Primary tabs


Pictures and Illustrations.

Map of leading Indian Tribes


St. Mary's River

Calumet Song

Jurisdiction of Montreal

Pipe and Tomahawk Dance (Ojibwa)

Site of Perrot's Fort, 1685-1686

View of Michilimackinack

Winnebago Wigwams



By Claude Charles Le Roy, Bacqueville de la Potherie [from his Histoire de l'Amérique septentrionale (Paris, 1753), tome ii and iv].

The second volume of the above work is here presented for the first time in English translation, partly in full and partly in synopsis -- the latter indicated by bracketed paragraphs.


Chapters I-VII

[These chapters, up to page 60, are devoted to an account of the beliefs, customs, mode of life, etc., of the Indian tribes then known to the French of Canada, with an enumeration of those peoples, and brief mention of the first acquaintance of the French with those who lived east of Lake Huron. Most of this is so similar to Perrot's account that to translate it here would be useless repetition. Accordingly, the narrative begins at page 60, with the tribes which properly are included within the field of the present work.]

The Sauteurs, who live beyond the Missisakis, take their name from a fall of water which forms the discharge of Lake Superior into Lake Huron, through extensive rapids of which the ebullitions are extremely violent. Those people are very skilful in a fishery which they carry on there, of fish which are white, and as large as salmon. The savages surmount all those terrible


cascades, into which they cast a net which resembles a bag, a little more than half an ell in width and an ell deep, attached to a wooden fork about fifteen feet long. They cast their nets headlong into the boiling waters, in which they maintain their position, letting their canoes drift while sliding backward. The tumult of the waters in which they are floating seems to them only a diversion; they see in it the fish, heaped up on one another, that are endeavoring to force their way through the rapids; and when they feel their nets heavy they draw them in. It is only they, the Missisakis, and the Nepiciriniens who can practice this fishery, although some Frenchmen imitate them. This kind of fish is large, has firm flesh, and is very nourishing. The savages dry it over a fire, on wooden frames placed high above, and keep it for winter. They carry on an extensive traffic in this fish at Michillimakinak, where both the savages and the French buy it at a high price. This [Sauteur] tribe is divided: part of them have remained at home to live on this delicious fish in autumn, and they


seek their food in Lake Huron during the winter; the others have gone away to two localities on Lake Superior, in order to live on the game which is very abundant there. Those who left their natal soil made an alliance with the Nadouaissioux, who were not very solicitous for the friendship of any one whomsoever; but because they could obtain French merchandise only through the agency of the Sauteurs, they made a treaty of peace with the latter by which they were mutually bound to give their daughters in marriage on both sides. That was a strong bond for the maintenance of entire harmony.

The Nadouaissioux, who have their village on the upper Missisipi about the latitude of 46°, divided


their territory and their hunting-grounds with the Sauteurs. The abundance of beaver and deer made the latter gradually forget their native land. They spent


the winter in the woods to carry on their hunting; and in the spring they visit Lake Superior, on the shore of which they plant corn and squashes. There they spend the summer in great peace, without being disturbed by any neighbor, although the Nadouaissioux are at war with the people of the north. The Sauteurs are neutral; and the tribe that goes to war always takes care beforehand that there is no Sauteur [involved in it]. Their harvest being gathered, they return to their hunting-grounds.

Those who have remained at the Saut, their native country, leave their villages twice a year. In the month of June they disperse in all directions along Lake Huron, as also do the Missisakis and the Otter People. This lake has rocky shores, and is full of


small islands abounding in blueberries. While there they gather sheets of bark from the trees for making their canoes and building their cabins. The water of the lake is very clear, and they can see the fish in it at a depth of twenty-five feet. While the children are gathering a store of blueberries, the men are busy in spearing sturgeon. When the grain [that they have planted] is nearly ripe, they return home. At the approach of winter they resort to the shores of the lake to kill beavers and moose, and do not return thence until the spring, in order to plant their Indian corn.

Such is the occupation of those peoples, who could live in great comfort if they were economical; but all the savages, especially all the Sauteurs, are so fond of eating that they take little heed for the morrow, and there are many of them who die of hunger. They never lay by anything whatever; if any food remains, it is because they have not been able to eat all of it in the day. They are even so proud, when some stranger comes among them, as to give him even the last morsel of food, in order to make it appear that they are not in poverty; but they do not hesitate to complain of hunger when they see Frenchmen whom they know to be well supplied with provisions. The Sauteurs were redoubtable to their enemies. They were the first to defeat the Irroquois, who to the number of a hundred warriors came to take possession of one of their villages. Hearing


of the enemy's march, fifty Sauteur fighting men went to meet them who, under the cover of a very dense fog, entirely defeated them, although their young men gave way [in the battle], and only thirty men remained; and they had for arms only arrows and tomahawks, while the Irroquois relied much on their firearms. The Sauteurs dealt quite heavy blows on the Nadouaissioux when those tribes were at war; but since the peace was made the bravest warriors are dead, and the rest have degenerated from the valor of their ancestors, and devote themselves solely to the destruction of wild animals.

The Hurons, Outaoüaks, Cinagos, Kiskakons, and Nansouaketons usually make their abode at Michilimakinak, and leave the greater part of their families there during the winter, when they are away hunting;


for these they reserve the slenderest provision of grain, and sell the rest at a high price.

Michilimakinak, which is three hundred and sixty leagues from Quebec, is the general meeting-place for all the French who go to trade with stranger tribes; it is the landing-place and refuge of all the savages who trade their peltries. The savages who dwell there do not need to go hunting in order to obtain all the comforts of life. When they choose to work, they make canoes of birch-bark, which they sell two at three hundred livres each. They get a shirt for two sheets of bark for cabins. The sale of their French strawberries and other fruits produces means for procuring their ornaments, which consist of vermilion and glass and porcelain beads. They make a profit on everything. They catch whitefish, herring, and trout four to five feet long. All the tribes land at this place, in order to trade their peltries there. In summer the young men go hunting, a distance of


thirty to forty leagues, and return laden with game; in autumn they depart for the winter hunt (which is the best [time of the year] for the skins and furs), and return in the spring laden with beavers, pelts, various kinds of fat, and the flesh of bears and deer. They sell all of which they have more than enough. They would be exceedingly well-to-do if they were economical; but most of them have the same traits as the Sauteurs.

The Hurons are more provident; they think of the future, and they support their families. As they are sober, it is seldom that they suffer from poverty. This tribe is very politic, treacherous in their actions, and proud in all their behavior; they have more intellect than all the other savages. The Hurons are liberal; they show delicacy in their conversation, and they speak with precision. The others try to imitate them. They are insinuating, and are seldom cheated by any person whatsoever in any of their undertakings. The Outaoüaks, who are their neighbors, have imitated their customs and their rules of conduct; these people were at first very rude, but by intercourse with the Hurons they have become much more intelligent. They have imitated the valor of the latter, and have made themselves feared by all the tribes who are their enemies, and looked up to by those who are their allies.

Michilimakinak, according to the old men, is the place where Michapous sojourned longest. There is a mountain on the shore of the lake which has the shape of a hare; they believe that this was the place of his abode, and they call this mountain Michapous. It is


there, as they say, that he showed men how to make fishing-nets, and where he placed the most fish. There is an island, two leagues from the shore, which is very


lofty; they say that he left there some spirits, whom they call Imakinagos. As the inhabitants of this island are large and strong, this island has taken its name from those spirits; and it is called Michilimakinak, as who should say Micha-Imakinak -- for in the Outaoüak language micha means "great," "stout," and "much." This place is a strait, which separates Lake Huron from Mecheygan, otherwise "Lake of the Illinois." The currents which come and go in this strait form a flow and ebb, which is not regular, however. These currents flow so rapidly that when the wind blows all the nets which are stretched [in the stream] are torn out or destroyed; and in high winds ice-floes have been seen to move against the currents, as swiftly as if they had been swept along by a torrent.

When the savages of those regions make a feast of fish, they invoke those spirits, who they say live under this island-thanking them for their liberality, and entreating them to take care always of their families; and asking them to keep their nets from harm and to preserve their canoes from surging waves. Those who are present at this feast utter, all together, [a long drawn]


Ho! which is a giving of thanks; they are very exact in offering this prayer. Our Frenchmen have made so much sport of this custom that they do not venture to practice it openly in the presence of our people; but it is always noticed that they mutter something between their teeth which resembles the prayer that they offer to these spirits of the island.

From this strait, which is five leagues long, one goes to the Lake of the Islinois, known under the name of Mecheygan, which is the route by which one reaches the Islinois, who are in possession of the most beautiful regions that can be seen [anywhere]. This lake is one hundred and eighty leagues long by thirty wide. Its shores are sandy; usually that on the north side is followed to reach the Bay of Puans.

This bay takes its name from the Ouénibegons, [a


word] which means Puans [i.e., "stinkards"]. This name is explained less disagreeably in the language of the savages, for they call it the "salt-water bay" rather than the "bay of stinkards" -- although among them those terms mean almost the same thing. They also give the same name to the sea, a fact which has occasioned


very careful search to be made in order to ascertain if there are not in those quarters some salt-water springs, such as there are among the Iroquois; but thus far nothing of this sort has been found. It is believed that this name was given to the bay on account of the quantities of mud and mire which are encountered there [along its shores?], from which continually arise unwholesome vapors, which cause the most terrible and frequent thunders that can be heard [anywhere]. In this bay is observed a regular rise and fall of the waters, almost like that of the sea. I will gladly leave to the philosophers the inquiry whether these tides are occasioned by the winds, or by some other cause; and whether there are winds which are precursors of the moon, and attached to its retinue, which consequently agitate this lake and produce its flow and ebb whenever the moon rises above the horizon. What we can say with certainty is, that when the water is very calm, it is easily seen to rise and fall according to the course of the moon -- although it is not denied that these movements might be caused by winds that are far away, and which, by pressure on the middle of the lake, cause the waters along its shores to rise and fall in the manner which is visible.

This bay is forty leagues in depth; its width at the entrance is eight or ten leagues, gradually diminishing


until at the farthest end it is but two leagues wide. The mouth is closed by seven islands, which must be doubled in voyaging to the Islinois. The bay is on the northwestern side of the lake, and extends toward the southwest; at the entrance is a small village, composed of people gathered from various nations -- who, wishing to commend themselves to their neighbors, have cleared some lands there, and affect to entertain all who pass that way. Liberality is a characteristic greatly admired among the savages; and it is the proper thing for the chiefs to lavish all their possessions, if they desire to be esteemed. Accordingly, they have exerted themselves to receive strangers hospitably, who find among them whatever provisions are in season; and they like nothing better than to hear that others are praising their generosity.

The Pouteouatemis, Sakis, and Malhominis dwell


there; and there are four cabins, the remains of the Nadouaichs, a tribe which has been entirely destroyed


by the Iroquois. In former times, the Puans were the masters of this bay, and of a great extent of adjoining country. This nation was a populous one, very redoubtable, and spared no one; they violated all the laws of nature; they were sodomites, and even had intercourse with beasts. If any stranger came among them, he was cooked in their kettles. The Malhominis were the only tribe who maintained relations with them, [and] they did not dare even to complain of their tyranny. Those tribes believed themselves the most powerful in the universe; they declared war on all nations whom they could discover, although they had only stone knives and hatchets. They did not desire to have commerce with the French. The Outaouaks, notwithstanding, sent to them envoys, whom they had the cruelty to eat. This crime incensed all the nations, who formed a union with the Outaouaks, on account of the protection accorded to them by the latter under the auspices of the French, from whom they received weapons and all sorts of merchandise. They made frequent expeditions against the Puans, who were giving them much trouble; and then followed civil wars among the Puans -- who reproached one another for their ill-fortune, brought upon them by the perfidy of those who had slain the envoys, since the latter had brought them knives, bodkins, and many other useful articles, of which they had had no previous knowledge. When they found that they were being vigorously attacked, they were compelled to unite all their forces in one village, where they numbered four or five thousand men; but maladies wrought among them more devastation than even the war did, and the exhalations from the rotting corpses caused great mortality. They could not bury the dead, and were soon reduced to fifteen hundred men. Despite all these misfortunes, they sent a party of five


hundred warriors against the Outagamis, who dwelt on the other shore of the lake; but all those men perished,


while making that journey, by a tempest which arose. Their enemies were moved by this disaster, and said that the gods ought to be satisfied with so many punishments; so they ceased making war on those who remained. All these scourges, which ought to have gone home to their consciences, seemed only to increase their iniquities. All savages who have not yet embraced the Christian faith have the notion that the souls of the departed, especially of those who have been slain, can not rest in peace unless their relatives avenge their death; it is necessary, therefore, to sacrifice victims to their shades, if their friends wish to solace them. This belief, which animated those barbarians, inspired in them an ardent desire to satisfy the manes of their ancestors, or to perish utterly; but, seeing that this was impossible for them, they were obliged to check their resentment -- they felt too humiliated in the sight of all the nations to dare undertake any such enterprise. The despair, the cruel memory of their losses, and the destitution to which they were reduced, made it still more difficult for them to find favorable opportunities for providing their subsistence; the frequent raids of their enemies had even dispersed the game; and famine was the last scourge that attacked them.

Then the Islinois, touched with compassion for


these unfortunates, sent five hundred men, among whom were fifty of the most prominent persons in their nation, to carry them a liberal supply of provisions. Those man-eaters received them at first with the utmost gratitude; but at the same time they meditated taking revenge for their loss by the sacrifice which they meant to make of the Islinois to the shades of their dead. Accordingly, they erected a great cabin in which to lodge these new guests. As it is a custom among the savages to provide dances and public games on splendid occasions, the Puans made ready for a dance expressly for their guests. While the Islinois were engaged in dancing, the Puans cut their bow-strings, and immediately flung themselves upon the Islinois, massacred them, not sparing one man, and made a general feast of their flesh; the enclosure of Winnebago Wigwams


that cabin, and the melancholy remains of the victims, may still be seen. The Puans rightly judged that all the nations would league themselves together to take vengeance for the massacre of the Islinois and for their own cruel ingratitude toward that people, and resolved to abandon the place which they were occupying. But, before they took that final step, each reproached himself for that crime; some dreamed at night that their families were being carried away, and others thought that they saw on every side frightful spectres, who threatened them. They took refuge in an island, which has since been swept away by the ice-floes.

The Islinois, finding that their people did not return, sent out some men to bring news of them. They arrived at the Puan village, which they found abandoned; but from it they descried the smoke from the one which had just been established in that island. The Islinois saw only the ruins of the cabins, and the bones of many human beings which, they concluded, were those of their own people. When they carried back to their country this sad news, only weeping and lamentation were heard; they sent word of their loss to their allies, who offered to assist them. The Puans, who knew that the Islinois did not use canoes, were sure that in that island they were safe from all affronts. The Islinois were every day consoled by those who had learned of their disaster; and from every side they received presents which wiped away their tears. They consulted together whether they should immediately attempt hostilities against their enemies. Their wisest men said that they ought, in accordance with the custom of their ancestors, to spend one year, or even more, in mourning, to move the Great Spirit; that he had chastised them because they had not offered enough sacrifices to him; that


he would, notwithstanding, have pity on them if they were not impatient; and that he would chastise the Puans for so black a deed. They deferred hostilities until the second year, when they assembled a large body of men from all the nations who were interested in the undertaking; and they set out in the winter season, in order not to fail therein. Having reached the island over the ice, they found only the cabins, in which there still remained some fire; the Puans had gone to their hunt on the day before, and were traveling in a body, that they might not, in any emergency, be surprised by the Islinois. The army of the latter followed these hunters, and on the sixth day descried their village, to which they laid seige. So vigorous was their attack that they killed, wounded, or made prisoners all the Puans, except a few who escaped, and who reached the Malhominis' village, but severely wounded by arrows.

The Islinois returned to their country, well avenged; they had, however, the generosity to spare the lives of many women and children, part of whom remained among them, while others had liberty to go whither they pleased. A few years ago, they [the Puans] numbered possibly one hundred and fifty warriors. These savages have no mutual fellow-feeling; they have caused their own ruin, and have been obliged to divide their forces. They are naturally very impatient of control, and very irascible; a little matter excites them; and they are great braggarts. They are, however, well built, and are brave soldiers, who do not know what danger is; and they are subtle and crafty in war. Although they are convinced that their ancestors drew upon themselves the enmity of all the surrounding nations, they cannot be humble; on the contrary, they are the first to affront those who are with them. Their women are extremely


laborious; they are neat in their houses, but very disgusting about their food. These people are very fond of the French, who always protect them; without that support, they would have been long ago utterly destroyed, for none of their neighbors could endure them on account of their behavior and their insupportable haughtiness. Some years ago, the Outagamis, Maskoutechs, Kikabous, Sakis, and Miamis were almost defeated by them; they have [now] become somewhat more tractable. Some of the Pouteouatemis, Sakis, and Outagamis have taken wives among them, and have given them their own daughters.

