteau married a second time on Feb. 14, 1794, to Brigitte Saucier, daughter of François Saucier and Marguerite Cardon, of St. Philippe.

Pelagie Chouteau, July 27, 1776, married Sylvestre Labbadie, a native of Tarbes, in Bearn, France, whose parents were Domingo Labbadie and Anne Béclac.

Marie Louis Chouteau, June 25, 1781, married Joseph Marie Papin, merchant, of Canada, son of Joseph Papin and Marguerite Laferne (or Laforce). Their children were
1. Joseph Papin, 1780, married Veuve Bradshaw, 1820.
2. Marguerite, 1781, to M. P. Leduc, 1802.
3. Alexander (Laforce), 1782, to Julie Brazeau, 1814.
4. Marie Therese, 1784, to Antoine Chenie, 1805 or 1806.
5. Marie Louis, 1785, to Ante Roy, 1812, and H. Renard, 1818.
6. Hypolite, 1787, Josephine Loisel, 1815.
7. Pelagie, 1789.
8. Sophie, 1791, died 1808.
9. P. Millecour, 1793.
10. Silvestre V., 1794, Clementine Loisel, 1817.
11. Emilie, 1796, François Chauvin, 1816.
12. Pierre Didier, 1798; Catharine L. Cerré, 1826.
13. Theodore (Dartine) 1799; Marie Celeste Duchouquet, 1820.
14. Joseph, died an infant in 1802.

Joseph M. Papin, Sr., died 1811, the widow in 1817.

Victoire Chouteau, June 25, 1781 (same day as that of her sister Pelagie's marriage), was married to Charles Gratiot, Sr., the founder of that family in the United States, born in 1753, in Lausanne, Pays de Vaud, Switzerland, his parents being Henry Gratiot and Marie Bernard. They had thirteen children, of whom nine — four sons and five daughters — grew to maturity, all marrying.

It will thus be seen that the blood of Veuve Chouteau and Pierre Laclede Liguest flows in the veins of the Labbadies, Papins, and Gratiots, as well as Chouteaus, and they are related by marriage, in the first generation, with the Cerrés, Kiercereaus, Taillons, Sauciers, etc. In the second and third generations these alliances were very widely extended, — Leduc, Brazeau, Chenie, Roy, Renard, Loisel, Didier, Cerré, Berthold, Pratte, Sarpy, Cabanné, Dorsičre, Lamq, Barrois, Duchoquet, Marchtand, Kierq, Denoyers, Sanguinet, Marcheteau, Chancellier, Tassier, Gauthier, Roasillar, Choret, Provencher, Dubreuil, etc.

Paul L. Chouteau, in 1813, married a daughter of Louis Dubreuil and Susanne Saintous, thus allying himself with Ceran de St. Vrain, and the Hempsteads, De la Beaumes, and Fremons de Launier at once. Antoine Soulard married a Mademoiselle Julie Cerré, sister of Auguste Chouteau's wife. Antoine Roy's first wife was a daughter of Benito Basquez; his second, a daughter of Pierre Chouteau. And all the other resident families in St. Louis were connected with one another in pretty much the same way.

The following biographical memoir of Charles P. Chouteau and his immediate ancestors has been furnished us by Frederick L. Billon:

"His great grandmother (née Marie Thérčse Bourgeois) was born in New Orleans, then a village of but


thirteen years, in the year 1733, and was married to Auguste Réné Chouteau in the year 1749.

"This lady came over to Laclede's newly-established ‘trading-post’ of St. Louis from Cahokia, on the Illinois side, where she had sojourned for some months, in the month of September, 1764, with her five children, — two sons (Auguste and Pierre) and three daughters (Pelagie, Marie Louise, and Victoire), — she being the first female that became a resident of this newly-established post.

"After a residence of half a century in our then little village, which had slowly increased to the number of fifteen hundred souls, with the proud satisfaction of having seen it and its surroundings emerge from a wilderness inhabited alone by Indian tribes and the wild animals of the forest to become a flourishing settlement around her, and leaving a numerous progeny of descendants, this old lady departed this life in her stone residence, in which she had resided during all these long years, at the southwest corner of our present Chestnut and Main Streets, on the 14th day of August, 1814, having attained the mature age of eighty-one years, universally esteemed and respected by the entire community, in the midst of whom she had passed far the largest portion of her protracted life.

"Her remains were consigned to the earth in the cemetery of the Catholic Church, then occupying the block on which the present cathedral now stands."

John Pierre Chouteau, Sr., "the second son of the above lady, and the paternal grandfather of our subject, was born in New Orleans, Oct. 10, 1758, and died in St. Louis, July 10, 1849, having attained the age of ninety years and nine months. He was twice married, — first on July 26, 1783, when a young man of twenty-five years, to Pelagie Kiersereau, a native of St. Louis, an orphan and an only child, whose parents had died in St. Louis, she being raised in the family of her maternal grandparents, Joseph Taillon, Sr.

"This first wife of John Pierre Chouteau, Sr., died after ten years of married life, a young woman of twenty-six years, on Feb. 9, 1793, leaving three sons, Auguste P., Pierre, Jr., and Paul Liguest, and one daughter, Pelagie, in after-years the wife of Bart. Berthold, from, the Italian Tyrol, who died here in April, 1831, and his widow, Mrs. Berthold, who survived him a number of years, dying but a very few years since.

"After a year of widowhood, Jean Pierre Chouteau, Sr., married a second wife, Miss Brigitte Saucier, born in the village of St. Phillippe (now extinct), on the Illinois side, in the southwest corner of the present Monroe County, daughter of a retired officer formerly in the service of France.

"This lady died May 18, 1829, leaving five sons, who, with those by his first wife, left Mr. Chouteau, Sr., with eight, all of whom lived to attain the age of manhood, and most of them leaving families of children. Mr. Pierre Chouteau, Sr., survived his second wife about twenty years, dying, as before stated, in 1849, at the residence of his only daughter, Mrs. Berthold, northwest corner of Fifth and Pine Streets.

"Pierre Chouteau, Sr., became of age, under the Spanish laws of that day, at twenty-five years, in 1783, after which we find him engaged in the Indian trade, almost the only business then pursued in the country, outside of agricultural and mechanical labor, by those who possessed or could obtain the little capital or credit requisite to embark in the business.

"His early trade at first was with the Osages, then inhabiting the country contiguous to where Fort Osage was subsequently built, on the south bank of the Missouri River, in Jackson County, Mo. With this tribe he traded for a number of years, under a special license granted him for that purpose, during which time he made himself familiar with their language and customs, and acquired very great influence over them, as also in after-years with all the various tribes inhabiting the Upper Missouri, the tribes of the Platte, Omahas, Sioux, Arickarees, Mandans, and others inhabiting the upper regions of the Missouri to the Great Falls, and likewise the tribes of the Mississippi.

"After being engaged in this Indian trade with varied success for some twenty years or more, until the transfer of the country to the United States in 1804 and the advent of the Americans, he gradually withdrew from this trade, and turned his attention to real estate, purchasing and selling extensively of lots in and near the town, and large tracts of land throughout the country, by which transactions he realized a handsome estate. Being a man of considerable attainments for that early period of our history, and withal a man of liberal and expanded views, he soon made himself popular with the new owners of the soil, and served in various capacities, civil and military, in the early Territorial days.

"After the organization of our State government in the year 1820, and our admission into the Union, having arrived at the age of sixty-two years, and in affluent circumstances, he abandoned active business altogether, and spent the balance of his days in ease and affluence, alternately at his city residence and at his well-improved country place in our near vicinity,


dying at fourscore and ten, having attained the greatest age of any one of the family before or since.

"In the prime of his early manhood Mr. Chouteau, when actively engaged in the fur trade, was at times associated with his elder brother. Auguste Chouteau, his brother-in-law, Charles Gratiot, with Robert Thabaud and others. In the active pursuit of this business he was frequently called from his home; he made several voyages below to New Orleans and up the Mississippi to Mackinac, for long years the northern central mart of the fur trade of Canada, and was much of his time at his trading-post with the Osages on the Missouri.

"Mr. P. Chouteau, Sr., for a few years after his first marriage, continued to live at his mother's house, southwest corner of Main and Chestnut. In the year 1788 he purchased the northern portion of a block of ground in the northern part of the village, now City Block No. 28, with a stone house, one of the two largest in the place (the other being that of his brother), built by James Clamorgan in 1785. Subsequently he acquired the south part of the block, and on this he resided for over sixty years. During this period he had inclosed the whole block with a high stone wall on all sides, — his house was near the centre of the east front on Main Street, — and had added several buildings within his inclosure, for his own use and convenience, — a warehouse for his fur business, stables, barn, quarters for his numerous slaves, etc. This house and grounds of Mr. Chouteau was for many years one of the most noted in the place. His long intercourse and traffic with the tribes of the lower Missouri had given him great influence over them, and they held him in high respect. In their frequent visits to our village he kindly allowed them the use of his large grounds for their temporary abiding-place. Their visits to the place, particularly of the upper tribes, the Mandans, Arickarees, and others, were always in the summer season, coming down in their canoes in May and June, in company with the boats of the traders, who had spent the winter with them.

"The writer of this has frequently seen as many as a hundred and more in his grounds. They would at times promenade down our Main Street in Indian file to his brother, Col. A. Chouteau's residence, at Market Street, in parties of ten or twelve, rigged out in all their toggery, one or two of the principal chiefs in a United States uniform coat, with golden epaulettes, and military hat and plume, with bare legs, and the privates or braves following their head men, each one sweltering under his Mackinaw blankets in a scorching July sun, armed with a flaming scarlet umbrella, their fancy color, in one hand, and brandishing a palm-leaf fan in the other.

"Pierre Chouteau, Sr., was never called by his first name of Jean, which after he engaged in business appears to have been dropped, and was always thereafter called only ‘Pierre, Sr.,’ and his second son ‘Pierre, Jr.

"A few notices of him from the Missouri Gazette, etc.:

"'May, 1807. — As Indian agent for the nation, he held a council with the Osages at his house in St. Louis, his large ground, inclosed with a high wall, being their usual resort when in St. Louis for many a year.

"'1807, Sept. 1. — Appointed a justice of the peace for St. Louis by acting Governor Frederick Bates, one of the first official acts of that functionary after his arrival here in July preceding.

"'1808. — Elected one of the trustees of the town of St. Louis, at the first election held in the place, and again in

"'1809. — Re-elected to the same position, and again in 1811.