The Pouteouatemis are their neighbors; the behavior of these people is very affable and cordial, and they make great efforts to gain the good opinion of persons


who come among them. They are very intelligent; they have an inclination for raillery; their physical appearance is good; and they are great talkers. When they set their minds on anything, it is not easy to turn them from it. The old men are prudent, sensible, and deliberate; it is seldom that they undertake any unseasonable enterprise. As they receive strangers very kindly, they are delighted when reciprocal attentions are paid to them. They have so good an opinion of themselves that they regard other nations as inferior to them. They have made themselves arbiters for the tribes about the bay, and for all their neighbors; and they strive to preserve for themselves that reputation in every direction. Their ambition to please everybody has of


course caused among them jealousy and divorce; for their families are scattered to the right and to the left along the Méchéygan [i.e., Lake Michigan]. With a view of gaining for, themselves special esteem, they make presents of all their possessions, stripping themselves of even necessary articles, in their eager desire to be accounted liberal. Most of the merchandise for which the Outaoüas trade with the French is carried among these people.

The Sakis have always been neighbors of the Pouteouatemis, and have even built a village with them. They separated from each other some years ago, as neither tribe could endure to be subordinate; this feeling is general among all the savages, and each man is master of his own actions, no one daring to contradict him. These peoples are not intelligent, and are of brutal nature and unruly disposition; but they have a good physique, and are quite good-looking for savages; they are thieves and liars, great chatterers, good hunters, and very poor canoemen.

The Malhominis are no more than forty in number;


they raise a little Indian corn, but live upon game and sturgeons; they are skillful navigators. If the Sauteurs are adroit in catching the whitefish at the Sault, the Malhominis are no less so in spearing the sturgeon in their river. For this purpose they use only small canoes, very light, in which they stand upright, and in the middle of the current spear the sturgeon with an iron-pointed pole; only canoes are to be seen, morning and evening. They are good-natured people, not very keen of intellect; selfish to the last degree, and consequently characterized by a sordid avarice; but they are brave warriors.

All these tribes at the bay are most favorably situated; the country is a beautiful one, and they have fertile fields planted with Indian corn. Game is abundant at all seasons, and in winter they hunt bears and beavers; they hunt deer at all times, and they even fish for wildfowl. I will explain my remark; in autumn there is a prodigious abundance of ducks, both black and white, of excellent flavor, and the savages stretch nets in certain places where these fowl alight to feed upon the wild rice. Then advancing silently in their canoes, they draw them up alongside of the nets, in which the birds have been caught. They also capture pigeons in their nets, in the summer. They make in the woods wide paths, in which they spread large nets, in the shape of a bag, wide open, and attached at each side to the trees; and they make a little hut of branches, in which they hide. When the pigeons in their flight get within this open space, the savages pull a small cord which is drawn through the edge of the net, and thus capture sometimes five or six hundred birds in one morning, especially in windy weather. All the year round they


fish for sturgeon, and for herring in the autumn; and in winter they have fruits. Although their rivers are deep, they close the stream with a sort of hurdle, leaving open places through which the fish can pass; in these spaces they set a sort of net which they can cast or draw in when they please; and several small cords are attached, which, although they seem to close the opening, nevertheless afford passage to the fish. The savages are apprised of the entrance of the fish into the net by a little bell which they fasten on the upper part of it; when this sounds, they pull in their fish. This fishery suffices to maintain large villages; they also gather wild rice


and acorns; accordingly, the peoples of the bay can live in the utmost comfort.

The Mantouechs, who formerly composed a large village, resided about forty leagues inland, north of the bay. They were the most warlike people in all North America, and when they went out on the war-path the other tribes trembled. It was never possible to conquer them; however, all the [other] tribes, jealous of their power, leagued against them, and through the treachery of the Malhominis (who called themselves their friends) they were massacred -- taken by surprise, in the same way as the Islinois were by the Puans -- and only the women and children remained, who were made slaves.

Chapter VIII

[Summary of pages 81-85: The Iroquois had always, since the first coming of the French to Canada, been hostile to the Algonkin tribes, and were continually making raids on them; the latter were from the outset friendly to the French, who "needed those people, in order to maintain themselves at Quebec," and both accordingly rendered aid to each other against the Iroquois, the common enemy. But in 1665 arrived a new viceroy of the French possessions in America, Marquis de Tracy; he brought not only new colonists for Canada, but a regiment of French regular troops, with whom he was able to send a powerful punitive expedition against the Iroquois in their own country -- inflicting so severe chastisement on them that he compelled them to sue for


peace. Two years later (after the viceroy's return to France) two of his relatives and another French officer were wantonly slain by the treacherous Iroquois while out hunting. The governor, M. de Courcelles, at once threatened them with war unless they delivered up the murderer; they were alarmed at this, and sent forty of their warriors with Agariata, who had slain the Frenchmen. This man, notwithstanding the entreaties and lamentations of his followers, was hanged in their presence -- a punishment which they had never before seen; and the Iroquois were so terrified that they maintained peace with the French until 1683, when war again broke out.]

All the Outaouak peoples were in alarm. While we were waging war with the Iroquois, those tribes who dwelt about Lake Huron fled for refuge to Chagoüamikon, which is on Lake Superior; they came down to Montreal only when they wished to sell their peltries, and then, trembling [with dread of the enemy]. The trade was not yet opened with the Outaouaks. The name of the French people gradually became known in that region, and some of the French made their way into those places where they believed that they could make some profit; it was a Peru for them. The savages could not understand why these men came so far to search for their worn-out beaver robes; meanwhile they admired all the wares brought to them by the French, which they regarded as extremely precious. The knives, the hatchets, the iron weapons above all, could not be sufficiently praised; and the guns so astonished them that they declared that there was a spirit within the gun, which caused the loud noise made when it was fired. It is a fact that an Esquimau from Cape Digue, at 60° latitude, in the strait of Hudson Bay, displayed so


much surprise to me when he saw a gode suddenly fall, covered with blood, as the result of a gunshot, that he stood motionless with the wonder caused by a thing which seemed to him so extraordinary. The Frenchmen who traded with the Canadian tribes were often amused at seeing those people in raptures of this sort. The savages often took them [the Frenchmen] for spirits and gods; if any tribe had some Frenchmen among them, that was sufficient to make them feel safe from any injuries by their neighbors; and the French became mediators in all their quarrels. The detailed conversations which I have had with many voyageurs in those countries have supplied me with material for my accounts of those peoples; all that they have told me about them has so uniformly agreed that I have felt obliged to give the public some idea of that vast region.

Sieur Perot has best known those peoples; the governors-general of Canada have always employed him in all their schemes; and his acquaintance with the savage tongues, his experience, and his mental ability have enabled him to make discoveries which gave opportunity to Monsieur de la Salle to push forward all those explorations in which he achieved so great success. It was through his agency that the Mississippi became known. He rendered very important services to the


Colony, made known the glory of the king [of France] among those peoples, and induced them to form an alliance with us. On one occasion, among the Pouteouatemis, he was regarded as a god. Curiosity induced him to form the acquaintance of this nation, who dwelt at the foot of the Bay of Puans. They had heard of the French, and their desire to become acquainted with them in order to secure the trade with them had induced these savages to go down to Montreal, under the guidance of a wandering Outaouak who was glad to conduct them thither. The French had been described to them as covered with hair (the savages have no beards), and they believed that we were of a different species from other men. They were astonished to see that we were made like themselves, and regarded it as a present that the sky and the spirits had made them in permitting one of the celestial beings to enter their land. The old men solemnly smoked a calumet and came into his presence, offering it to him as homage that they rendered to him. After he had smoked the calumet, it was presented by the chief to his tribesmen, who all offered it in turn to one another, blowing from their mouths the tobacco-smoke over him as if it were incense. They said to him: "Thou art one of the chief spirits, since thou usest iron; it is for thee to rule and protect all men. Praised be the Sun, who has instructed thee and sent thee to our country." They adored him as a god; they took his knives and hatchets and incensed them with the tobacco-smoke from their mouths; and they presented to him so many kinds of food that he could not taste them all. "It is a spirit," they said; "these provisions that he has not tasted are not worthy of his lips." When he left the room, they insisted on carrying him upon their shoulders; the way over which he passed was made clear; they did [not]


dare look in his face; and the women and children watched him from a distance. "He is a spirit," they said; "let us show our affection for him, and he will have pity on us." The savage who had introduced him to this tribe was, in acknowledgment thereof, treated as a captain. Perot was careful not to receive all these acts of adoration, although, it is true, he accepted these honors so far as the interests of religion were not concerned. He told them that he was not what they thought, but only a Frenchman; that the real Spirit who had made all had given to the French the knowledge of iron, and the ability to handle it as if it were paste. He said that that Spirit, desiring to show his pity for his creatures, had permitted the French nation to settle in their country in order to remove them from the blindness in which they had dwelt, as they had not known the true God, the author of nature, whom the French adored; that, when they had established a friendship with the French, they would receive from the latter all possible assistance; and that he had come to facilitate acquaintance between them by the discoveries of the various tribes which he was making. And, as the beaver was valued by his people, he wished to ascertain whether there were not a good opportunity for them to carry on trade therein.

At that time there was war between that tribe and their neighbors, the Malhominis. The latter, while hunting with the Outagamis, had by mistake slain a Pouteouatemi, who was on his way to the Outagamis. The Pouteouatemis, incensed at this affront, deliberately tomahawked a Malhomini who was among the Puans. In the Pouteouatemi village there were only women and old men, as the young men had gone for the first time to trade at Montreal; and there was reason to fear that


the Malhominis would profit by that mischance. Perot, who was desirous of making their acquaintance, offered to mediate a peace between them. When he had arrived within half a league of the [Malhomini] village, he sent a man to tell them that a Frenchman was coming to visit them; this news caused universal joy. All the youths came at once to meet him, bearing their weapons and their warlike adornments, all marching in file, with frightful contortions and yells; this was the most honorable reception that they thought it possible to give him. He was not uneasy, but fired a gun in the air as far away as he could see them; this noise, which seemed to them so extraordinary, caused them to halt suddenly, gazing at the sun in most ludicrous attitudes. After he had made them understand that he had come not to disturb their repose, but to form an alliance with them, they approached him with many gesticulations. The calumet was presented to him; and, when he was ready to proceed to the village, one of the savages stooped down in order to carry Perot upon his shoulders; but his interpreter assured them that he had refused such honors among many tribes. He was escorted with assiduous attentions; they vied with one another in clearing the path, and in breaking off the branches of trees which hung in the way. The women and children, who had heard "the spirit" (for thus they call a gun), had fled into the woods. The men assembled in the cabin of the leading war chief, where they danced the calumet to the sound of the drum. He had them all assemble next day, and made them a speech in nearly these words: "Men, the true Spirit who has created all men desires to put an end to your miseries. Your ancestors would not listen to him; they always followed natural impulses alone, without remembering that they had


their being from him. He created them to live in peace with their fellow-men. He does not like war or disunion; he desires that men, to whom he has given reason, should remember that they all are brothers, and that they have only one God, who has formed them to do only his will. He has given them dominion over the animals, and at the same time has forbidden them to make any attacks on one another. He has given the Frenchmen iron, in order to distribute it among those peoples who have not the use of it, if they are willing to live as men, and not as beasts. He is angry that you are at war with the Pouteouatemis; even though it seemed that they had a right to avenge themselves on your young man who was among the Puans, God is nevertheless offended at them, for he forbids vengeance, and commands union and peace. The sun has never been very bright on your horizon; you have always been wrapped in the shadows of a dark and miserable existence, never having enjoyed the true light of day, as the French do. Here is a gun, which I place before you to defend you from those who may attack you; if you have enemies, it will cause them terror. Here is a porcelain collar, by which I bind you to my body; what will you have to fear, if you unite yourselves to us, who make guns and hatchets, and who knead iron as you do pitch? I have united myself with the Pouteouatemis, on whom you are planning to make war. I have come to embrace all the men whom Onontio ["Monsieur de Coursel" -- La Potherie], the chief of all the French who have settled in this country, has told me to join together, in order to take them under his protection. Would you refuse his support, and kill one another when he desires to establish peace between you? The Pouteouatemis are expecting many articles suited to war


from the hands of Onontio. You have been so evenly matched [with them; but now] would you abandon your families to the mercy of their [fire] arms, and be at war with them against the will of the French? I come to make the discovery of [new] tribes, only to return here with my brothers, who will come with me among those people who are willing to unite themselves to us. Could you hunt in peace if we give [weapons of] iron to those who furnish us beaver-skins? You are angry against the Pouteouatemis, whom you regard as your enemies, but they are in much greater number than you; and I am much afraid that the prairie people will at the same time form a league against you."

The Father of the Malhomini who had been murdered by the Pouteouatemis arose and took the collar that Perot had given him; he lighted his calumet, and presented it to him, and then gave it to the chief and all who were present, who smoked it in turn; then he began to sing, holding the calumet in one hand, and the collar in the other. He went out of the cabin while he sang, and, presenting the calumet and collar toward the sun, he walked sometimes backwards, sometimes forward; he made the circuit of his own cabin, went past a great number of those in the village, and finally returned to that of the chief. There he declared that he attached himself wholly to the French; that he believed in the living Spirit, who had, in behalf of all the spirits, domination over all other men, who were inferior to him; that all his tribe had the same sentiments; and that they asked only the protection of the French, from whom they hoped for life and for obtaining all that is necessary to man.

The Pouteouatemis were very impatient to learn the fate of their people who had gone trading to Montreal;


they feared that the French might treat them badly, or that they would be defeated by the Iroquois. Accordingly, they had recourse to Perot's guide, who was a master juggler. That false prophet built himself a little tower of poles, and therein chanted several songs, through which he invoked all the infernal spirits to tell him where the Pouteouatemis were. The reply was that they were at the Oulamanistik River, which is three days' journey from their village; that they had been well received by the French; and that they were bringing a large supply of merchandise. This oracle would have been believed if Perot, who knew that his interpreter had played the juggler, had not declared that he was a liar. The latter came to Perot, and heaped upon him loud reproaches, complaining that he did not at all realize what hardships his interpreter had encountered in this voyage, and that it was Perot's fault that he had not been recompensed for his prediction. The old men begged that Perot himself would relieve them from their anxiety. After telling them that such knowledge belonged only to God, he made a calculation, from the day of their departure, of the stay that they would probably make at Montreal, and of the time when their return might be expected; and determined very nearly the time when they could reach home. Fifteen days later, a man fishing for sturgeon came to the village in great fright, to warn them that he had seen a canoe, from which several gunshots had proceeded; this was enough to make them believe that the Iroquois were coming against them. Disorder prevailed throughout the village; they were ready to flee into the woods or to shut themselves into their fort. There was no probability that these were Iroquois, who usually make their


attacks by stealth; Perot conjectured that they were probably their own men, who were thus displaying their joy as they came near the village. In fact, a young man who had been sent out as a scout came back, in breathless haste, and reported that it was their own people who were returning. If their terror had caused general consternation, this good news caused no less joy throughout the village. Two chiefs, who had seen Perot blow into his gun at the time of the first alarm, came to let him know of the arrival of their people, and begged him always to consult his gun. All were eager to receive the fleet. As they approached, the new-comers discharged a salvo of musketry, followed by shouts and yells, and continued their firing as they came toward the village. When they were two or three hundred paces from the shore, the chief rose in his canoe and harangued the old men who stood at the water's edge; he gave an account of the favorable reception which had been accorded them at Montreal. An old man informed them, meanwhile praising the sky and the sun who had thus favored them, that there was a Frenchman in the village who had protected them in several times of danger; at this, the Pouteouatemis suddenly flung themselves into the water, to show their joy at so pleasing an occurrence. They had taken pleasure in painting [matacher] themselves in a very peculiar manner; and the French garments, which had been intended to make them more comfortable, disfigured them in a ludicrous fashion. They carried Perot with them, whether or no he would, in a scarlet blanket (Monsieur de la Salle was also honored with a like triumph at Huron Island), and made him go around the fort, while they marched in double files in front and behind him, with guns over their shoulders, often firing volleys. This cortege arrived at


the cabin of the chief who had led the band, where all the old men were assembled; and a great feast of sturgeon was served. This chief then related a more detailed account of his voyage, and gave a very correct idea of French usages. He described how the trade was carried on; he spoke with enthusiasm of what he had seen in the houses, especially of the cooking; and he did not forget to exalt Onontio, who had called them his children and had regaled them with bread, prunes, and raisins, which seemed to them great delicacies.

Chapter IX

Those peoples were so delighted with the alliance that they had just made that they sent deputies in every direction to inform the Islinois, Miamis, Outagamis,


Maskoutechs, and Kikabous that they had been at Montreal, whence they had brought much merchandise; they besought those tribes to visit them and bring them beavers. Those tribes were too far away to profit by this at first; only the Outagamis came to establish themselves for the winter at a place thirty leagues from the bay, in order to share in the benefit of the goods which they could obtain from the Pouteouatemis. Their hope that some Frenchmen would come from Chagouamikon induced them to accumulate as many beavers as possible. The Pouteouatemis took the southern part of the bay, the Sakis the northern; the Puans, as they could not fish, had gone into the woods to live on deer and bears. When the Outagamis had formed a village of more than six hundred cabins, they sent to the Sakis, at the beginning of spring, to let them know of the new establishment that they had formed. The latter sent them some chiefs, with presents, to ask them to remain in this new settlement; they were accompanied by some Frenchmen. They found a large village, but destitute of everything.