"'1809. — In organizing the militia of the Territory in this year he raised the first troop of horse in St. Louis, and was appointed its captain by Governor M. Lewis.

"'In this year Pierre Chouteau, Sr., and his two sons, Auguste P. and Pierre, Jr., with A. A. Chouteau, the eldest son of his brother Auguste, ascended the Missouri to some of the upper nations of Indians. Returning, they reached home in St. Louis, Monday, Nov. 20, 1809.

"'For a few years after the transfer of the country to the United States our relations with the Indians of the West and North had been on an amicable footing, with the exception of an occasional murder of a white person by strolling Indians; but as these occurrences became more frequent, it became a necessity to organize the male population into militia for the better protection of our frontier settlers. This was accordingly done, and Auguste Chouteau, Sr., was appointed by Governor M. Lewis, Nov. 28, 1808, colonel of the St. Louis militia, and about the same time his brother, Pierre, Sr., was commissioned to raise and command the first St. Louis troop of horse. This was the first of the military titles of these two gentlemen.

"'In 1812. — At the breaking out of the war with England, Capt. Pierre Chouteau was promoted by Governor Benj. Howard to the rank of major in the St. Louis battalion of militia.

"'In the years 1820 and 1821, Maj. Chouteau served his fellow-citizens of St. Louis for two years in the office of chairman of the board of town trustees, at the expiration of which he declined further civic honors and retired to private life to enjoy his well-earned "otium cum dignitate."

"'In person, Maj. Chouteau was somewhat under medium height, but of a robust frame and iron constitution, evidenced by the length of years he attained, and withal an excellent horseman, the only mode of locomotion in the country at that day, and which was a chief recommendation to his appointment by Governor Lewis to the command of the St. Louis troop in 1808.

"'On the occasion of the visit of Gen. Lafayette to our then embryo city on April 29, 1825, spending but a single day with us (an important event in our early annals), he was entertained in a suitable manner at the hospitable mansion of the major in the northern part of our city, who had politely placed it at the disposition of the committee of arrangements for his reception, of whom the major was one who had the honor of riding with him in the carriage.


"'Charles P. Chouteau, then in his sixth year, living at his father's on the opposite side of the street, crossed over to his grandfather to see the reception. He tells me that he was struck with surprise to see, for the first time in his life, the old gentleman in full military array, which he had long before laid away, as he supposed, for all time, but which he had donned once again to do honor to the nation's illustrious guest.’

"Pierre Chouteau, Jr., the second son of the foregoing Pierre, Sr., named after his father, and who was the father of Charles P., was born Jan. 19, 1789, and was married to Miss Emilie Anne Gratiot, a daughter of Charles Gratiot, Sr. (who came to the county from his native place, Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1777) on June 15, 1813.

"These were the parents of our subject.

"The children of Pierre Chouteau, Jr., were:

"1st. Emilie, born Feb. 13, 1814; was married to John F. A. Sanford, of Baltimore, in the year 1832; both now deceased.

"2d. Julia, born Feb. 28, 1816, widow of the late Dr. William Maffitt, deceased.

"3d. Pierre Charles, born Dec. 1, 1817, died an infant in 1818.

"4th. Charles Pierre, born Dec. 2, 1819, married to Julia Anne, daughter of Gen. Charles Gratiot, Nov. 27, 1845.

"5th. Benjamin Wilson, born Aug. 17, 1822, died an infant; Charles P. and sister, Julia Maffitt, being the only survivors. In the year 1804, after receiving the best instruction the place could furnish, Pierre Chouteau, Jr., then a youth of fifteen years, became a clerk of his uncle, Auguste Chouteau, Sr.

"In the year 1806 he accompanied Julien Dubuque up the Mississippi River to the present site of Dubuque, Iowa, where the well-known Dubuque Lead-Mines were located, in the capacity of clerk, with the promise of being made his sole heir to the same in the event of his death. He remained here two years, returning to St. Louis in 1808 at the age of nineteen years. In 1809, Pierre Chouteau accompanied his father and elder brother, Auguste P., on a voyage to some of the Indian tribes of the upper Missouri, reaching home on their return in November of that year.

"In 1813, Pierre Chouteau, Jr., entered into a copartnership with his brother-in-law, Bart. Berthold, under the style of ‘Berthold & Chouteau,’ merchants, and opened ‘their fresh stock of merchandise just from Philadelphia’ on May 1st, in Berthold's new brick house on Main Street, the first brick house built west of the Mississippi River. In the prosecution of their business one or the other of the firm made occasional trips to Philadelphia to replenish their stock. This business connection only ceased with the death of Mr. Berthold in April, 1831.

"In 1820, Pierre Chouteau was elected from the county of St. Louis a member of the convention that framed the Constitution of the State of Missouri, and took his seat in that body.

"About this period ‘Berthold & Chouteau’ relinquished their mercantile business and embarked extensively in the fur trade of the Missouri. Subsequently Messrs. Bernard Pratte, Sr., and John P. Cabanné became associated with them, forming the firm of ‘Berthold, Chouteau & Co., fur merchants,’ and for a number of years prosecuted an extensive and profitable trade in that line.

"Mr. Berthold died in April, 1831, and the style of the firm was changed to ‘Pratte, Chouteau & Co.’