Those people had only five or six hatchets, which had no edge, and they used these, by turns, for cutting their wood; they had hardly one knife or one bodkin to a cabin, and cut their meat with the stones which they used for arrows; and they scaled their fish with mussel-shells. Want rendered them so hideous that they aroused compassion. Although their bodies were large, they seemed deformed in shape; they had very disagreeable faces, brutish voices, and evil aspects. They were


continually begging from our Frenchmen who went among them, for those savages imagined that whatever their visitors possessed ought to be given to them gratis; everything aroused their desires, and yet they had few beavers to sell. The French thought it prudent to leave to the Sakis for the winter the trade in peltries with the Outagamis, as they could carry it on with the former more quietly in the autumn.

All the tribes at the bay went to their villages after the winter, to sow their grain. A dispute occurred between two Frenchmen and an old man, who was one of the leading men among the Pouteouatemis; the former demanded payment for the goods; but he did not show much inclination to pay; sharp words arose on both sides, and they came to blows. The Frenchmen were vigorously attacked by the savages, and a third man came to the aid of his comrades. The confusion increased; that Frenchman tore the pendants from the ears of a savage, and gave him a blow in the belly which felled him so rudely that with difficulty could he rise again. At the same time the Frenchman received a blow from a war-club on his head, which caused him to fall motionless. There were great disputes among the savages in regard to the Frenchman who had just been wounded, who had rendered many services to the village. There were three families interested in this contention -- those of the Red Carp, of the Black Carp, and of the Bear. The head of the Bear family -- an intimate friend of the Frenchman, and whose son-in-law was the chief of the Sakis -- seized a hatchet, and declared


that he would perish with the Frenchman, whom the people of the Red Carp had slain. The Saki chief, hearing the voice of his father-in-law, called his own men to arms; the Bear family did the same; and the


wounded Frenchman began to recover consciousness. He calmed the Sakis, who were greatly enraged; but the savage who had maltreated him was compelled to abandon the village. These same Frenchmen's lives were in danger on still another occasion. One of them, who was amusing himself with some arrows, told a Saki who was bathing at the water's edge to ward off the shaft that he was going to let fly at him. The savage, who held a small piece of cloth, told him to shoot; but he was not adroit enough to avoid the arrow, which wounded him in the shoulder. He immediately called out that the Frenchman had slain him; but another Frenchman hastened to the savage, made him enter his cabin, and drew out the arrow. He was pacified by giving him a knife, a little vermilion to paint his face, and a piece of tobacco. This present was effectual; for when, at the Saki's cry, several of his comrades came, ready to avenge him on the spot, the wounded man cried, "What are you about? I am healed. Metaminens" (which means "little Indian corn" -- this name they had given to the Frenchman, who was Perot himself) "has tied my hands by this ointment which you see upon my wound, and I have no more anger," at the same time showing the present that Perot had given him. This presence of mind checked the disturbance that was about to arise.

The Miamis, the Maskoutechs, the Kikabous, and fifteen cabins of Islinois came toward the bay in the following summer, and made their clearings thirty miles away, beside the Outagamis, toward the south. These peoples, for whom the Iroquois were looking, had gone southward along the Mississippi after the combat which I have mentioned. Before that flight, they had seen


knives and hatchets in the hands of the Hurons who had had dealings with the French, which induced them to associate themselves with the tribes who already had some union with us. They are very sportive when among their own people, but grave before strangers; well built; lacking in intelligence, and dull of apprehension; easily persuaded; vain in language and behavior, and extremely selfish. They consider themselves much braver than their neighbors; they are great liars, employing every kind of baseness to accomplish their ends; but they are industrious, indefatigable, and excellent pedestrians. For this last reason, they are called Metousceprinioueks, which in their language means "Walkers."

After they had planted their fields in this new settlement, they went to hunt cattle. They wished to entertain the people at the bay; so they sent envoys to ask the Pouteouatemis to visit them, and to bring the Frenchmen, if they were still with them. But those savages were careful not to let their guests know how desirous their neighbors were to become acquainted with the French; so they went away without telling the latter, and came back at the end of a fortnight, loaded with meat and grease. With them were some of those new settlers, who were greatly surprised to see the French -- whom they reproached for not having come to visit them with the Pouteouatemis. The French saw plainly that the latter were jealous, and they recognized the importance of becoming acquainted with those peoples, who had come to the bay on purpose to trade more conveniently with us. The Pouteouatemis, when they saw that the French desired to go away with a Miami and a Maskoutech, made representations to them that there were no beavers among those people -- who,


moreover, were very boorish -- and even that they were in great danger of being plundered. The French took their departure, notwithstanding these tales, and in five days reached the vicinity of the village. The Maskoutech sent ahead the Miami, who had a gun, with orders to fire it when he arrived there; the report of the gun was heard soon afterward. Hardly had they reached the shore when a venerable old man appeared, and a woman carrying a bag in which was a clay pot filled with cornmeal porridge. More than two hundred


stout young men came upon the scene; their hair was adorned with headdresses of various sorts, and their


bodies were covered with tattooing in black, representing many kinds of figures; they carried arrows and war-clubs, and wore girdles and leggings of braided work. The old man held in his hand a calumet of red stone, with a long stick at the end; this was ornamented in its


whole length with the heads of birds, flame-colored, and had in the middle a bunch of feathers colored a bright red, which resembled a great fan. As soon as he espied the leader of the Frenchmen, he presented to him the calumet, on the side next to the sun; and uttered words which were apparently addressed to all the spirits whom those peoples adore. The old man held it sometimes toward the east, and sometimes toward the west; then toward the sun; now he would stick the end in the ground, and then he would turn the calumet around him, looking at it as if he were trying to point out the whole earth, with expressions which gave the Frenchman to understand that he had compassion on all men. Then he rubbed with his hands Perot's head, back, legs, and feet, and sometimes his own body. This welcome lasted a long time, during which the old man made a harangue, after the fashion of a prayer, all to assure the Frenchman of the joy which all in the village felt at his arrival.

One of the men spread upon the grass a large painted ox-skin, the hair on which was as soft as silk, on which he and his comrade were made to sit. The old man struck two pieces of wood together, to obtain fire from it; but as it was wet he could not light it. The Frenchman drew forth his own fire-steel, and immediately made fire with tinder. The old man uttered loud exclamations about the iron, which seemed to him a spirit; the calumet was lighted, and each man smoked; then they must eat porridge and dried meat, and suck the juice of the green corn. Again the calumet was filled, and those who smoked blew the tobacco-smoke into the Frenchman's face, as the greatest honor that they could render him; he saw himself smoked [boucaner] like meat, but said not a word. This ceremony ended, a skin was spread for the Frenchman's comrade. The


savages thought that it was their duty to carry the French guests; but the latter informed the Maskoutechs that, as they could shape the iron, they had strength to walk, so they were left at liberty. On the way, they rested again, and the same honors were paid to him as at the first meeting. Continuing their route, they halted near a high hill, at the summit of which was the village; they made their fourth halt here, and the ceremonies were repeated. The great chief of the Miamis came to meet them, at the head of more than three thousand men, accompanied by the chiefs of other tribes who formed part of the village. Each of these chiefs had a calumet, as handsome as that of the old man; they were entirely naked, wearing only shoes, which were artistically embroidered like buskins; they sang, as they approached, the calumet song , which they uttered in


cadence. When they reached the Frenchmen, they continued their songs, meanwhile bending their knees, in turn, almost to the ground. They presented the calumet


to the sun, with the same genuflexions, and then they came back to the principal Frenchman, with many gesticulations. Some played upon instruments the calumet songs, and others sang them, holding the calumet in the mouth without lighting it. A war chief raised Perot upon his shoulders, and, accompanied by all the musicians, conducted him to the village. The Maskoutech who had been his guide offered him to the Miamis, to be lodged among them; they very amiably declined, being unwilling to deprive the Maskoutechs of the pleasure of possessing a Frenchman who had consented to come under their auspices. At last he was taken to the cabin of the chief of the Maskoutechs; as he entered


the lighted calumet was presented to him, which he smoked; and fifty guardsmen were provided for him, who prevented the crowd from annoying him. A grand repast was served, the various courses of which reminded one of feeding-troughs rather than dishes; the food was seasoned with the fat of the wild ox. The guards took good care that provisions should be brought often, for they profited thereby.

On the next day, the Frenchman gave them, as presents, a gun and a kettle; and made them the following speech, which was suited to their character: "Men, I admire your youths; although they have since their birth seen only shadows, they seem to me as fine-looking as those who are born in regions where the sun always displays his glory. I would not have believed that the earth, the mother of all men, could have furnished you the means of subsistence when you did not possess the light of the Frenchman, who supplies its influences to many peoples; I believe that you will become another nation when you become acquainted with him. I am the dawn of that light, which is beginning to appear in your lands, as it were, that which precedes the sun, who will soon shine brightly and will cause you to be born again, as if in another land, where you will find, more easily and in greater abundance, all that can be necessary to man. I see this fine village filled with young men, who are, I am sure, as courageous as they are well built; and who will, without doubt, not fear their enemies if they carry French weapons. It is for these young men that I leave my gun, which they must regard as the pledge of my esteem for their valor; they must use it


if they are attacked. It will also be more satisfactory in hunting cattle and other animals than are all the arrows that you use. To you who are old men I leave my kettle; I carry it everywhere without fear of breaking it. You will cook in it the meat that your young men bring from the chase, and the food which you offer to the Frenchmen who come to visit you." He tossed a dozen awls and knives to the women, and said to them: "Throw aside your bone bodkins; these French awls will be much easier to use. These knives will be more useful to you in killing beavers and in cutting your meat than are the pieces of stone that you use." Then, throwing to them some rassade: "See; these will better adorn your children and girls than do their usual ornaments."


The Miamis said, by way of excuse for not having any beaver-skins, that they had until then roasted those animals.

That alliance began, therefore, through the agency of Sieur Perot. A week later the savages made a solemn feast, to thank the sun for having conducted him to their village. In the cabin of the great chief of the Miamis an altar had been erected, on which he had caused to be placed a Pindiikosan. This is a warrior's pouch, filled with medicinal herbs wrapped in the skins of animals, the rarest that they can find; it usually contains all that inspires their dreams. Perot, who did not approve this altar, told the great chief that he adored a God who forbade him to eat things sacrificed to evil spirits or to the skins of animals. They were greatly surprised at this, and asked if he would eat provided they shut up their Manitous; this he consented to do. The chief begged Perot to consecrate him to his Spirit, whom he would thenceforth acknowledge; he said that he would prefer that Spirit to his own, who had not taught them to make hatchets, kettles, and all else that men need; and he hoped that by adoring him they would obtain all the knowledge that the French had. This chief governed his people as a sort of sovereign; he had his guards, and whatever he said or ordered was regarded as law.


The Pouteouatemis, jealous that the French had found the way to the Miamis, secretly sent a slave to the latter, who said many unkind things about the French; he said that the Pouteouatemis held them in the utmost contempt, and regarded them as dogs. The French, who had heard all these abusive remarks, put him into a condition where he could say no more outrageous things; the Miamis regarded the spectacle with great tranquillity. When it was time to return to the bay, the chiefs sent all their young men to escort the Frenchmen thither, and made them many presents. The Pouteouatemis, having learned of the Frenchman's arrival, came to assure him of the interest they felt in his safe return, and were very impatient to know whether the tribes from whom he had come had treated him well. But when they heard the reproaches which he uttered for their sending a slave who had said most ungenerous things regarding the French nation, they attempted to make an explanation of their conduct, but fully justified the poor opinion which he already had of them. The savages have this characteristic, that they find a way to free themselves from blame in any evil undertaking, or to make it succeed without seeming to have taken part in it.

Chapter X

It was for the interest of the Pouteouatemis to keep on good terms with the French; and they had been too well received at Montreal not to return thither. Indeed, after having presented to Perot a bag of Indian corn, that he might, they said, "eat and swallow the suspicion that he felt toward them," and five beaver robes to serve as an emetic for the ill-will and vengeance which he might retain in his heart, they sent some of their people


on a journey to Montreal. When they came in sight of Michilimakinak, which then was frequented only by them and the Iroquois, they perceived smoke. While they were trying to ascertain what this meant, they encountered two Iroquois, and saw another canoe off shore. Each party was alarmed at the other; as for the Iroquois, they took to flight, while the Pouteouatemis, plying their paddles against contrary winds, fled to their own village; they felt an extraordinary anxiety, for they knew not what measures to take for protection against the Iroquois. All the peoples of the bay experienced the same perplexity. Their terror was greatly increased when, a fortnight later, they saw large fires on the other shore of the bay, and heard many gun-shots. As a climax to their fears, the scouts whom they had sent out brought back the news that they had seen at night many canoes made in Iroquois fashion, in one of which was a gun, and a blanket of Iroquois material; and some men, who were sleeping by a fire. All those canoes came in sight the next morning, and each one fled, at the top of his speed, into the forest; only the most courageous took the risk of awaiting, with resolute air, the Iroquois in their fort, where they had good firearms. As we were at peace with the Iroquois, some of the bolder spirits among our Frenchmen offered to go to meet that so-called army, in order to learn the motive which could have impelled them to come to wage war against the allies of Onontio. They were greatly surprised to find that it was a fleet of Outaouaks, who had come to trade; these people had, while traveling across the country, built some canoes which resembled those of the Iroquois. The men whom the Pouteouatemis had seen at Michilimakinak were really Iroquois; but they had feared falling into the hands of the Pouteouatemis quite as much


as the latter had feared them. The Iroquois, while fleeing, fell into an ambuscade of forty Sauteurs, who carried them away to the Sauteur village; they had come from a raid against the Chaouanons near Carolina,


and had brought with them a captive from that tribe, whom they were going to burn. The Sauteurs set him at liberty, and enabled him to return to the bay by entrusting him to the Sakis. This man gave them marvelous notions of the South Sea, from which his village was distant only five days' journey -- near a great river which, coming from the Islinois, discharges its waters into that sea. The tribes of the bay sent him home with much merchandise, urging him to persuade his tribesmen to come and visit them.

These peoples held several councils, to deliberate whether they should go down to Montreal; they hesitated at first, because they had so few beavers. As the savages give everything to their mouths, they preferred


to devote themselves to hunting such wild beasts as could furnish subsistence for their families, rather than seek beavers, of which there were not enough; they preferred the needs of life to those of the state. Nevertheless, they reflected that if they allowed the Frenchmen to go away without themselves going down to trade, it might happen that the latter would thereafter attach themselves to some other tribes; or, if they should afterward go to Montreal, the governor would feel resentment against them because they had not escorted these Frenchmen thither. They decided that they would go with the Frenchmen; preparations for this were accordingly made, and a solemn feast was held; and on the eve of their departure a volley of musketry was fired in the village. Three men sang incessantly, all night long, in a cabin, invoking their spirits from time to time. They began with the song of Michabous; then they came to that of the god of lakes, rivers, and forests, begging the winds, the thunder, the storms, and the tempests to be favorable to them during the voyage. The next day, the crier went through the village, inviting the men to the cabin where the feast was to be prepared. They found no difficulty in going thither, each furnished with his Ouragan and Mikouen ["his dish and spoon" -- La Potherie]. The three musicians of the previous night began to sing; one was placed at the entrance of the cabin, another in the middle, and the third at its end; they were armed with quivers, bows, and arrows, and their faces and entire bodies were blackened with coal. While the people sat in this assembly, in the utmost quiet, twenty young men -- entirely naked, elaborately painted [matachez] and wearing girdles of otter-skin,


to which were attached the skins of crows, with their plumage, and gourds -- lifted from the fires ten great kettles; then the singing ceased. The first of these actors next sang his war-song, keeping time with it in a dance from one end to the other of the cabin, while all the savages cried in deep guttural tones, "Hay, hay!" When the musician ended, all the others uttered a loud yell, in which their voices gradually died away, much as a loud noise disappears among the mountains. Then the second and the third musicians repeated, in turn, the same performance; and, in a word, nearly all the savages did the same, in alternation -- each singing his own song, but no one venturing to repeat that of another, unless he were willing deliberately to offend the one who had composed the song, or unless the latter were dead (in order to exalt, as it were, the dead man's name by appropriating his song). During this, their looks were accompanied with gestures and violent movements; and some of them took hatchets, with which they pretended to strike the women and children who were watching them. Some took firebrands, which they tossed about everywhere; others filled their dishes with red-hot coals, which they threw at each other. It is difficult to make the reader understand the details of feasts of this sort, unless he has himself seen them. I was present at a like entertainment among the Iroquois at the Sault of Montreal,


and it seemed as if I were in the midst of hell. After most of those who had been invited to this pleasant festival had sung, the chief of the feast, who had given the dance, sang a second time; and he said at the end of his song (which he improvised) that he was going to Montreal with the Frenchmen, and was on that account offering these prayers to their God, entreating him to be propitious to him on the voyage, and to render him acceptable to the French nation. The young men who had taken off the kettles took all the dishes, which they filled with food, while the three chanters [chantres de la nuit, "night-birds"] repeated their first songs, not finishing their concert until everything had been eaten -- a feat which did not take long to accomplish. An old man arose and congratulated, in the most affable manner, the chief of the feast on the project which he had formed, and encouraged the young men to follow him. All those who wished to go on the voyage laid down a stick; there were enough people to man thirty canoes. At the Sault, they joined seventy other canoes, of various tribes, all of whom formed a single fleet.

These voyageurs, passing through the Nepicing [Lake], found only a few Nepicirinien old men, and some women and children, the young men being at Montreal for trading. Those people concealed the resentment that they felt at not hearing any mention [by their


visitors] of paying their toll, because there were some Frenchmen, whom they were therefore very willing to treat with consideration; meanwhile they entertained the latter, as they were the most prominent men in the fleet. The guests halted an entire day, in order to conform to the usual custom of the savages who accord to their allies this right of hospitality. Next day the fleet passed through the Nepicing, and on the following day they descried some people in canoes, who uttered cries for the dead. All the fleet made for the shore, in order to wait for them; they reported that the pest was making great havoc in our colony, and they said too much about it not to frighten the more credulous of the travelers, who desired to give up their voyage. The Outaouaks, who saw all the canoes of these false alarmists arrive gradually, were surprised that they were in so good condition, and that they were so laden with merchandise. The [real] motive of those people was, to obtain at a moderate price, for themselves, the peltries belonging to the others, in order to spare themselves from going out hunting; but they did not dare to disclose their design. The savages are sufficiently politic not to seem to distrust one another; and in regard to news that is announced to them they always suspend their opinions, without letting it appear that often they think the informant is not telling the truth.

Le Brochet and Le Talon, two of the most prominent of the Outaouak chiefs, mistrusting that the Nepiciriniens might be longing to beguile the Kristinaux and the inland tribes, in order to plunder them or else compel them to pay the toll, inquired of some Frenchmen if there was any probability that the pest was at Montreal. The Outaouaks were undeceived. The Mississakis, the Kristinaux, and the Gens de Terre, easy to persuade,


yielded to the opinion of the Nepiciriniens; and the coolness of their behavior was very apparent. A Nepicirinien, meanwhile, encountering a Frenchman, told him that every one was dying [in the colony]; and the Frenchman answered him jestingly: "What! the French, who are enlightened people, and who know what is suitable for the cure of every kind of disease, they are all dying; and you who are ignorant are living?" The Nepicirinien replied to him. "Our spirits have preserved us." "Your spirits," the Frenchman answered, "are incapable of that, and are no better able to do you any good. It is the God of the French who has done everything for you, and who supplies your needs, although you do not deserve it. You are liars; you are trying to deceive and abuse the people who come down the river, so as to plunder them, as you have always done. As the number of men in this fleet is so great as to hinder you from doing that, you are making them afraid, by trying to persuade them that all the French people are dying from an imaginary disease. Know that Onontio sent me a letter when I was at the bay, in which he ordered me to have all the tribes go down [to Montreal], as he wished to see them." And, drawing from his pocket an old piece of paper on which there was writing, which he feigned to be from Monsieur Coursel, he said to him: "[You may] oppose [this voyage], Nepicirinien; but if this fleet goes back I shall continue my journey;" and the Frenchman declared that he would make known to Onontio the opposition that the other had made to this fleet, and how he had hindered the accomplishment of Onontio's purpose. The Nepiciriniens disguised their knavish tricks as best they could, and said that in fact the maladies had ceased when they left [the colony].


All those peoples went down to Montreal, where they were not very well satisfied with the trading; the great quantity of peltries caused the buyers to try to get them very cheaply. Moreover, not only had the Nepiciriniens carried away the greater part of the merchandise, but those who held the rest of it tried to make their profits from an opportunity so favorable; the savages murmured at this, and even a disturbance occurred; they cudgeled a sentinel, whose gun they took away, and broke his sword. Some chiefs, who had caused this sedition, were arrested. A number of Iroquois who had come to negotiate a peace, delighted at this hubbub, were very desirous that the minds of people should be further exasperated, so that they could secure an opportunity of coming to hostilities with those tribes; they all hastened at the report of the disturbance, and offered their services to the French. The Outaouaks, who as yet had no acquaintance with firearms, saw very plainly that they were not the stronger party. The Pouteouatemis were the most discreet, and, although they were not entangled in the midst of these troubles, they were continually dreading lest some disagreeable consequences would happen to them. As at that time a general peace with the Iroquois was being discussed, the commandant at Montreal made the Outaouaks go down to Quebec, that they might be witnesses of what should take place for the benefit of all the allied tribes. The Pouteouatemis, who had as yet visited the colony but once, were very glad at being included in this visit.

Chapter XI

The peace was made, accordingly, in 1666; and people began to enjoy this tranquillity, which enabled every one to live prosperously on his own lands, and to trade


among our allies with safety. In truth, nothing was more melancholy than to dwell in the continual anxiety that one might have his scalp torn off at the door of his own house, or be carried away from it among those barbarians, who burned the most of their captives.

It was, besides, for the interest of the colony to make known the glory of the king among all the peoples of the south, of the west, and of the north. The alliance which was beginning to gain footing could not better be strengthened than by assuring them, in their own country, of inviolable protection; and in fact, a little while after those peoples had gone back to their own country, Monsieur Talon, the intendant of Canada, sent thither in 1667 a delegate, with Sieur Perot, who was considered the most competent man to conduct this business. They set out with orders to go to take possession, in the name of the king, of all the country of the Outaouaks. The Saut de Sainte Marie, about the 46th degree of latitude, was the place where the general assemblies of all the tribes were held, and thus there was no locality where this matter could be transacted with more eclat. They spent five or six months in notifying the tribes, but none consented except the Puans. Perot decided to go among them himself; but he met Father Aloüet, a Jesuit, who had wintered there [at the Bay], with some Frenchmen, who had encountered there all possible annoyances. Those peoples had been so offended because the French at Montreal had sold them merchandise at an excessive price that, in order to recoup themselves, they sold their beaver pelts at a triple price to the Frenchmen who went among them. But Perot, without heeding the affronts that his compatriots had received from them, concluded to go there. He arrived at the bay in that same year in the month of May, and, finding that they were out fishing


he invited them to return to their village, where he had something important to communicate to them. After they had reached the village, he explained to them the motive which had brought him among them; and they consented, without making any objection, to be present at the [ceremony of] taking possession. It was still necessary to interest the Outagamis, the Miamis, the Maskoutechs, the Kikabous, and the Islinois in the plan. The Pouteouatemis gave him an escort, because the Nadouaissioux had, several days before, [killed] twelve Maskoutechs who were fishing along their river. When he was four leagues distant from their village, he made known to them his arrival; and the chief of the Miamis immediately gave orders that his people should go in warlike array to receive Perot at a place half a league away. At once they marched, in order of battle, decked with handsome ornaments of feathers, and armed with quivers, bows, arrows, and clubs, as if they had intended to fight a battle. They all marched in single file, their clubs uplifted, and from time to time uttered yells. The Pouteouatemis, having perceived this advance, told him that the Miamis were receiving him in martial fashion, and that he must imitate them. Immediately he placed himself at their head, and they rushed upon the Miamis with their guns loaded with powder, as if to check their advance. The head of the file of Miamis passed to the left, making a circuit of five hundred paces in order to surround them, each man keeping at the same distance from those in front and behind him; the head of the file joined the rear, and the Pouteouatemis found themselves all hemmed in. The Miamis, uttering a terrible yell, suddenly came pouring upon them, firing all those arrows above their heads; and when they were almost near enough to deal each


other blows, the Miamis came on as if to attack them with their clubs. The Pouteouatemis fired a volley from their muskets, preceded by frightful cries, over the others, and then all mingled together. Such was the reception by those peoples, who then, with the calumets, made their guests enter the village.

The Frenchman went to the house of the chief of all those tribes, and the others were scattered among the houses of the Miamis. The chief of the Miamis commanded fifty warriors to act as a guard and wait upon him; and several days later entertained him with the game of crosse, in this manner.

More than two thousand persons assembled in a great plain, each with his racket; and a wooden ball, as large as a tennis-ball, was thrown into the air. Then all that could be seen was the flourishes and motion through the air of all those rackets, which made a noise like that of weapons which is heard in a battle. Half of all those savages endeavored to send the ball in the direction of the northwest, the length of the plain, and the others tried to make it go to the southeast; the strife, which lasted half an hour, was doubtful. Games of this sort are usually followed by broken heads, arms, and legs; and often persons are killed therein without any other injury occurring to them. This exercise ended, a woman came to him, in the utmost grief at the sickness of her son; and she asked the Frenchman if, since he was a spirit, he had not power to heal him. The sick man was attacked by a pain in the stomach, through having eaten too much at a feast (which is only too common among them); Perot gave him a dose of theriac. This remedy was so beneficial that at once it was reported among


them that he had brought a dead person to life. The result was, that the great chief and two of the most prominent men among them came to awaken the Frenchman during the night, and made him a present of ten beaver robes, in order to induce him to give them some of this remedy. He excused himself, saying that he had very little of it, and refused the robes. Moreover, he told them that he could not do without the remedy in a voyage wherein he might encounter so many dangers, but they begged it from him even more urgently; and they asked him to permit them at least to smell it. This odor seemed to them so delightful that they believed that they would almost become immortal by rubbing the chest with this remedy. The Frenchman was compelled to accept the robes, so as not to make the chief more angry. It is their custom to make presents to those who have spirits (thus they call remedies), which they believed could not produce their effect if one refused their presents. The Frenchman therefore gave them half of the theriac that he had.

It was time to return to the Pouteouatemis; the great chief, accompanied by fifty warriors, intended to go to attend this act of taking possession, but the wind grew so violent upon the lake that they were compelled to give up the voyage. The chief asked the Pouteouatemis to act and respond for him, and for the peoples who were united to his own.

All the chiefs of the bay, those of Lake Huron and Lake Superior, and the people of the north, not to mention several other tribes, came to the Saut at the end of May. These peoples being assembled, a stake was planted, and presents were made to them in behalf of his majesty. They were asked if they would acknowledge, as his subjects, the great Onontio of the French,


our sovereign and our king, who offered them his protection; and, if they had not yet decided [to do that], never to acknowledge any other monarch than him. All the chiefs replied, by reciprocal presents, that they held nothing dearer than the alliance with the French and the special regard of their great chief, who lived beyond that great lake the ocean; and they implored his support, without which they could no longer maintain life. Sieur Perot, at the same time causing the soil to be dug into three times, said to them: "I take possession of this country in the name of him whom we call our king; this land is his, and all these peoples who hear me are his subjects, whom he will protect as his own children; he desires that they live in peace, and he will take in hand their affairs. If any enemies rise up against them, he will destroy them; if his children have any disputes among themselves, he desires to be the judge in these."

The [governor's] delegate then attached to the stake an iron plate on which the arms of the king were painted; he drew up an official report of the transaction, which he made all the peoples sign [by their chiefs], who for their signatures depict the insignia of their families; some of them drew a beaver, others an otter, a sturgeon, a deer, or an elk. Other reports were drawn up, which were signed only by the Frenchmen who took part in the act. One of these was dextrously slipped between the wood and the iron plate, which remained there but a short time; for hardly had the crowd separated when they drew out the nails from the plate, flung the document into the fire, and again fastened up the arms of the king -- fearing that the written paper was a spell, which would cause the deaths of all those who dwelt in or should visit that district. The delegate had


orders to go, after the act of taking possession, to make the discovery of a copper mine at Lake Superior, in the river Antonagan; but his conduct in this enterprise was so irregular, to use no stronger expression, that I will content myself with stating that he was sent to Cadie, in order to send him back to France.

The discovery of the Southern Sea was an undertaking on which Monsieur Talon had set his heart, and he cast his eyes on Sieur Joliet to make this attempt. He had traveled in the Outaouak country; and the knowledge of those regions which he already possessed was sufficient to give him enough guidance to make this discovery. His voyage was one long series of adventures, which alone would fill a volume; but, to cut the matter short, he penetrated as far as the Akancas, who dwell three hundred leagues from the mouth of the Mississippi. The Illinois who had accompanied him brought him back by another route, shorter by two hundred leagues, and had him enter the Saint Joseph River, where Monsieur de la Sale had begun a settlement.

The renown of the French was then made known in the most remote countries; and it was something altogether extraordinary to the peoples therein to hear frequent mention of a new nation, so opulent, from which they obtained so many advantages. What did not the Chaouanons undertake, on the mere report of the man who had been delivered from the hands of the Iroquois, and whom the Pouteouatemis sent back to his home laden with French merchandise! They knew that among those [northern] tribes there were some people


who were called French, who had shown themselves more sociable than those of their own region, and who were furnishing all sorts of merchandise. This was enough to induce them to profit by this advantage; and forty warriors actually departed, to settle near the Pouteouatemis. During their journey they surprised some Iroquois who were going to make an attack at the Bay of Puans; and of these they killed or captured several. They passed through a village of Miamis, who welcomed them in so friendly a manner that they could not refrain from giving them their Iroquois captives. The Miamis sent these captives to the Outagamis to be eaten, in reprisal for the Iroquois having carried away, a short time before, the people of five [Miami?] cabins. The Outagamis, seeing that this conjuncture was favorable for making an exchange of captives, sent an embassy to the Iroquois.

When the ambassador had crossed [Lake] Micheigan, he encountered eight hundred Iroquois who were coming as a war-party, to attack the first village that they might light upon. The Iroquois then could not forbear to calm their resentment; they promised the ambassador that from that time there would be a barrier between his people and allies, and their own; and that the river of Chigagon should be the limit of their raids. They sent him back with presents, giving him as companions one of their principal men with a young warrior; and


at the same time they turned their weapons against the Chaouanons.

This [Iroquois] chief passed through the Miamis, the Maskoutechs, and the Kikabous, where he was received with the honors of the calumet, and loaded with presents of beaver-skins. Those peoples deputed two Miamis to accompany him on his return, in order to treat with the Iroquois for peace. He came among the Outagamis, who exerted themselves to give him proofs of their esteem; and finally he arrived at the bay, where the tribes did not fail to show him the happiness that they felt at his being one of their friends. They presented to him peltries, and two large canoes for transporting the presents which he had received on every side. The Miamis who accompanied the Iroquois followed the lake, and passed the grand Portage of Ganateitiagon, by which they reached Lake Frontenac and Kente, where there was a French mission and a large village of Iroquois. They went from there to Fort Frontenac, where Monsieur de la Sale was; he gave them many presents, assuring them that he was going to visit them in their own country.

That army of Iroquois was divided into two; six hundred went against the Chaouanons, and two hundred followed the river of Chigagon -- where they encountered some Islinois who were returning from Michilimakinak with some Outaouaks, and captured or killed nineteen of them. The Islinois, when they heard of this blow, checked their resentment; they could have gone to attack the Iroquois, but they sent to Onontio (who at


the time was Monsieur de Frontenac, who had arrived in Canada in 1672), a package of beaver-skins, by which they made complaint that the Iroquois had violated the peace. They said that, through fear of displeasing him, they had refrained from going to find the Iroquois and fighting them; but, nevertheless, they asked him for justice. This new governor sent them a collar by Monsieur de la Forest, who directed them to defend themselves in case they were again attacked; but he told them not to set out on the war-path to encounter the enemy in their own country.

It is useless to make peace with the Iroquois; when they can surprise any one alone, they grant him no quarter.