"In 1837, Bernard Pratte departed this life, followed June 27, 1841, by the decease of Mr. John P. Cabanné, and leaving Pierre Chouteau, Jr., the sole survivor of the original company. In this trade he continued for many years thereafter with new associates until his own death, Oct. 6, 1865, having successfully prosecuted the business for almost half a century, and leaving a large estate to his surviving children.

"In the year 1838, P. Chouteau, Jr., associated with Kenneth Mackenzie, established the wholesale ‘grocery commission’ house of ‘Chouteau & Mackenzie,’ his interest in which he disposed of to Mackenzie in the year 1841, and in the same year established a branch of his fur house in the city of New York.

"In the year 1842, Pierre Chouteau, Jr., associated with him in his fur company in St. Louis. Messrs. John B. Sarpy, Joseph A. Sire, and his son-in-law, John F. A. Sanford, theretofore three of his principal clerks.

"In this same year (1842) Mr. Chouteau established in the city of New York the commission house of Chouteau, Merle & Sanford.

"In the year 1849, Pierre Chouteau and James Harrison, of St. Louis, with Felix Vallé, of Ste. Genevieve, became by purchase the sole owners of the ‘Iron Mountain’ in St. François County, and associated themselves together as the ‘American Iron Mountain Company,’ embarked extensively in the manufacture of iron, and from this originated in 1851-52 the establishment by the same parties of the ‘Chouteau, Harrison & Vallé’ rolling-mill in North St. Louis, in successful operation at the present day.

"In 1853, Pierre Chouteau established in New York the railroad iron house of ‘Pierre Chouteau, Jr., Sanford & Co.’ This was the last enterprise he set on foot.

"All the gentlemen so long associated with Pierre Chouteau in the prosecution of his fur trade were his kinsmen and near relatives by blood or marriage, and are all now dead, — Joseph A. Sire died in 1854; John B. Sarpy, April 1, 1857; and John F. A. Sanford in May, 1857, but a short month after Sarpy, — and a


remarkable circumstance in his life is the fact that he survived not only his three original partners of the first house, but also those junior partners he had after the death of the three first associated with him in the continuation of the original house.

"Pierre Chouteau, Jr., died on October the 6th, 1865, in his seventy-seventh year, now some seventeen years since, leaving a large estate, the fruits of a long and very successful business life, pursued unremittingly through a period of exceeding fifty years. His wife had preceded him to the grave some two years previously.

"Charles P. Chouteau, born Dec. 2, 1819. In 1825, at the age of six years, he was placed at school with Mr. Savaré, in this place. In 1827, in his eighth year, his parents gave him in charge of the Jesuit Fathers at their newly-established seminary at St. Ferdinand.

"In 1833 he was sent to the civil and military institution of the Messrs. Peugnet Brothers in New York, with whom he remained about four years, completing his education and graduating in August, 1837, then in his eighteenth year.

"In 1838 to 1841 he assisted in the business house of Chouteau & Mackenzie, representing his father.

"1841-42 assisted in the business of his father's several houses in St. Louis and New York, then engaged largely in the fur trade throughout the Northwest, spending much of his time in the latter city.

"In the year 1843, his father's business relations with houses in London requiring the presence of some one to attend to his interests in that city, Charles P. embarked for Europe, where he spent some two or three years, a large portion of the time devoted to travel in the various countries of the Continent, returning home in 1845.

"Shortly after his return from Europe, Charles P. Chouteau was married, on Nov. 27, 1845, to Miss Julia Anne Gratiot, the youngest of the two daughters of Gen. Charles Gratiot, formerly of the United States Engineer Corps.

"During the latter part of the long period, running through so many years, in which Mr. Pierre Chouteau, Jr., connected with others, was so extensively engaged in the various enterprises already enumerated, requiring a large amount of capital and unceasing personal attention, Charles P. had personal charge of much of the operations of these multifarious enterprises, and since the death of his father, as the executor of the estate, he has devoted a large portion of his time and attention in bringing to a close this large estate and the various enterprises with which he had been identified during his long and active business life.

"Since the period that Charles P. Chouteau entered upon his business life as the representative of his father in his declining years, his transactions in that field have been so intimately interwoven with those of the latter down to the death of that gentleman, that but little more need be said of him in that connection, but simply to add that

"Charles P. Chouteau, having just completed his sixty-third year, is in the enjoyment of an ample fortune, inherited in part from the large acquisitions of his father, realized in his long and prosperous business life, but largely augmented by his own operations and speculations, in which he has invested from time to time more or less of his surplus capital. Charles P. and Mrs. Chouteau have a family of two sons and three daughters, of whom the eldest son and daughter are married."

The first street commissioners of St. Louis, so to speak, were a committee appointed, after mass, on Sunday, March 15, 1778, to provide for the drainage of the back lots, where the rain-water settled. The plan was to dig a ditch down the street or road between the lots of Bissonet and Conard to the river. The committee consisted of Lapierre, Taillon, Deschenes, Lachaise, and Baccané. Those sanctioning the plan were Lachaise, Baccané, Deschenes, Taillon, Bissonet, Conard, Dubreuil, A. Choateau, Labusciere, Barada, Ferrante, Benito, Joseph Labrosse, Ortes (Hortiz), Roubieu, Bargas, all good and leading citizens. Bargas died suddenly, so that there was a sort of inquest held, but nothing appeared to cause a doubt of his death being from natural causes. Deschenes, who came over in 1764, appears to have been the first man in St. Louis to burn lime for building purposes.