Chapters XII-XIV

[SYNOPSIS: Chapter xii relates the proceedings of Chevalier de la Salle; in 1676 he visited all the great lakes except Superior, and established friendly relations with the tribes about their shores. On Lake Michigan he constructed a fort, as a center for trading with the Indians; and he shipped a large consignment of pelts to Montréal. In August, 1679, he embarked from Niagara with much merchandise, on a ship which he built there, and safely arrived at Michilimakinak. The Indians were alarmed at this success, forming the idea that if the French could come among them with ships their freedom would be in peril, and that the French would make slaves of them. They dissembled their anger, however, and plotted secretly to destroy the ship,


kill all the French, and place themselves under the protection of the English. "They sent deputies in all haste to the Islinois, and to the tribes who dwelt along the route, to advise them to beware of the French. They sent this word to those peoples: ‘We are dead; our families and yours will be henceforth reduced to servitude by the French, who will make them cultivate the ground, and without doubt will yoke them as they do their cattle. They have come to Michilimakinak in a fort that floats on the water, which cannot be entered unless they are taken by surprise. This fort has wings, which it can [use] when it sets out to destroy any people. It is to go to the Islinois by way of the lakes, and all the French who trade here are going into their great canoe; and they will be strong enough to make slaves of us all, unless we prevent their undertaking. We are acquainted with the English, who furnish merchandise to us at a more reasonable price than the French do. The French mean to betray us, and lord it over us. These presents -- which we send you secretly, so that we may not be discovered -- are daggers for massacring all the French who are among you, and for informing you that we will do the same to those who are with us.’ The chief of the Sauteurs was more sensible than all those peoples who had sent him presents [asking him] to join that same conspiracy. His reply to them was: ‘You are children. You do not know the Englishman, who is the father of the Iroquois -- against whom Onontio our father has undertaken war, and whom he has compelled to demand peace; and what he has thus done is only to protect us from the Englishman's barbarous treatment. When you shall have carried out this reckless move which you are proposing, see if the Iroquois will not avail himself of the opportunity to satiate his fury, and his passion for


destroying all the peoples; and if his father, who will be more partial to him than to us, will not abandon us to the kettle of the Iroquois. I know the French governor, who has never betrayed me, and I do not trust the Englishman.’ It is astonishing that Monsieur de la Sale had no knowledge of all the schemes that were plotted against him. He traded for all the peltries of those peoples, which he placed aboard his bark; and he left in the vessel only five or six Frenchmen, to whom he gave orders to return [to Niagara] with the first favorable weather; for his part, he continued his journey in canoes, in order to join the men whom he had left at the river of Saint Joseph. Hardly was the bark under sail when a storm arose, which drove it into a small bay, five or six leagues from the anchorage which it had left. The Outaouak deputies who had inveigled the Islinois into their conspiracy, returning, perceived the bark, and went on board. The pilot received them with entire good-will; but the opportunity seemed to them at the moment too advantageous to miss their stroke. They slew all the Frenchmen [footnote, "In 1679"], carried away all the goods that suited them, and burned the bark. It had cost more than forty thousand francs, [and] as much in merchandise, tools, peltries, outfit, rigging, and furniture. Monsieur de la Sale, who, after the tokens of esteem and friendship which those peoples had given him, had never suspected such perfidy, believed that his ship had been wrecked. The savages, on their part, considered themselves freed from a burden which to them seemed heavy; but they did not recognize in it their own good fortune."

[Chapter xiii relates La Salle's adventures in Illinois -- his establishment on the Illinois River, his expedition


down the Mississippi (in 1681), and return to France (1683). The Iroquois raided the Illinois country, treacherously breaking the peace they had concluded with the French and their allies; and the tribes thus wronged were consequently irritated against the French, La Salle having assured them of the good behavior of the Iroquois. At Green Bay (chapter xiv) many Indians died from the ravages of an epidemic, and the superstitious people laid the blame for this on the missionaries there, whose destruction they began to plot. A Frenchman (apparently Perrot) so successfully exerted his influence with the savages, at the same time reproaching them for the murder of some servants of the mission, that he induced them to promise that satisfaction should be made therefor, and the danger to the mission was averted. In the same winter [footnote, "In 1683"] a conference was held in the Outagami village, attended by some Frenchmen who, with some Chippewa from the Sault, had come to demand from the Outagamis satisfaction for their retention of certain captives. On this occasion, the following speech was made (again by Perrot, presumably): "Listen, Outagamis, to what I am going to tell you. I have learned that you are very desirous to eat the flesh of Frenchmen. I have come, with these young men whom you see, to satisfy you; put us into your kettles, and gorge yourselves with the meat that you have been wanting." Then, drawing his sword from his scabbard, he showed them his body, and continued: "My flesh is white and savory, but it is very salt; if you eat it, I do not think that it will pass the Adam's-apple without being vomited." The foremost war chief at once answered, "What child is there who would eat his father, from whom he has received life? Thou hast given birth to us, for thou didst bring us the


first iron; and now thou tellest us to eat thee." The Frenchman replied to him: "Thou art right in saying that I gave thee birth; for when I came to thy village all of you were in wretched condition, like people who do not know where to halt, and who come forth from the deepest part of the earth. Now, when you are living in peace, and are enjoying the light which I have obtained for you, you are desiring to trouble the country, to kill the Sauteurs, and to bring low those whom I adopted before I did you. Vomit up your prey; give me back my body, which you wish to put into your kettle; and fear lest the fumes which will rise from it, if you cook it, will stir up vapors that will form stormy clouds which will extend over your village -- which will be in a moment consumed by the flames and lightnings that will issue from them; and these will be followed by a shower of hail, which will fall with so much violence on your families that not one of them will be safe. You forget that your ancestors and yourselves have been vagabonds until now; are you weary of living in comfort? Vomit up [your prey]. Believe your father, who will not abandon you until you compel him to do so. Listen to my words, and I will settle this unpleasant affair (which you have brought on yourselves) with the Sauteurs." Nothing more was necessary to secure the return of the captives. On another occasion, "a Saki hung up the war-kettle, against the opinion of all the chiefs of his tribe. Some of his party entered the cabin of a Frenchman, who was lying on his bed. Suspecting that they came to say adieu to him, he pretended to snore; the others waited for the moment when he could be awakened. The Frenchman, suddenly arousing, like a man who comes out of a heavy sleep, said aloud, in the Saki language, ‘The Sakis who are going to war will be


defeated.’ Those warriors asked him what was the cause of his agitation. He told them that he had just dreamed that he saw, in the plains north of the Missisipi, on this side of the Sioux village, a camp of Nadouaissioux, in which there was a lighted fire, and a great troop of black dogs, and some white dogs. These animals, meeting there, had a fight, and the black dogs devoured the white ones, except the largest one, who remained the last one alive, and he was entirely exhausted. He said that he himself had tried to escape from their jaws, but all the black dogs rushed toward him to devour him; and the fear of being actually torn in pieces had caused him to awake, with the startled appearance which they had just remarked. This fiction had more effect than all the solicitations of those chiefs, who could not prevent this war-party, formed so unseasonably; for those young warriors went about relating the danger of the Frenchmen; they interpreted the sense [of this dream] by representing the Nadouaissioux as the black dogs, and the Sakis as the white ones; and they did not fail to say that the spirit had availed himself of the Frenchman, in this emergency, to turn them aside from an enterprise which without doubt would have been fatal to them." The rest of the chapter is occupied with an account of the expedition against the Iroquois country by Governor la Barre, evidently drawn from Perrot's relation in his Mémoire.]

Chapter XV

The name of Frenchman was rendered worthy of respect in all places; and the more remote peoples who had profited by the advantages of alliance with the French experienced a great change from the former condition in which they were; when they waged war against


some tribes who were unknown to us, they were able to end it to their own advantage by favor of the arms that they had obtained from us. The more discoveries we made, the more we desired to make. The north was known to us, and the south gradually became so; but it still remained to penetrate into the west, where, as we had knowledge, many peoples dwelt. Monsieur de la Barre in the spring [footnote, "1683"] sent twenty Frenchmen to attempt this enterprise, under the direction of Sieur Perrot, to whom he gave letters -- patent as commandant of that region. When they had gone fifty leagues from Montreal, they met some Outaouaks, who were coming down to that city; and usage demanded that travelers who met each other should land on the shore, in order to give mutual information of the news on both sides. These Outaouaks said that the Sauteur tribe had been destroyed by the Outagamis, and that they themselves were going to Onontio, their father, to ask him for [fire] arms, in exchange for peltries, in order to avenge the Sauteurs. Although those peoples might often have quarrels, it was nevertheless to the interest of the colony to prevent them from destroying one another. The commander of these twenty Frenchmen sent information of this matter to Monsieur de la Barre, who wrote to the Jesuit fathers and the commandant at Michilimakinak to prevent the Outaouaks from making any attack on the Outagamis. The Outaouaks, rightly suspecting that Monsieur de la Barre was not favorable to their designs, and that all the letters entrusted to them might furnish obstacles thereto, burned the letters, excepting the one which was addressed to Perrot, because they imagined that, as he was a friend to them, he at least would favor them in their schemes. All that they said to the Jesuits on their arrival was, that Onontio had


[given] them the Outagamis "for broth." The very opposite was learned from the letter which Perrot received, in which Monsieur de la Barre expressly forbade that the Outaouaks should commit hostile acts against the Outagamis, and directed him to settle their dispute.

A Sauteur chief had a daughter eighteen years old, who had been for a year a slave among the Outagamis, and whom he could not redeem. In this wretched situation, the dread which he felt that, if he made any attempt to demand the girl, he himself would be burned by them, took away his courage; [but now] he resolved to do it, and joined our Frenchmen. All the tribes at the bay had carried to the Outagamis a great many presents, in order to ransom this girl, but nothing had been sufficient to move them; it was even feared that she would be sacrificed to the shades of the great chief whom the Sauteurs had slain. This afflicted father found no consolation in any of the places through which he passed, because the people there told him that the Frenchmen, as they were not, like themselves, relatives of the Outagamis, could never get possession of his daughter. Perrot made him remain at the bay, for fear that the Outagamis would snatch him away from the French and put him on the gridiron. As soon as he arrived at their village they approached him, all bursting into tears, and relating to him the treachery of the Sauteurs and the Nadouaissious. They told him that their great chief had been killed in the fight, with fifty-six of their men; and that, although they had only two hundred men, they had routed the enemies, who numbered eight hundred fighting men. This discourse gave him an opportunity to speak of that girl; and, having called them to an assembly, he spoke to them as follows:


"Old men, chiefs, and young men of the Outagamis, listen to me. I have had information that, in order to form a solid peace between the Sauteurs and Nadouaissious, through a conference which we had together, the former had invited the latter to put you and your families into their kettles. It is the Spirit who created all who has made known to us the peril in which you have been; and we have prayed him to take pity on you, asking that his almighty power may deliver you from the treachery of your enemies, who have not obtained any of your spoils, nor the scalps of your dead. He has made you masters of the field of battle; you have made prisoners of their men, and you have cut off the heads of those whom you have slain, which is the final proof of a savage's valor. You ought not to ascribe the victory to your own bravery; it is that Spirit who has fought for you whom you ought to acknowledge as your deliverer. What do you mean to do with this Sauteur girl whom you have so long kept back? Is keeping her here likely to appease your anger against her people? She belongs to me, and I demand her from you. I am your father, and it is the Spirit who has employed me to come among you, as the first Frenchman who has opened the door of your cabin. All these peoples of the bay, who are my children, are your brothers; foreseeing your refusal, they dread the evils that threaten you. Swallow your desire for vengeance, if you desire to live." While talking to them, he held his calumet in his hand; he held it to the mouth of the brother of the great chief, to have him smoke, but the latter refused it; then he presented it to others, who accepted it. Then he filled it with tobacco, and again presented it to the first man, as many as three times; but he refused it, as he had done before, which constrained Perrot to leave the room instantly, very indignant


The Outagamis are of two lineages; those of one call themselves Renards, and the others are of the Red-earth family. The man who refused the calumet was chief of the Renards, who had taken the place of his brother. The chief of the Red Earth followed Perrot, and conducted him into his own cabin, where he called together all the old men and warriors of his tribe, and spoke to them thus:

"You have heard your father Metaminens" (that is the name by which he was known), "who desires to give us life, and our brothers the Renards are trying to take it away from us, desiring us to be forsaken by the Spirit, to whom they refuse a slave girl. Bring me some kettles, and I will talk to them; I will prove their good-will, and I will see if they will refuse me. I have always been the prop of their village, and my father and dead brother have always exposed themselves to danger in their behalf, having lost many young men in order to defend them; if they refuse me, I will let another use my fire, and I will abandon them to the fury of their enemies."

After these kettles and some merchandise had been brought to him, he took his calumet and with a retinue of his lieutenants entered the cabin of that stubborn man, and said to him: "My comrade, behold the calumet


of our ancestors who are dead. When any emergencies occurred in our village, they offered it to thy ancestors, who never refused it. I offer it to thee, filled with these kettles, and I entreat thee to take pity on our children, and to give that Sauteur girl to Metaminens, who has asked thee for her." The chief of the Renards smoked, and had all his relatives smoke. The chief of the Red Earth returned to his cabin and told Sieur Perrot, the commandant, that the affair was settled, and that he would have the Sauteur girl. During the night a storm arose, so violent that it seemed as if the entire machinery of the world was broken up; a heavy rain, with lightning and thunder, made so great a tumult that they thought they were lost men. As all the savages are naturally superstitious, they imagined that the Spirit was incensed at them. In the village nothing was heard save the complaints of the old men, who said: "What art thou thinking of, Onkimaoüassam? dost thou intend to cause the death of thy children? Dost thou love the Sauteur girl better than the families of thy own village? Didst not thou understand what was said to thee by Metaminens, who loves us and desires to give us life?


Cleanse thy mat from this filth, which will infect our land." Their fright had driven them so beside themselves, that they believed that the Spirit was going to engulf them in ruin. Onkimaoüassam himself no longer knew where he was. He was subdued, and no longer dared appear before Metaminens -- who was delighted at this fear, because he well knew that it was the certain means for his obtaining that slave quickly, without the aid of any one whatever.

Onkimaoüassam went to the chief of the Red Earth, and asked him to take the girl from him, saying, "I do not dare to go before Metaminens; here is the Sauteur girl; take her." The other answered him, "It is for thee to give her up, in order that he may think that the offer comes from thee, and so not bear thee so much ill-will." Meanwhile the rain fell without ceasing; they entered the cabin of Perrot with the girl, entreating him to check this scourge which menaced them, and to prevent the Sauteurs and their allies from making war on them any longer. He returned them thanks by a present of tobacco and a kettle, at the time when he saw that very soon the rain was going to stop -- telling them that this kettle would serve them for a roof to shelter them from the rain, and that they should smoke their pipes in peace, without fearing that the Spirit would punish them. Perrot, not considering himself a sufficiently good prophet to make the rain cease, rightly judged that if he remained much longer with his prisoner the aspect of affairs might change. He took leave of them, notwithstanding the bad weather, promising them that it would clear up before he arrived at the bay. After having sent the Sauteur his daughter, he went back across the country, in order to deter the people of that tribe from attacking the Outagamis in case they had that intention.


He informed them that he had taken the girl out of the kettle of the Renards, having delivered up his own body to their rage; that he was going to live among the Renards in order to assure them that the former tribe should not make any move [against them]; that he took care, therefore, not to act heedlessly; and that if people were indiscreet enough to try to exasperate the minds of the Renards, they would break his head. He told the Sauteur that, if he were slain by them, he might expect that the French would avenge Perrot's death on himself and on his tribe; and he gave him twelve brasses of tobacco, that he might present it to his chiefs [at home]. The chiefs at the bay were not a little surprised at the success obtained by the Frenchman; and they declared that one needed to be a spirit, like him, to obtain what all the peoples of the bay had not been able to accomplish with all their presents.

The curiosity of our Frenchmen whom Monsieur de la Barre had sent out was greatly excited by all the conversations which the savages held with them. The only talk at the bay was of new tribes, who were unknown to us. Some said that they had been in a country which lay between the south and the west; and others were arriving from the latter direction, where they had seen beautiful lands, and from which they had brought stones, blue and green, resembling the turquoise, which they wore fastened in their noses and ears. There were some of them who had seen horses, and men resembling


the French; it must be that these were the Spaniards of New Mexico. Still others said that they had traded hatchets with persons who, they said, were in a house that walked upon the water, at the mouth of the river of the Assiniboüels, which is at the Northern Sea of the west. The river of the Assiniboüels flows northward into the Bay of Husson [i.e., Hudson]; it is near Fort Nelson.

All these reports aroused [the desire] to attempt some discovery of importance. The Frenchmen therefore set out from the Bay of Puans with some savages who had accompanied Islinois warriors in the west, where they had been making raids. At their arrival opposite the Miamis and Maskoutechs, they met fifty Sokokis and Loups, from those who had been with Monsieur de


la Salle in his voyage of discovery -- who, not daring to remain on the war-path of the Islinois, had retired to the bay, in order to hunt beavers there. The great chief of the Miamis, when he knew that Perrot was only three-quarters of a league from his village, came to meet him, in order to invite him to rest in his cabin. This chief told Perrot, in the midst of a feast which he made for him, that his tribe desired to settle near the Frenchman's fire, and begged him to point out to them its location. Perrot told him that he was going to establish himself on the upper Missisipi, this side of the Nadouaissious, where he would serve as a barrier to them, because he knew that they had hostilities with that people. He made presents to the Miamis, the Maskoutechs, and the Kikabouks, of twelve brasses of tobacco, and gave them some kettles. By this present he informed them that they could feel sure that those peoples would not commit any act of hostility, but that they must be cautious hereafter about raising the club against them; that they ought to fasten their hatchets to the sun, because, if they made the least hostile attack on the others, the Nadouaissious would unquestionably believe that the Miamis had settled so near to them only to render easy to their enemies the means of ruining and destroying them; that, as for the rest, if any of the Miamis wished to come to light their fire near him, he would always receive them with great pleasure. In presenting to them the two kettles, he told them that Onontio had abandoned the Islinois to the Iroquois, who would pass by way of Chigagon; and that, if the Miamis went hunting, they should do so along the Missisipi farther down, in order to avoid falling into the hands of the Iroquois.