In 1771, Dr. Valleau, one of the first physicians in St. Louis, died, and his effects were sold, including a case of playing-cards, at auction. Governor Piernas directed the vendue, assisted by Louis Dubreuil, Joseph Labuscičre, and Auguste Chouteau, whom the record calls "all traders in the village of St. Louis, in the Spanish part of Illinois," Martin Milong Duralde, "merchant of St. Louis," executor of Valleau's will, authorizing the sale. The cards were sold at auction because damaged by water. The average price paid for them was two packs for a livre, payable in deerskins. The bidders were "La Giroflée," a woman then in St. Louis, Dubreuil, Cottin, Vildieu, Valličre, Matard, Madame Piernas, Lapierre, Motard, Paul Gregoire, Alvarez, Valdy, Labuscičre, Condé, Hortez, Taillon, Jacques Labbé, Laville, and Vincent.

In 1768 the garrison at Fort Charles the Prince consisted of Capt. Rios, Lieut. Gomez, Ensign Barela (or Bareda), Surgeon Valleau, Corp. Michel Piguere, Manuel Martine, and Benito Moreau; soldiers, Jean M. Hoaline, François Tienda, Jean Mignon, Gaspard de Marque, Dominic Auterre, Alexandre Pegnolles, and Joseph Nicolas Navarré; Antonio Victorine, blacksmith; Guillaume Boyer, caulker; Joseph Maxon, Francisco Poteau, François Suspedes, and Manuel Augustin Abriňn, carpenters; Antonio Tagonais, mason; Joseph Seguin, stone-cutter; and Jourdan, baker.

April 19, 1775, "the third festival of Easter," the Cathedral at St. Louis was begun, an agreement having then been signed by sundry of the inhabitants to build a church, and a contract having been drawn up with the proper specifications. St. Louis parish had already been established, with Father Valentin, Capuchin missionary, for curé, and Messrs. Sarpy and Benito Basquez wardens of the parish.

In the earlier days of St. Louis, so far as the records go, surprisingly few names will be found indicating the presence of persons of other nationalities than those of France and Spain and Indians. Indeed, there are few but French names. As the list quoted just above shows, even half or more than half the garrison in the Spanish fort were French. So with the marriage records and the wills. English and American immigration had not set in yet, and did not begin at all, in fact, until after the close of the Revolutionary war. There were some few English and Americans at Kaskaskia, but not many, — Eulalie Basquez married a John Stotts (1795); Madeline Peterson married Tesson Honoré; J. B. Lachasse changed his name to Hunt; Antoine Honoré married Margaret Wells; Pierre Berger married Josette Mayer (but she was an Indian of the Omaha tribe); George Schultz, of Georgia, married Victoire Tesson Honoré; J. B. Bravier married Elizabeth Rice; Pierre Payant, blacksmith, married Elizabeth Creely; Peter Schultz married Marie Rose Chouquet; Christopher Schultz married Elizabeth Tesson Honoré (an illegitimate child); Francis Doyon Emmons married Pelagie Laplante; François Jourdain, dit Labrosse, married Sally Russell, daughter of John Russell and Polly Briggs; Peter Primm, of Stafford County, Va., married Marie Angelique Sallé (Leroix); Edward Hempstead, of New London, married Clarisse Dubreuil; Richard Dillon married Marie Therese Bouis; Israel Dodge, of Connecticut, married Madeline Camp; Patrick Lee married Constance Condé, — and that is about all; but Mr. Billon has dug out from the Archives the following formidable list of the American, English, and Irish names found there up to 1804:

Abbott, Daniel.
Adams, Calvin.
Allen, Deodat.
Andrews, Alexander.
Bacon, Ludwell.
Baldridge, James.
Ball, John.
Barton, Job.
Basye, John.
Baugh, Hugh.
Bay, Robert.
Bean, John.
Bell, John.
Bell, Mordecai.
Bellew, William.
Berry, James.
Biggs, John.
Bishop, John.
Bolly, John.
Brady, Thomas.
Brown, John.
Brown, Joseph.
Brown, Perry.
Bryan, David.
Buchanan, Robert.
Caldwell, Kincaid.
Callaway, Michael.
Camp, Ann.
Campbell, William.
Carpenter, Chris.
Carrico, Vincent.
Caulk, Richard.
Caulk, Thomas.
Chalfin, Thomas.
Clark, Chris.
Clark, Daniel.
Clark, William.
Clarke, Alexander.
Clay, Samuel.
Cochran, James.
Cole, David.
Colgin, John.
Collins, Patrick.
Colvin, Aaron.
Conner, Jeremiah.
Cook, Jno. B.