These Frenchmen again embarked with the Sokokis, and, having arrived at the portage which must be made


in order to enter a river that falls into the Missisipi, they met thirteen Hurons who, knowing their intention of making an establishment in the Nadouaissious country, undertook to thwart it and to fight with them, so as to deprive the French of the liberty to trade, and prevent them from furnishing [fire] arms and other munitions to the Nadouaissious. The Hurons tried to get ahead of them in this voyage, but were entirely prevented from doing so, and they would have fared ill if the Sokokis had not appeased the resentment of the French. The latter continued their route until they reached the river, and there they took measures for endeavoring to discover some [new] tribes. This was an undertaking of considerable difficulty, because in that region beyond the Missisipi there are plains of vast extent, entirely uninhabited, in which only wild animals are found. It was agreed that the Puans should make the first discovery; they promised that the French should have word from them within forty days, and that, as soon as the latter perceived great fires on those plains they might be assured that a tribe had been found; and this signal was to be used by both parties. It is the custom of the peoples who inhabit this continent that, when they go hunting in spring and autumn, they light fires on those prairies, so that they can ascertain each other's location. The fire becomes so strong, especially when the wind rises, and when the nights are dark, that it is visible forty leagues away. Those plains abound with an infinite number of cattle, which are much larger than those of Europe, and are commonly called "Islinois cattle;" their hair is quite curly, and finer than silk, and hats have been made from it in France which are as handsome as those of beaver. When the savages wish to take many


of these animals they shut them in with a ring of their fires, which burn the trees, and from which the animals cannot escape. While the Puans crossed those lands, taking their course toward the west and southwest, the French ascended the river in canoes, toward the west; the latter found a place where there was timber, which served them for building a fort, and they took up their quarters at the foot of a mountain, behind which was a great prairie, abounding in wild beasts. At the end of thirty days they descried fires, which were far away; and they also lighted fires, [by which] the Puans knew that the French had established their post.

About eleven days after this signal, some deputies came in behalf of the Ayoës, who gave notice that [the


people of] their village were approaching, with the intention of settling near the French. The interview with these newcomers was held in so peculiar a manner that it furnished cause for laughter. They approached the Frenchman [i.e., Perrot], weeping hot tears, which they let fall into their hands along with saliva, and with other filth which issued from their noses, with which they rubbed the heads, faces, and garments of the French; all these caresses made their stomachs revolt. On the part of those savages there were only shouts and yells, which were quieted by giving them some knives and awls. At last, after having made a great commotion, in order to make themselves understood -- which they could not do, not having any interpreter -- they went back [to their people]. Four others of their men came, at the end of a few days, of whom there was one who spoke Islinois; this man said that their village was nine leagues distant, on the bank of the river, and the French went there to find them. At their arrival the women fled; some gained the hills, and others rushed into the woods which extended along the river, weeping, and raising their hands toward the sun. Twenty prominent men presented the calumet to Perrot, and carried him upon a buffalo-skin into the cabin of the chief, who walked at the head of this procession. When they had taken their places on the mat, this chief began to weep over Perrot's head, bathing it with his tears, and with moisture that dripped from his mouth and nose; and those who carried the guest did the same to him. These tears ended, the calumet was again presented to him; and the chief caused a great earthen pot, which was filled with tongues of buffaloes, to be placed over the fire. These were


taken out as soon as they began to boil, and were cut into small pieces, of which the chief took one and placed it in his guest's mouth; Perrot tried to take one for himself, but the chief refused until he had given it to him, for it is their custom to place the morsels in the guest's mouth, when he is a captain, until the third time, before they offer the dish. He could not forbear spitting out this morsel, which was still all bloody (those same tongues were cooked that night in an iron pot); immediately some men, in great surprise, took their calumet, and perfumed them with tobacco-smoke. Never in the world were seen greater weepers than those peoples; their approach is accompanied with tears, and their adieu is the same. They have a very artless manner, also broad chests and deep voices. They are extremely courageous and good-hearted. They often kill cattle and deer while running after them. They are howlers; they eat meat raw, or only warm it over the fire. They are never satiated, for when they have any food they eat night and day; but when they have none they fast very tranquilly. They are very hospitable, and are never more delighted than when they are entertaining strangers.

Their eagerness to obtain French merchandise induced them to go away to hunt beaver during the winter; and for this purpose they penetrated far inland. After they had ended their hunt forty Ayoës came to trade at the French fort; and Perrot returned with them to their village, where he was hospitably received. The chief asked him if he were willing to accept the calumet, which they wished to sing for him; to this he consented. This is an honor which is granted only to those whom they regard as great captains. He sat down on a handsome


some buffalo-skin, and three Ayoës stood behind him who held his body; meanwhile other persons sang, holding calumets in their hands, and keeping these in motion to the cadence of their songs. The man who held Perrot in his arms also performed in the same manner, and they spent a great part of the night in singing the calumet. They also told him that they were going to pass the rest of the winter in hunting beaver, hoping to go in the spring to visit him at his fort; and at the same time they chose him, by the calumet which they left with him, for the chief of all the tribe. The Frenchmen returned to their fort, where they found a Maskoutech and a Kikabouc, who informed them that the people of their villages had followed them; and that they were at a place eighteen leagues above there, on the bank of the river. They reported that some Frenchmen had invited the Miamis to settle at Chigagon, to which place they had gone despite the warning that had been given them, that the Iroquois were to go thither in order to descend thence against the Islinois; but that, as for their people, they had considered it more expedient to come to look for Perrot and his men, entreating the Frenchmen to direct them in what place they should light their fires. Two days later, Perrot set out with them, and the people were full of joy at seeing him; he lodged at the house of Kikirinous, the chief of the Maskoutechs, who feasted him on a large bear which the chief had caused to be boiled whole. This chief asked from him the possession of a river which watered a beautiful region that lay not far from the place where they were; and at the same time he asked for protection for all the families of their tribes, and that the Nadoiiaissioux might be kept from annoying them. [He said that] they were making a peace with the latter, the petitioner himself being its


mediator; and assured Perrot that he would bring hither a large village of Islinois, whose promise he had obtained. Perrot hardly dared to rely upon their promise, because he knew that most of them were man-eaters, who loved the flesh of men better than that of animals. He told them that he did not like to have those people for neighbors; that he was sure that they were asking to settle near him with the intention of making some raids on the Ayoës, when the latter were least expecting it; and that he could not, moreover, make up his mind to hinder the Nadoüaissioux from annoying his present visitors. They told him that they were surprised that he should doubt his own children; that he was their father, and the Ayoës their younger brothers, and therefore the latter could not strike them without striking him also, since he laid them in his bosom; and that they had sucked the same milk which they desired again to suck. They entreated him to give them in return some [fire] arms and munitions. The Frenchman, having no answer to give them, had them smoke in his calumet, and told them that this was his breast which he had always


presented to them to give them nourishment; that he was going soon to give suck to the Nadoüaissioux; and that the latter had only to come and carry them away, if they so desired, at the very time when these people might swear to destroy them. He promised to restrain the Nadoüaissioux if the latter came in war against them, and that if they did not obey his orders he would declare himself their enemy, provided that these people did not betray him. They went hunting the rest of the winter -- for large game rather than for beaver, in order to provide food for their women and children.

Some Frenchmen went to notify the Nadoüaissioux not to make any mistakes in their pursuit of game when they should encounter some Sokokis who were hunting beaver along the river. They found on the ice twenty-four canoes of Nadoüaissioux, delighted to see these Frenchmen; and the latter returned to their village to carry this news.



1. Claude Charles Le Roy, Bacqueville de la Potherie was born in the West-Indian island of Guadeloupe, about 1668. His family was allied to the noted one of Pontchartrain; and La Potherie obtained thus appointments in the marine service from 1689 on. The first important one was a post in the squadron sent under the noted commander Le Moyne d'Iberville (1697) to drive the English out of Hudson Bay. In the following year La Potherie was appointed comptroller-general of the marine and fortifications in Canada, the first incumbent of a newly-created post. In 1700 he married a lady belonging to one of the leading Canadian families, and apparently intended to settle permanently in that colony; but in the following year the deaths of his father and brother recalled him to Guadeloupe. Almost nothing is known of his subsequent life, save that both he and his wife had died by the year 1738; and before the end of the century the family had disappeared from Canada. See J. Edmond Roy's biography of La Potherie, and description of his work, in Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, second series, vol. iii, 3-44. Therein Roy has neglected to account for the appellation "Bacqueville" in La Potherie's name; but he cites a document (dated 1738) in which that writer's son is called "seigneur de Bacqueville et de la Touche en Touraine," apparently showing that an estate of that name in France belonged to the family from which he sprang. -- ED.

2. The noted whitefish of the lakes (Coregonus albus); it was called by the Chippewa atikameg (meaning "caribou fish"), from which one of the Montagnais tribes was called Attikamegues (the Poissons-blancs, or "whitefish," by the French). Another species (C. tullibee) is found in the great lakes and rivers of N.W. Canada; it is of inferior quality, with watery flesh, and is known as "mongrel whitefish," also as toulibi or tulibee, corruptions of the Chippewa word otonabi. -- A. F. CHAMBERLAIN, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
In the Proceedings of the U.S. National Museum for 1909 (vol. xxxvi, 171, 172 is a note on this fish by David S. Jordan and B. W. Evermann, to the following effect: The common whitefish of Lake Superior is the so-called Labrador whitefish" (Coregonus labradoricus), characteristic of the Canadian lakes generally, and only this kind is found at Sault Ste. Marie; it is apparently distinct from the whitefish of Lakes Erie and Ontario. "The Lake Superior whitefish must stand as Coregonu clupeiformis; the whitefish of Lake Erie is C. albus." -- ED.

3. Nets, netting, or network were used throughout northern America by its natives -- for the capture of animals (differing according to the creature to be caught, the form, or the function), "for the lacings of snowshoes and lacrosse sticks, for carrying-frames and wallets, for netted caps, for the foundation of feather work," etc. "These were made from animal tissues and vegetal fibers -- wool and hair, hide, sinew, and intestines; roots, stems, bast, bark, and leaves. Animal skins were cut into long delicate strips, while sinew and vegetal fibers were separated into filaments, and these twisted, twined, or braided and made into openwork meshes by a series of technical processes ranging from the simplest weaving or coiling without foundation to regular knotting." They were made most often by the women's hands, but also with many forms of the seine needle, or shuttle; and the meshing shows a variety of processes. Holmes has shown, in his studies of ancient American pottery, that netting was used to provide ornament on vessels of clay, by molding them in it; and the same forms of netting are used in ancient garments, especially those into which feathers were woven. -- OTIS T. MASON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

4. "The Siouan family is the most populous linguistic family north of Mexico, next to the Algonquian." The name is taken from Sioux, an appellation of the Dakota (the largest and best-known tribal group of the family) abbreviated from Nadouessioux, a French corruption of the name (Nadowe-is-iw) given them by the Chippewa; it signifies "snake" or adder, and metaphorically "enemy." "Before changes of domicile took place among them, resulting from the contact with whites, the principal body extended from the west bank of the Mississippi northward from the Arkansa nearly to the Rocky Mountains, except for certain sections held by the Pawnee, Arikara, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Blackfeet, Comanche, and Kiowa. The Dakota proper also occupied territory on the east side of the river, from the mouth of the Wisconsin to Mille Lacs; and the Winnebago were about the lake of that name and the head of Green Bay. Northward Siouan tribes extended some distance into Canada, in the direction of Lake Winnipeg. A second group of Siouan tribes, embracing the Catawba, Sara or Cheraw, Saponi, Tutelo, and several others, occupied the central part of North Carolina and South Carolina and the piedmont region of Virginia; while a third, of which the Biloxi were the most prominent representatives, dwelt in Mississippi along the Gulf coast . . . The Dakota formerly inhabited the forest region of southern Minnesota, and do not seem to have gone out upon the plains until hard pressed by the Chippewa, who had been supplied with guns by the French. According to every fragment of evidence, traditional and otherwise, the so-called Chiwere tribes -- Iowa, Oto, and Missouri -- separated from the Winnebago or else moved westward to the Missouri from the same region . . . As to the more remote migrations that must have taken place in such a widely scattered stock, different theories are held. By some it is supposed that the various sections of the family have become dispersed from a district near that occupied by the Winnebago, or, on the basis of traditions recorded by Gallatin and Long, from some point on the north side of the great lakes. By others a region close to the eastern Siouans [of Virginia and Carolina] is considered their primitive home, whence the Dhegiha [the Omaha, Ponca, Osage, Kansa, and Quapaw] moved westward down the Ohio, while the Dakota, Winnebago, and cognate tribes kept a more northerly course near the great lakes . . . The earliest notice of the main northwestern group is probably that in the Jesuit Relation of 1640, where mention is made of the Winnebago, Dakota, and Assiniboin. As early as 1658 the Jesuit missionaries had learned of the existence of thirty Dakota villages in the region north from the Potawatomi mission at St. Michael, about the head of Green Bay, Wis. In 1680 Father Hennepin was taken prisoner by the same tribe. In 1804-1805 Lewis and Clark passed through the center of this region and encountered most of the Siouan tribes. Afterward expeditions into and through their country were numerous; traders settled among them in numbers, and were followed in course of time by permanent settlers, who pressed them into narrower and narrower areas until they were finally removed to Indian Territory or confined to reservations in the Dakotas, Nebraska, and Montana. Throughout all this period the Dakota proved themselves most consistently hostile to the intruders . . . Later still the Ghost-dance religion spread among the northern Siouan tribes and culminated in the affair of Wounded Knee, Dec. 29, 1890."
"It is well-nigh impossible to make statements of the customs and habits of these people that will be true for the entire group. Nearly all the eastern tribes and most of the southern tribes belonging to the western group raised corn; but the Dakota (except some of the eastern bands) and the Crows depended almost entirely on the buffalo and other game animals, the buffalo entering very deeply into the economic and religious life of all the tribes of this section. In the east the habitations were bark and mat wigwams, but on the plains earth lodges and skin tipis were used. Formerly they had no domestic animals except dogs, which were utilized in transporting the tipis and all other family belongings, including children; but later their places were largely taken by horses, the introduction of which constituted a new epoch in the life of all Plains tribes, facilitating their migratory movements and the pursuit of the buffalo, and doubtless contributing largely to the ultimate extinction of that animal. Taking the reports of the United States and Canadian Indian offices as a basis and making a small allowance for bands or individuals not here enumerated, the total number of Indians belonging to the Siouan stock may be placed at about 40,800. The Tutelo, Biloxi, and probably the rest of the eastern Siouan tribes were organized internally into clans with maternal descent; the Dakota, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow consisted of many non-totemic bands or villages, and the rest of the tribes of totemic gentes. The Siouan family is divided as follows:" 1, Dakota-Assiniboin group; 2, Dhegiha group; 3, Chiwere group; 4, Winnebago; 5, Mandan; 6, Hidatsa group; 7, Biloxi group; 8, Eastern division (of which but a few scattered remnants survive). -- J. R. SWANTON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

5. The reason for this frequentation of the Lake Superior shore by the Indians for the cultivation of corn and other crops may be found in the following description by G. W. Perry in Transactions of Wisconsin State Horticultural Society for 1877, pp. 178, 179: "The south shore of Lake Superior, in Wisconsin, rises rapidly from the level of the lake to the dividing ridge which separates the waters of the Gulfs of St. Lawrence and Mexico, an average distance of less than twenty miles, the elevation ranging from five hundred feet in Douglas County to perhaps twelve hundred in the eastern portion of Ashland County. The soil on the northern slope is clay to the depth of sixty feet in Douglas County; sand overlying clay, in Bayfield County; and in Ashland, a loam of sand and clay. The clay generally carries so much lime as to be unfit for brick, but this defect is compensated by its greatly increased fertility. Every indigenous plant grows with amazing rapidity, in the long days of the short, fierce summers; while all grasses and cereals, including the hardier varieties of corn, yield abundantly, crops of superior quality." Keweenaw Point is some sixty miles long, and only five miles wide at its extremity; it varies in height from 700 to 1,000 feet, and is nearly surrounded by water. Here "the soil is sandy loam, and never freezes, being protected by six feet of snow, and is very fertile -- the long days of summer (nineteen hours of daylight at the solstice) seeming to force the growth of every plant adapted to the locality. Here is the very paradise of the strawberry and the red raspberry, the service -- berry, wild cherry, gooseberry, and huckleberries of four distinct varieties, all indigenous." -- ED.

6. The Missisauga (Missisakis) were originally part of the Chippewa; they dwelt along the north shore of Lake Huron, and gradually drifted southward into the ancient Huron country between Georgian Bay and Lake Erie. About 1746-1750 they aided the Iroquois against the French, and most of them were driven out of their country by the latter, and settled at first near Detroit, and later in western New York, near the Senecas; but their alliance with the Iroquois lasted only till the outbreak of the French and Indian War a few years later. Those who still remain live north of Lake Erie, and in 1906 numbered 810. Part of these, living in the township of New Credit (which is entirely an Indian settlement) "are the most advanced of the Missisauga and represent one of the most successful attempts of any American Indian group to assimilate the culture of the whites. The Indian inhabitants have often won prizes against white competitors at the agricultural fairs." -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

7. Ottawa (meaning "traders"), "a term common to the Cree, Algonkin, Nipissing, Montagnais, Ottawa, and Chippewa, and applied to the Ottawa" because "they were noted among their neighbors as intertribal traders and barterers." The Jesuit Relation of 1667 states that "the Ottawa (Outaoüacs) claimed that the great river (Ottawa?) belonged to them, and that no other nation might navigate it without their consent;" therefore all those who went down to trade with the French, although of different tribes, "bore the name Ottawa, under whose auspices the journey was undertaken . . . According to tradition the Ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi tribes of the Algonquian family were formerly one people who came from some point north of the great lakes and separated at Mackinaw, Mich. The Ottawa were located by the earliest writers and also by tradition on Manitoulin Island, and also the north and south shores of Georgian Bay." They fled westward from the attacks of the Iroquois in the middle of the seventeenth century, and spent some twenty years in northern Wisconsin; in 1670-1671 they returned to Manitoulin Island; but by 1680 most of them had joined the Hurons at Mackinaw, whence they gradually spread down Lake Huron and along the east shore of Lake Michigan, and even into the region adjoining Chicago; and their villages were mingled with those of their old allies the Hurons, along the south shore of Lake Erie. The Ottawa were prominent in all the Indian wars up to 1812, and the noted Pontiac, leader in the war of 1763 around Detroit, was a chief of their tribe. Some of them removed to Canada after the cessation of hostilities between the United States and Great Britain; those along the west shore of Lake Michigan ceded their lands to the United States by the Chicago treaty of Sept. 26, 1833, and agreed to remove to lands granted them in northeastern Kansas; those in northern Ohio went west of the Mississippi about 1832, and are now living in Oklahoma; but the great body of the Ottawa "remained in the lower peninsula of Michigan, where they are still found scattered in a number of small villages and settlements . . . Charlevoix says the Ottawa were one of the rudest nations of Canada, cruel and barbarous to an unusual degree, and sometimes guilty of cannibalism. Bacqueville de la Potherie says they were formerly very rude, but by intercourse with the Hurons they have become more intelligent, imitating their valor, making themselves formidable to all the tribes with whom they were at enmity, and respected by those with whom they were in alliance. It was said of them in 1859: ‘This people is still advancing in agricultural pursuits; they may be said to have entirely abandoned the chase; all of them live in good, comfortable log cabins; have fields inclosed with rail fences, and own domestic animals.’ The Ottawa were expert canoemen; as a means of defense they sometimes built forts, probably similar to those of the Hurons." In the latter part of the seventeenth century there were four divisions of this tribe: Kiskakon, Sinago, Nassawaketon (French, Gens de la Fourche, "people of the Fork"), and Sable; and another is sometimes named the Keinouche (or "Pickerel"), on the south shore of Lake Superior. "The population of the different Ottawa groups is not known with certainty. In 1906 the Chippewa and Ottawa on Manitoulin and Cockburn Islands, Canada, were 1,497, of whom about half were Ottawa; there were 197 under the Seneca school, Okla., and in Michigan 5,587 scattered Chippewa and Ottawa in 1900, of whom about two-thirds are Ottawa. The total therefore is about 4,700." -- JAMES MOONEY and J. N. B. HEWITT, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

8. Manabozho, Messou, Michabo are among the synonyms of Nanabozho, "the demiurge of the cosmologic traditions of the Algonquian tribes." He is apparently the impersonation of life, the active quickening power of life -- of life manifested and embodied in the myriad forms of sentient and physical nature. He is therefore reputed to possess not only the power to live, but also the correlative power of renewing his own life and of quickening and there fore creating life in others. He impersonates life in an unlimited series of diverse personalities which represent various phases and conditions of life, and the histories of the life and acts of these separate individualities form an entire circle of traditions and myths which, when compared one with another, are sometimes apparently contradictory and incongruous, relating, as these stories do, to the unrelated objects and subjects in nature. The conception named Nanabozho exercises the diverse functions of many persons, and he likewise suffers their pains and needs. He is this life struggling with the many forms of want, misfortune, and death that come to the bodies and beings of nature." The true character of this concept has been misconceived. Comparison is made between the Chippewa Nanabozho and the Iroquois Te'horon'hiawa'k'hon, showing that they are nearly identical. "In Potawatomi and cognate tradition Nanabozho is the eldest of male quadruplets, the beloved Chipiapoos being the second, Wabosso the third, and Chakekenapok the fourth. They were begotten by a great primal being, who had come to earth, and were born of a reputed daughter of the children of men. Nanabozho was the professed and active friend of the human race. The mild and gentle but unfortunate Chipiapoos became the warder of the dead, the ruler of the country of the manes, after this transformation. Wabosso (‘Maker of White’), seeing the sunlight, went to the Northland, where, assuming the form of a white hare, he is regarded as possessing most potent manito or orenda. [Under art. "Orenda," this term is denned as "the Iroquois name of the active force, principle, or magic power which was assumed by the inchoate reasoning of primitive man to be inherent in every body and being of nature and in every personified attribute, property, or activity, belonging to each of these and conceived to be the active cause or force, or dynamic energy, involved in every operation or phenomenon of nature, in any manner affecting or controlling the welfare of man. This hypothetic principle was conceived to be immaterial, occult, impersonal, mysterious in mode of action, limited in function and efficiency, and not at all omnipotent, local and not omnipresent, and ever embodied or immanent in some object, although it was believed that it could be transferred, attracted, acquired, increased, suppressed, or enthralled by the orenda of occult ritualistic formulas endowed with more potency . . . So to obtain his needs man must gain the goodwill of each one of a thousand controlling minds by prayer, sacrifice, some acceptable offering, or propitiatory act, in order to influence the exercise in his behalf of the orenda or magic power which he believed was controlled by the particular being invoked . . . In the cosmogonic legends, the sum of the operations of this hypothetic magic power constitutes the story of the phenomena of nature and the biography of the gods, in all the planes of human culture." -- J. N. B. HEWITT."]
"Lastly, Chakekenapok, named from chert, flint, or firestone (fire?), was the impersonation originally of winter, and in coming into this world ruthlessly caused the death of his mother." He is destroyed by his brother Nanabozho, in anger for the death of their mother, and the fragments of his body become huge rocks, and masses of flint or chert. "Before the Indians knew the art of fire-making Nanabozho taught them the art of making hatchets, lances, and arrowpoints." He dwelt with Chipiapoos in a land distant from that of men, and both were beneficent and powerful divinities. Through jealousy the evil manitos of the air, earth, and waters plotted to destroy the brothers, and succeeded in drowning Chipiapoos in one of the great lakes. Great was the wrath of Nanabozho, which was finally pacified by some of the good manitos, who initiated him into the mysteries of the grand medicine. Afterward the manitos brought back the lost Chipiapoos, but he was required to go to rule the country of the departed spirits; and Nanabozho again descended upon earth, and initiated all his human family into the medicine mysteries. He created animals for the food and raiment of men, and useful plants to cure sickness; and destroyed many ferocious monsters that would have endangered human life. Then he went to dwell on an ice-island in the far north, and placed at the four points of the compass beneficent beings who provide for man the light, "eat, rain, and snow that are needed for his welfare." -- J. N. B. HEWITT, in Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Nanabozho."

9. A variant of Ouinipigou, the Algonkin name of a tribe now known as Winnebago. Le Jeune explains the meaning of this name and of the French translation of it, Nation des Puans (Jesuit Relations, vol. xviii, 231): "Some of the French call them the ‘Nation of Stinkards’ (Puans), because the Algonquin word ouinipeg signifies ‘bad-smelling water,’ and they apply this name to the water of the salt sea -- so that these people are called Ouinipigou because they come from the shores of a sea about which we have no knowledge; and hence they ought to be called not the ‘Nation of Stinkards,’ but ‘Nation of the Sea.’" The Winnebago are of Siouan stock (see note 202), their Siouan name being Ho-tcań´-ga-ra, sometimes written Ochungra or Otchagra; in the westward prehistoric migration of that people this branch separated from the rest, on the east side of the Mississippi, and moved northward into Wisconsin, where they finally settled about Lake Winnebago. Cyrus Thomas says (Handbook Amer. Indians, 612): "Traditional and linguistic evidence proves that the Iowa sprang from the Winnebago stem, which appears to have been the mother stock of some other of the southwestern Siouan tribes." The Winnebago were apparently located in Wisconsin before the coming of the Chippewa and other Algonquian tribes thither, and for many years were on hostile terms with the latter. During the Fox wars they were for a considerable time allies of the Sauk and Foxes, but later were won over to the French side. A hundred of their warriors went, under Langlade's command, to fight against the British (1755-1759); but in the Revolutionary War they aided the British against the Americans (also in the War of 1812-1815), and received presents from them as late as 1820. Many of them were followers of Tecumseh and the Prophet, and their warriors fought at Tippecanoe. After peace was restored, dissensions arose between the Wisconsin tribes over lands claimed by them; but by the treaty of Little Lake Butte des Morts, August 11, 1827, the Winnebago, Menominee, and the immigrant tribes from New York ceded their lands in the Fox River valley, and the Winnebago those in the lead region, to the United States. On Nov. 1, 1837, a treaty was concluded at Washington with the Winnebago by which they ceded all their lands east of the Mississippi and agreed to move upon a tract of land in northeastern Iowa; but the tribe refused to confirm this agreement, saying that their envoys had no right to make it. Part of the tribe were forcibly removed thither in 1840, and later were again removed to southern Minnesota. After the "Sioux massacre" (1862) they were again removed, simply to pacify the frightened white inhabitants of Minnesota, this time to South Dakota, near Pierre. But they did not like this place, and many of them gradually made their way to the Omaha reservation in northeastern Nebraska; there lands were granted them, or purchased from the Omaha, and they have since remained there, cultivating their lands and displaying much thrift and industry. Meanwhile many of the tribe (more than 1,000) had remained in Wisconsin, and in 1873 the government attempted to remove these people to Nebraska. Several hundred of them were sent thither, against their will; the removal was even more cruel than previous ones, many dying on the way or after reaching their destination. Many others made their way back to Wisconsin, and joined their tribesmen who were still there. Since then, they have been left undisturbed, and annual payments have been made to them by the government; and homesteads have been provided for them, chiefly in Jackson, Adams, Marathon, and Shawano Counties (in Central Wisconsin). They live mainly by picking berries, fishing, and hunting, and cultivate their lands to a limited extent. In 1887 the number of Winnebago enrolled in Wisconsin was about 1,500; in 1907 they numbered 1,180, and there were 2,613 in Nebraska. Much of the information in this note is obtained from the interesting and carefully prepared account given by Publius V. Lawson, "The Winnebago Tribe," in the Wisconsin Archeologlst, July, 1907. Therein he presents also a series of "outline sketches of the chiefs" of the tribe, gathered from the Wis. Hist. Colls, and other authorities; also portraits of several, illustrations of Winnebago implements, etc., and a map showing location of their villages.
See also the account of this tribe in Handbook of Amer. Indians, by J. O. Dorsey and Paul Radin; it describes especially their social organization and religious ceremonies. Their population is given therein as 1,063 in Nebraska and 1,270 in Wisconsin (in 1910). Dr. Radin is engaged in a careful and detailed study of this tribe for the Bureau of American Ethnology. -- ED.

10. The apparent tides in Lake Michigan and Green Bay were often noticed by early explorers and writers, especially by the Jesuit missionaries (after 1670). They were chiefly mentioned by Louis André, who observed them at Mackinac, "so regular, and again so irregular" (Jesuit Relations, lv, 163-165); in Green Bay, where he was convinced that they were caused by the moon (id., lvi, 137-139); and in Fox River (id., lvii, 301-305). Marquette also mentions them, in 1673 and 1675 (id, lix, 99, 179). These observers, and some in the nineteenth century, thought that these apparent tides were more or less affected and perhaps caused by the currents or the varying depth of the waters, the configuration of the shores, the direction and force of winds, etc. For more recent explanation, see page 150, footnote. -- ED.

11. One of the variants of the name now given to this tribe, Menominee (meaning the "Wild-rice People" -- see note 75). When first known to the whites these Indians were living on the Menominee River and Bay de Noque, on the southern side of the upper Michigan peninsula; and it was in the former locality that Nicolet visited them (about 1634), and where they remained until the middle of the nineteenth century. They have generally been a peaceful tribe, save that in earlier days they were often on hostile terms with their Algonquian neighbors. Although rather indolent, they are generally honest, and not so given to intemperance as the Indians of many other tribes. At various times from 1831 to 1856, the Menominee ceded lands occupied by them to the United States; and in exchange for these they received (May 12, 1854) a reservation on the Wolf River, in Shawano County, Wis. Their present population is about 1,600. -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
Sauk (Sakis), a name derived from Osawkiwag, "people of the yellow earth" (Hewitt); they belong to the Central group of the Algonquian family. "There is no satisfactory reference to them till they are spoken of as dwelling south of the Straits of Mackinaw." Their claim, confirmed by other tribes (the Potawatomi, Ottawa, and Chippewa), is that their home was once about Saginaw Bay, from which they were driven by those tribes. "In the early part of the 18th century they were found by the French west of Lake Michigan, dwelling south of the Foxes, who were then about Green Bay . . . It is more probable that they came round Lake Michigan by way of the south. From earliest accounts it seems that the Sauk and Foxes were on very intimate terms with each other. They were probably but two divisions of the same people who had been separated by some cause, probably by defeat at the hands of their enemies." They seem to have been greatly disliked by their savage neighbors, and later by the French. They were almost always at war with the adjoining tribes, most of whom were friendly to the French; and they refused to join the military operations of the latter; "there is no doubt that these early Fox wars had a good deal to do with weakening the cause of the French in the struggle with the English to gain control of the continent." In the latter part of the eighteenth century the Sauk and Foxes were "living together practically as one people, and occupying an extensive territory in what is now southern Wisconsin, northwestern Illinois, and northeastern Missouri."
A Sauk band wintering near St. Louis made an agreement (about 1804.) "by which the Sauk and Foxes were to relinquish all claim to their territory in Wisconsin, Illinois, and Missouri;" but those tribes were only angered by this transaction, and the Foxes were so incensed at the Sauk that they gradually withdrew from them and moved over the Mississippi into their hunting grounds in Iowa. "Other agreements were entered into with the three divisions of these people before the treaty of 1804 was finally carried out. Out of all this, in connection with the general unrest of the tribes of this region, rose the so-called Black Hawk War. It is customary to lay the cause of this conflict to the refusal of the Sauk to comply with the terms of agreement they had entered into with the government with reference particularly to the lands on Rock River in Illinois." Their hostilities with the whites were short and unequal; they were defeated, and sought refuge among the Foxes in Iowa. This result was partly due to tribal jealousies; the Winnebago delivered up Black Hawk to the government authorities and the Potawatomi deserted to the side of the whites. "This conflict practically broke the power of the Sauk and Foxes. They united again in Iowa, this time to avenge themselves against the Sioux, Omaha, and Menominee, whom they chastised in lively fashion, but not enough to satisfy their desires. So constantly harassed were the Sioux that they finally left Iowa altogether, and the Menominee withdrew northward where they continued to remain. In 1837 the Sauk and Foxes made the last of their various cessions of Iowa lands, and were given in exchange a tract across the Missouri in Kansas. Here they remained practically as one people for about twenty years." But they were separated by internal dissensions, due largely to the Sauk leader Keokuk, and lived in separate villages. About 1858 most of the Foxes removed to Iowa; they finally found a place on Iowa River, near Tama City, where they bought a small tract of land, to which additions have been made at various times, until now they hold over 3,000 acres in common. "They have nothing more to do with the Sauk politically. In 1867 the Sauk ceded their lands in Kansas and were given lands in exchange in Indian Territory. In 1889 they took up lands in severally and sold the remainder to the government. The total number of the Sauk is fewer than 600, of whom about 100 are in Kansas and Nebraska, and about 500 in Oklahoma. The Foxes in Iowa number about 350." -- WILLIAM JONES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

12. This is one of various appellations of the tribe now known as Foxes (a name which, as often happened, was erroneously transferred from a clan to the tribe). Their own name for themselves is Mesh-kwa 'kihugl, meaning (like the Hebrew name Adam) "red earth," referring to their legend of creation. They are mentioned by various writers as Musquakies, Outagamis, and Renards (the French appellation), each name having many variant or corrupted forms. They were known to the Chippewa and other Algonquian tribes as Utugamig, "people of the other shore." When first known to the whites the Foxes lived about Lake Winnebago, or along the Fox and Wolf Rivers. They were closely related to the Sauk (see preceding note), and probably both were only branches from one original stem; so it is probable that their early migrations were closely correspondent. They were a restless, fierce tribe, and were almost always at war with some of their Algonquian neighbors, or with the French; they carried on war frequently with the Illinois tribes, and finally (aided by the Sauk) drove them from their own country, and took possession of it. In 1746 the Foxes were living at the Little Lake Butte des Morts, just below the present Neenah and Menasha, Wis.; and they exacted tribute from every trader who passed them, plundering every one who refused to pay. Incensed at this treatment, the French, aided by the Chippewa, Potawatomi, and Menominee, attacked the Foxes, and after two sharp battles drove them down the Wisconsin River, where they settled, about twenty miles above Prairie du Chien. About 1780 the Foxes and the Sioux attacked the Chippewa at St. Croix Falls, where the Foxes were almost annihilated. The remnant of them united with the Sauk, and they practically make one tribe, although each retains its identity. Their mode of life, customs, etc., are those of the tribes of the eastern woodlands, somewhat modified by those of the plains. "There is probably no other Algonquian community within the limits of the United States, unless it be that of the Mexican band of Kickapoo in Oklahoma, where a more primitive state of society exists." Most of the estimates before 1850 make their numbers 1,500 to 2,000 souls; since that time they have been enumerated together with the Sauk. "The 345 ‘Sauk and Fox of Mississippi’ still (1905) in Iowa are said to be all Foxes." There are also 82 Sauk and Foxes among the Kickapoos of Kansas. -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
The Sauk and Foxes were concerned in the so-called "Black Hawk War" of 1832, occasioned by what they considered a fraudulent treaty and cession of their lands and villages in Iowa to white men; they were defeated, and transported to Kansas. Driven by homesickness, the Foxes made their way back to Iowa, and settled on the banks of the Iowa, near the present Tama City; and gradually they have acquired there some 3,000 acres of land, on which they live in considerable comfort and prosperity. For a minute and admirable study of this people, their mode of life, their customs and beliefs, see the valuable monograph written by Miss Mary Alicia Owen (who for many years has been personally and intimately acquainted with this tribe), "The Folk-Lore of the Musquakie Indians" (London, 1904), which forms vol. li of the publi cations of the British Folk-lore Society. To that society Miss Owen presented a large and valuable collection made by her, of beadwork and ceremonial implements obtained from the Foxes; the book is illustrated with plates (some being colored facsimiles) showing the designs in their beadwork. -- ED.