Coons, Jno.
Coons, Nicholas.
Cordell, John.
Crapper, Thomas.
Crosby, Hezekiah.
Crow, G.
Crow, Louis.
Crow, Michael.
Crump, George.
Davis, James.
Denny, Boyd.
Dillon, William.
Dodge, John.
Dodson, Joshua.
Daggett, George.
Dooling, Jesse.
Dowdell, Alexander.
Dranen, William.
Dunbar, James.
Duncan, Amos.
Duncan, Samuel.
Durst, David.
Eastwood, Jacob.
Ellis, Peter.
Fallis, George.
Faroh, Leonard.
Fine, Philip.
Flannigan, —
Gates, John.
Gibson, Thomas.
Gill, Charles.
Gorman, Bill.
Gordon, George.
Graff, Henry.
Graham, Alexander.
Graham, Hugh.
Graham, John.
Gregor, John.
Griffin, John.
Griffin, William.
Grojohn, Jeremiah.
Hamilton, William.
Hancock, Forest.
Hancock, William.
Harrington, Bill.
Hart, James.
Hartley, William.
Haun, John.
Hays, William.
Henry, John.
Hildebrand, Isaac.
Hodgins, Francis Wm.
Hodges, Edmund.
House, — .
Howell, Francis.
Hubbard, Eusebeus.
Hubbard, John.
Hughes, William.
James, Morris.
Jamison, Jos. S.
James, John.
James, William.
Johnston, Thomas.
Jones, John Rice.
Jones, Thos.
Kerr, — .
Kendall, J.
Keyne, Jesse.
Kinkead, Andrew.
Kinkaid, David.
Kinkaid, James.
Lard, John.
Lard, Hezekiah.
Lewis, John Louis.
Lindsay, John.
Link, Solomon.
Long, John.
Long, Gabriel.
Long, Lawrence.
McCortney, Alexander.
McCortney, James.
McDaniel, Alexander.
McDaniel, James.
McDonald, Arch.
McLanahan, Josiah.
McLaughlin, Henry.
McNair, Alexander.
Massey, William.
Masterson, Michael.
Matthews, David.
Meek, William.
Miller, Philip.
Moore, James.
Moorhead, William.
Moreland, Hugh.
Munford, William.
Murphy, John.
Musick, Asa.
Musick, Ephraim.
Musick, William.
Nash, Ira.
Nash, William.
Neighbor, John.
Nolan, Philip.
Odom, Michael.
O'Hara, Henry.
Owen, Robert.
Parks, Andrew (Maramec).
Powers, Thomas.
Pressler, Peter.
Pritchard, James.
Quick, Aaron.
Ramsey, William.
Rankin, James.
Richardson, James.
Richardson, Jesse.
Richardson, M.
Richardson, Silas.
Robertson, John.
Rogers, Ezekiel.
Rogers, Thomas.
Rohrer, David.
Rollins, Seneca.
Scott, John.
Secoy, Derrick.
Sipp, Joseph.
Smith, George.
— , John.
Stevenson, Hugh.
Sullens, John.
Sullivan, William.
Swain, Sherred G.
Sweeney, James.
Tardy, William.
Tool, Dennis.
Taylor, Robert.
Taylor, Richard.
Tyler, Thomas.
Tansy, Joshua.
Todd, Andrew.
Todd, C.
Vaughan, Peter.
Watkins, John.
Watkins, Samuel.
Wells, Edward.
Wherry, Mackey.
Whitesides, John.
Whitley, Daniel.
Wickersham, James.
Weiland, George.
Wengel, Engel John.
Williams, Joseph.
Withington, Thomas.
Woodland, William.
Woods, Simon.
Williams, James.
Wishart, Michael.
Young, Robert.
Young, Edward.
Young, John.
Zumwalt, Andrew.

The name of John Lewis is found in the above list, — a pioneer in the great American immigration, a native of Virginia, who came to Missouri by way of Kentucky, where he sojourned for a period, reaching St. Louis in January, 1797, with his wife and six children. He settled near St. Louis on a farm. His eldest daughter became the wife of Col. Daniel M. Boone, son of the Kentucky pioneer; his second daughter, Mrs. Corbin, lived until 1868. At one time she owned the "Stoddard addition" to St. Louis, a tract of land famous in the legal annals of the city.

Daniel Boone's name is not in the above list. The celebrated hunter and pioneer — the man who really opened the canebrakes of Kentucky to civilization and expelled the Shawanese and Miamis from their hunting-grounds — became very sore in his old age at the injustice of the law which expelled him from the land he had settled and cultivated, because he had not complied with every technicality as regards title. All his life he had been working to acquire land, — a homestead. His wanderings are typical of the impulses which have driven the American people to settle this continent in so brief a space of time. George Boone, his grandfather, had emigrated from Brandwich, near Exeter, England, in 1717, and settled in Bucks County, Pa., with his wife and eleven children. Squire Boone, Daniel's father, with wife and eleven children, removed to Berks County, on the frontier and in the Indian paths. Daniel was born in 1734, in Bucks, and got a few weeks' schooling in Berks, terminating his scholastic career abruptly by drubbing the teacher. In 1752-53, Squire Boone and family went South to North Carolina and settled on the Yadkin. Daniel married, and in time his wife brought him nine children. In 1769, Boone headed an exploring party into Kentucky, and from that time until 1790 his life was a battle, wonderful in every detail. He lost the land he had bought and suffered so much to secure, removed to the Kanawha Valley, near the old battle-field of Point Pleasant, and in 1795, irritated,


like a great many Kentuckians, against the general government for divers reasons, and particularly angry at being ousted from his lands, he went to Upper Louisiana and became a Spanish subject, forfeiting his allegiance to the United States. He did not do this as a Tory, but as a Kentuckian and a Daniel Boone, used to follow his own judgment independent of all considerations. He had been invited especially to Missouri by Lieutenant-Governor Zeńon Trudeau, who offered him a grant of one thousand arpens of land, and made him "commandant" of the district or county of St. Charles. So he shouldered "Old Checlicker," his rifle, embarked his family and goods on a flatboat, and made his way to Missouri, settling in Femme Osage. When Louisiana became part of the United States, Boone's titles were again found to be defective, and he had to petition Congress and suffer long delays before he could be safe in his second conquest of territory. Boone was a man of singular and very attractive character. His biography has often been written, but the work has not been well done. His energy, reserved force, humor, integrity, composure, and foresight, and, above all, his placid endurance, that was neither stoicism nor indifference, have never been brought out as they should be. Boone led a great many Kentuckians into Missouri in person, his indirect influence attracting many more.

Among these was the family of Col. Linn, who had often fought with the Shawanese in defense of the fort at Bryan's Station, and whose grandson, Dr. Linn, became United States senator. Capt. Joseph Conway was another. A native of Virginia, a Kentucky Indian-fighter and pioneer, a captive like Boone and Kenton among the savages, often tomahawked, once left for dead on the field, twice scalped, he came to Missouri in 1796, settling in Bonhomme township, St. Louis Co., where he died in 1831, aged sixty-nine years.

But it is impossible to follow up this immigration, so full of striking characters and pronounced individuality, filled with men like Merriwether Lewis and Thomas Hart Benton, each worth a portrait by himself, few traits distinguishable when we try to take them in the mass. Brackenridge, in his "Recollec-tions," has singled out two or three types of the people then pouring into Missouri and St. Louis, and his limning has the sharpness and distinctness of copperplate. There is the old "cracker" of the canebrakes, who, in 1812, after feeding his guests on hog and hominy and giving them a bear-skin to rest on, told of Braddock's defeat and the Presidency of John Adams, who never "fout," as the latest news that he had heard of. There is the famous Col. Smith (John Smith T.), the precursor of Bowie and the whole race of desperadoes of the Southwest, who made Brackenridge his guest, introduced him to his armory, and told him tales of his encounters with wild beasts and brave men. There was nothing in his


appearance, says Brackenridge, to denote the fierce belligerent. "He was a small man of a delicate frame, even somewhat effeminate in his appearance, mild blue eyes, fair hair, fair complexion, his face smooth and youthful, although he was not less than forty years old. His manners in his family were mild and gentle; kindness and benevolence appeared to be the natural growth of his heart." While Brackenridge was with him, this mild-mannered gentleman invaded a bear's den in a cave in the rocks; crawling in on his belly, torch in hand, he shot the beast, lying down so that it would rush out over his body, and then coming out coolly as if he had done nothing very extraordinary. When Brackenridge took his leave his kind host forced him to accept a pair of pistols, which he could warrant would never miss fire, and would stand his friend in the hour of need.

In St. Louis Brackenridge met Dr. Saugrain, a former preceptor of his at Gallipolis, the abortive French settlement on the Ohio, and now a prominent physician of St. Louis, and Herr Doctor and Professor Frederick Shewe, an erratic Prussian with a dozen diplomas, who was keeping a corner grocery-shop, selling soap and onions over the counter and talking high philosophy in his sitting-room. He also met the elder Chouteau, of whom he gives a pleasing description, Joseph Charless, founder of the Missouri Gazette, the elder Bates, Gen. Clark, companion of Merriwether Lewis, and John Mullanphy, "the St. Louis millionaire." Of Mullanphy his account is very graphic. He had speculated largely in cotton; it was his bales which Jackson had taken for the defense of New Orleans. When he went to complain about it, "This is your cotton?" said the general, "then no one has a better right to defend it. Take a musket and stand in the ranks." After the peace Mullanphy dug out his cotton, shipped it to Liverpool, and cleared a million dollars on the venture. He made great sums by speculating in town lots and lands in and around St. Louis. "One day he called to see me after my arrival," writes Brackenridge, "and invited me to dine with him. He was about sixty-five years of age, a large, coarse-looking man, with a rough, red face, a carbuncled nose, showing his habits of life to incline more to the liquids than the solids. I found him in a large brick house, perhaps the largest in the town, unfurnished and untenanted with the exception of a back room, of which he was the sole occupant. Here I found him seated before a wood-fire (coal was not in use at that time), while two catfish heads were broiling on two chips of wood. ‘There,’ said he, ‘you see your dinner; that head is yours and this is mine; we must each do the cooking.’ It was a Barmecide feast, and I determined to humor it. We had some excellent bread and butter, and to make amends for the dishes drank exquisite Madeira out of dirty tumblers. . . . The dessert, I must add, was the most substantial part of the entertainment; going to his safe he brought forth a bag of dollars and placing it on the table, ‘There,’ said he, ‘is a retaining fee if I should want your professional services.’" A society in which characters like these were not rare exceptions, but commonly to be met, must have been very different and far more stimulating and enjoyable than the impassive, effete society of to-day.

The expedition of Lewis and Clark in 1804 secured a very important contribution of men, resources, and tributary territory to St. Louis. It was the first complete attempt at exploration made by our government, and it gave a great stimulus to such enterprises. Not that the French traders of St. Louis and their voyageurs, coureurs des bois, trappers, and half-breeds were deficient in the qualities which are needed for such work. Indeed, they were the pioneers in the fur trade, and just as the Hudson's Bay and Northwestern Fur Companies had to employ Canadians to push their enterprises, so the American and Missouri Fur Companies and the different undertakings of John Jacob Astor in that line had to secure the Chouteaus, Robidous, and other St. Louis traders for partners before they could send out their "brigades" with any success. Auguste Chouteau very early established a


trading-post at Fort Osage, and at the time of Lewis and Clark he was trapping very high up the Missouri. In 1794, Joseph Robidou, the founder of St. Joseph's (in 1843), was encouraged by Governor Zeńon Trudeau to consolidate the St. Louis fur-traders with the Missouri Fur Company, the objects of which were exploration as much as trade, the objects of quest being the sources of the Missouri and the route to the Pacific and the Gulf of California. Trudeau's instructions, in fact, in 1794 were very similar to those given to Lewis and Clark ten years later. The Chouteaus, Robidou, Cerré, Sublette, Loramier, Fontenelle, Foy, Matthieu, Pierre, Godin, Clamorgan, Manuel Lisa, Blanchette, St. Vrian, La Harpe, Duquette, Gerneau, Lattraile, Cardinal, Tayon, Coté, Beauchemin, Roaque, Audrain, Guion, Pereau, Sarpie, Dodier, Savoie, Chauvin, Gamache, Pallardie, Reynal, Cornoyer, Yosti, Benoit, Berthold, Bissonet, Bouche, Bouis, Brazeau, Crevier, Derouin, Durochet, Duchoquet, Garnieu, Godair, Labuche, l'Atrisse, Le Gris, Louis, Malard, Mathurin, Morin, Papin, Parizien, Peltier, Regis, Tesson, Thibeau, Tholozan, Vachard, De Tergette, Demegaut, Rocheblave, Beauvais, etc., were the predecessors, precursors, and instructors of such men as Mackay, Henry, Lewis, the Clarks, Campbell, Ashley, O'Fallon, Catherwood, Fitzpatrick, the Bakers, Pike, Long, Day, the Bents, Ogden, Mackenzie, Smith, Bridger, Crooks, Walker, Coulter, and others, trappers, traders, and explorers in the far West. Scarcely a headland, hill, mountain, valley, creek, or river in the far West from the lakes to the Pacific, and west of the Mississippi from the Sabine to the Lake of the Woods, but bears a name which testifies to the zeal, industry, and perseverance with which the French trappers and hunters pushed their explorations in every part of the great western wilderness long before the feet of any other white men trod it.

James Mackay, of Scotland, came to America in 1776, aged seventeen, supposed to be the first English-speaking man not of French or Spanish blood who settled west of the Mississippi. He made St. Louis his home, — an educated man, a skillful surveyor, and immediately employed by the Spanish authorities on exploring and surveying expeditions. He embarked also in the fur trade, and acquired a great landed estate. But it was Lewis and Clark who opened the way for Americans to Missouri. Merriwether Lewis was a well-born Virginian, a kinsman of Washington, a captain in the army at the time of the Whiskey Insurrection. Jefferson, during his residence in Paris, realized the importance of a thorough exploration of the Northwest, and employed John Ledyard to make it, passing through Siberia to Behring's Straits, and thence to Russian America. Ledyard, while en route and near Kamschatka, was suddenly arrested, hurried backward with inconceivable and cruel speed, and dismissed beyond the Polish frontier. In 1792, Jefferson made another attempt at this exploration, via the Upper Missouri and the Rocky Mountains, and engaged Lewis and the botanist Michaux to undertake it. They had got as far as Kentucky, when Michaux was recalled by an order of the French government.

In 1803, the act of Congress establishing trading-houses with the Indians being about to expire, President Jefferson, in a confidential message to Congress, recommended some modifications of the law and its extension to the Indian tribes on the Missouri. The message recommended that an exploring party be sent out to trace the Missouri River to its source; to cross the highlands and follow the best water communication to be found thence to the Pacific Ocean. The proposition met the approval of Congress, and a sum of money was voted to put it into execution. Capt. Lewis had been serving for two years previous to the passage of this act as private secretary to President Jefferson, and immediately on its passage he applied to the President for the appointment of director to the expedition. "Knowing him from long and intimate association" (we quote the language of Mr. Jefferson) "to have courage undaunted, possessing a firmness and perseverance of purpose which nothing but impossibilities could divert from its direction, careful as a father of those committed to his charge, yet steady in the maintenance of order and discipline, intimate with the Indian character, customs, and principles, . . . . I could have no hesitation in confiding the enterprise to him." Mr. Jefferson, thinking it necessary that Capt. Lewis should have associated with him some person of known competence, and to whom, in the event of any accident to him, the direction of the enterprise might be confided, William Clark, brother of Gen. George Rogers Clark, was appointed, and received the commission of a captain.

The draught of instructions for that expedition gave full details of the instruments to be carried for measurement and observation, etc. It recited that the object of the mission had been communicated to the ministers in Washington of France, Spain, and Great Britain; and that the country of Louisiana having been ceded by Spain to France, a passport from the minister from France had been obtained. It further stated that the object of the mission was to explore the Missouri River and such principal streams of it as, by its course and communication with the