13. Illinois (the French form of their own appellation, Iliniwek, meaning "people who are men") was the name of a "confederacy of Algonquian tribes, formerly occupying southern Wisconsin, northern Illinois, and sections of Iowa and Missouri, comprising the Cahokia, Kaskaskia, Michigamea, Moingwena, Peoria, and Tamaroa." From 1660 to 1670, Jesuit missionaries found some of them living at the Mascoutin village on the upper Fox River, and even visiting the Indians at Lake Superior for purposes of trade. Some of their villages were situated in Iowa on the shore of the Mississippi; but the greater part of the tribes belonging to the confederacy lived in northern Illinois, chiefly on the Illinois River. In the village of Kaskaskia (then on the Illinois River, in the present LaSalle County), Marquette found (1673) 74 cabins, all of one tribe only; various missionaries who visited the place between 1680 and 1692 estimated the population at from 300 to 400 cabins, or 6,500 to 9,000 souls, belonging to eight tribes. "The Illinois were almost constantly harassed by the Sioux, Foxes, and other northern tribes; it was probably on this account that they concentrated, about the time of La Salle's visit, on the Illinois River. About the same time the Iroquois waged war against them, which lasted several years, and greatly reduced their numbers, while liquor obtained from the French tended still further to weaken them. About the year 1750 they were still estimated at from 1,500 to 2,000 souls. The murder of the celebrated chief Pontiac by a Kaskaskia Indian, about 1769, provoked the vengeance of the Lake tribes on the Illinois; and a war of extermination was begun which, in a few years, reduced them to a mere handful, who took refuge with the French settlers at Kaskaskia, while the Sauk, Foxes, Kickapoo, and Potawatomi took possession of their country. In 1778 the Kaskaskia still numbered 210, living in a village three miles north of Kaskaskia, while the Peoria and Michigamea together numbered 170 on the Mississippi, a few miles farther up. Both bands had become demoralized and generally worthless through the use of liquor. In 1800 there were only 150 left. In 1833 the survivors, represented by the Kaskaskia and Peoria, sold their lands in Illinois and removed west of the Mississippi, and are now in the northeast corner of Oklahoma, consolidated with the Wea and Piankashaw." In 1885 but 149 remained of all these tribes, and even these were much mixed with white blood. In 1905 their number was 195. So far as can be judged from the early writers, the Illinois seem to have been timid, fickle, and treacherous. -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

14. The Kickapoo are "a tribe of the central Algonquian group, forming a division with the Sauk and Foxes, with whom they have close ethnic and linguistic connection. The relation of this division is rather with the Miami, Shawnee, Menominee, and Peoria than with the Chippewa, Potawatomi, and Ottawa." Apparently Allouez was the first white man to encounter them (1667-1670); they were then near the Fox-Wisconsin portage. At some time before 1700 they had dwelt on the Kickapoo River of Wisconsin. In the early part of the eighteenth century at least part of the tribe were living somewhere about Milwaukee River. After the destruction of the Illinois confederacy (about 1765), the Kickapoo appropriated part of the conquered territory -- at first settling at Peoria, Ill., then gradually moving on to the Sangamon and Wabash Rivers. In the War of 1812 they fought with Tecumseh against the Americans, and many followed Black Hawk in the contest of 1832. In 1809 and 1819 they ceded to the United States their lands in Illinois and Indiana, and afterward removed to Missouri and thence to Kansas. A large number of the Kickapoo went, in 1852 and 1863, to Texas and thence to Mexico, which caused them to be known as "Mexican Kickapoo." "In 1873 a number were brought back and settled in Indian Territory. Others have come in since, but the remainder, constituting at present nearly half the tribe, are now settled on a reservation, granted them by the Mexican government, in the Santa Rosa mountains of eastern Chihuahua." In 1759 the population of the Kickapoo was estimated at 3,000; since that time they have steadily diminished. "Those in the United States in 1905 were officially reported at 432, of whom 247 were in Oklahoma and 185 in Kansas. There are supposed to be about 400 or more in Mexico. Within the last two years there has been considerable effort by private parties to procure the removal of the Oklahoma band also to Mexico." - JAMES MOONEY and WILLIAM JONES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

15. Potawatomi (originally meaning "people of the place of the fire;" also called "Fire Nation"), an Algonquian tribe, "first encountered on the islands of Green Bay, Wis., and at its head. According to the traditions of all three tribes the Potawatomi, Chippewa, and Ottawa were originally one people, and seem to have reached the region about the upper end of Lake Huron together. Here they separated, but the three have always formed a loose confederacy, or have acted in concert, and in 1846 those removed beyond the Mississippi, asserting their former connection, asked to be again united. Warren conjectured that it had been less than three centuries since the Chippewa became disconnected as a distinct tribe from the Ottawa and Potawatomi." It is apparently the Potawatomi of whom Champlain heard (in 1616), named by the Hurons Asistagueronons, and dwelling on the western shore of Lake Huron. In the Jesuit Relation for 1640 the Potawatomi are spoken of as living in the vicinity of the Winnebago, doubtless driven west by the Iroquois; but in the following year they were at Sault Ste. Marie, having taken refuge with the Saulteurs (Chippewa) there from the incursions of the Sioux. In 1667 many of them were at Chequamegon Bay; and in 1670 they had again resorted to the islands in Green Bay. Moving still further southward, by 1700 they had become established on Milwaukee River, at Chicago, and on St. Joseph River; and by 1800 they "were in possession of the country around the head of Lake Michigan, from Milwaukee River to Grand River in Michigan, extending southwest over a large part of northern Illinois, east across Michigan to Lake Erie, and south in Indiana to the Wabash, and as far down as Pine Creek. Within this territory they had about fifty villages." Those who lived in Illinois and Wisconsin were known as the Prairie band, or Maskotens -- which appellation caused some writers to confuse them with the other Algonquian tribe "People of the Prairie," in latter times known as Mascoutens. The Potawatomi were active allies of the French until the peace of 1763, and afterward of the British until 1815. Gradually they removed westward, as the American settlements increased -- some, however, going to Canada -- until, in 1846, all those west of the Mississippi were united on a reservation in southern Kansas. Many of them -- having in 1861 taken lands in severalty -- removed in 1868 to Indian Territory. "A considerable body, part of the Prairie band, is still in Wisconsin; and another band, the Potawatomi of Huron, is in lower Michigan." (This last band took lands in severalty and became citizens, by 1886.) The Potawatomi are described by early writers as being very friendly to the French, well disposed toward the Christian religion, and more humane and civilized than other tribes; and their women were more reserved and modest than those of most other tribes. Polygamy was common among them. Those on Milwaukee River (who were then considerably intermixed with Sauk and Winnebago) were in 1825 described as being lazy, and much inclined to gambling and debauchery. "The tribe probably never much exceeded 3,000 souls, and most estimates place them far below that number." In 1906 those in the United States were reported to number 2,443, mostly of the "Citizen" group in Oklahoma. Those in Canada are all in Ontario, and number about 220, most of them on Walpole Island in Lake St. Clair. -- JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

16. The Indian practice of capturing wild fowl in nets is also described by Dablon in the Relation of 1671-1672 (Jesuit Relations, vol. lvi, 121). The passenger pigeon (Ectopistes migratoria) was even in recent times a notable feature in the wild life of the northwest. Many persons now living can remember seeing flocks of these birds so numerous and crowded as to obscure the sunlight, and requiring several hours to pass a given point. But they were recklessly slaughtered by the early settlers, as well as by the less intelligent Indians; and afterward many pot-hunters made it a regular business to trap and shoot the pigeons for the city markets. In consequence of these enemies the species is now exterminated -- a painful illustration of the selfishness and greed of men who ought to know better, and from whom better things might have been expected; for the early settlers of the states carved from the northwest territory were mainly American people of exceptional intelligence and character. In a private letter dated March 13, 1909, C. Hart Merriam, then chief of the U.S. Biological Survey, says: "We fear that the passenger pigeon is extinct, although I am not sure that this is the case, and still have a lingering hope that a few of the birds still exist." H. W. Henshaw, present chief of the same bureau, says (in a letter of Dec. 22, 1910): "I am afraid that it is only too true that the last surviving individual of our passenger pigeon is the one in the Cincinnati Zoölogical Garden. The efforts to preserve this beautiful species were begun much too late." -- ED.

17. "Metal bells were in common use in middle America in pre-Columbian times, but they are rarely found north of the Rio Grande, either in possession of the tribes or on ancient sites; but bells were certainly known to the Pueblos and possibly to the mound-builders before the arrival of the whites. The rattle made of shells of various kinds or modeled in clay passed naturally into the bell as soon as metal or other particularly resonant materials were available for their manufacture." Of copper bells "many specimens must have reached Florida from Mexico and Central America in early Columbian times; and it is well known that bells of copper or bronze were employed in trade with the tribes by the English colonists, numerous examples of which have been obtained from mounds and burial places." -- W. H. HOLMES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

18. The Mantouek were "a tribe, possibly the Mdewakanton Sioux or its Matantonwan division, known to the French missionaries; placed by the Jesuit Relation of 1640 north of a small lake west of Sault Ste. Marie, and by the Relation of 1658 with the Nadouechiouek [i.e., Dakota], the two having forty towns ten days' travel northwest of the mission St. Michael of the Potawatomi." -- Handbook Amer. Indians.

19. Gode is defined by Bescherelle as the name of a small sea-bird on the Coast of Brittany; [the name was probably applied by the French explorers or fishermen to some bird in Canada resembling it]. Mr. C. E. Dionne, the curator of the museum of Laval University at Quebec, says in his Oiseaux du Canada that the name gode now belongs to the common murre or razor-billed auk (Alca torda), and adds: "This bird, which is popularly called gode, frequents the shores and islands of the north Atlantic, where it very commonly makes its appearance. On the American continent it is occasionally seen in winter as far south as North Carolina. It is common in the St. Lawrence River and Gulf." -- CRAWFORD LINDSAY, official translator for the legislature of Quebec.
Cape "Digue" is Cape Diggs, at the northeast comer of Hudson Bay. -- ED.

20. The Manistique River, which, with its tributaries, waters Schoolcraft County, Michigan. -- ED.

21. Onontio was the Huron-Iroquois appellation of the governor of Canada; it was afterward extended to the governor of New York, and even to the king of France. -- ED.

22. The Miami were an Algonquian tribe, first mentioned (Relation of 1658) as living near the mouth of Green Bay; when first seen by the French (in Perrot's visits, 1668 and 1670) they were living at the headwaters of the Fox River -- part of them, at least, living with the Mascoutens in a palisaded village there. "Soon after this, the Miami parted from the Mascoutens, and formed new settlements at the south end of Lake Michigan and on Kalamazoo River, Mich. The settlements at the south end of the lake were at Chicago and on St. Joseph River, where missions were established late in the seventeenth century." Those at Chicago were probably the Indians found there by Marquette and some others whom those writers called Wea. The Miami first found in Wisconsin must have been but a part of the tribe, which seems to have occupied territory in northeastern Illinois, northern Indiana, and western Ohio. Their chief village on St. Joseph River was said to be fifteen leagues inland; in 1703 they had also a village at Detroit, and in 1711 at Kekionga (on the Maumee; the seat of the Miami proper), and at Ouiatanon (on the Wabash; the headquarters of the Wea branch). By the encroachments of the northern tribes the Miami were driven from the St. Joseph River and the region northwest of the Wabash, and colonies of them moved eastward to the Miami and Scioto Rivers; but after the peace of 1763 they abandoned these settlements and retired to Indiana. "They took a prominent part in all the Indian wars in Ohio valley until the close of the War of 1812. Soon afterward they began to sell their lands, and by 1827 had disposed of most of their holdings in Indiana and had agreed to remove to Kansas, whence they went later to Indian Territory, where the remnant still resides." One of their bands, however, continued to reside on a reservation in Wabash County, Ind., until 1872, when the land was divided among the survivors, then numbering about 300. Early writers praise the mildness, politeness, and sedateness of the Miami, and their respect and obedience to their chiefs, who had much more authority than those of other Algonquian tribes. It is impossible to make satisfactory statements of the population of the Miami, since they have been so frequently confused with the Wea and Piankashaw tribes. They have rapidly decreased since their removal to the west. "Only 57 Miami were officially known in Indian Territory in 1885, while the Wea and Piankashaw were confederated with the remnant of the Illinois under the name of Peoria, the whole body numbering but 149; these increased to 191 in 1903. The total number of Miami in 1905 in Indian Territory was 124; in Indiana, in 1900, there were 243; the latter, however, are greatly mixed with white blood. Including individuals scattered among other tribes, the whole number is probably 400." -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

23. The location of this Outagami village is a matter of dispute, and thus far cannot be positively identified; but most probably it was in Waupaca County, Wis., somewhere on the Little Wolf River. Various local historical writers have placed it near Mukwa, Manawa, or New London. -- ED.

24. "Primitive men doubtless first used stones in their natural form for throwing, striking, and abrading; but, as use continued, a certain amount of adventitious shaping of the stones employed necessarily took place, and this probably suggested and led to intentional shaping. Men early learned to fracture brittle stones to obtain cutting, scraping, and perforating implements; and flaking, pecking, cutting, scraping, and grinding processes served later to modify shapes and to increase the convenience, effectiveness, and beauty of implements. Much has been learned of the course of progress in the stone-shaping arts from the prehistoric remains of Europe; and studies of the work of the native American tribes, past and present, are supplying data for a much more complete understanding of this important branch of primitive activity." At the time of the discovery, "the Americans north of Mexico were still well within the stone stage of culture. Metal had come somewhat into use, but in no part of the country had it in a very full measure taken the place of stone. According to the most approved views regarding Old World culture history the metal age was not definitely ushered in until bronze and iron came into common use, not only as shaping implements but as shaped product." The tribes of middle America had with stone implements constructed handsome buildings and excellent sculptures, but north of Mexico only the Pueblo group had made intelligent and extensive use of stone in building, except for the limited use made of it by the mound-builders, the Eskimo and some others; sculpture, however, was employed by many other tribes on objects used for purposes of utility, adornment, and religion. A great variety of stones were utilized by the primitive workers, including several semi-precious kinds. "The processes employed in shaping these materials by the American tribes, and for that matter, by the whole primitive world, are: (1) fracturing processes, variously known as breaking, spalling, chipping, flaking; (2) crumbling processes, as battering, pecking; (3) incising or cutting processes; (4) abrading processes, as sawing, drilling, scraping, and grinding; and (5) polishing processes . . . The knowledge acquired in recent years through experiments in stone-shaping processes has led unfortunately to the manufacture of fraudulent imitations of aboriginal implements and sculptures for commercial purposes, and so great is the skill acquired in some cases that it is extremely difficult to detect the spurious work; thus there is much risk in purchasing objects whose pedigree is not fully ascertained." -- W. H. HOLMES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

25. These "families" were simply the tribal divisions now known as "clans" or gentes;" they have been characteristic of savage society in all times and countries. Each clan had its distinctive symbol, usually a fish, bird, or other animal. -- ED.
"An American Indian clan or gens is an intertribal exogamic group of persons either actually or theoretically consanguine, organized to promote their social and political welfare, the members being usually denoted by a common class name derived generally from some fact relating to the habitat of the group or to its usual tutelary being. In the clan lineal descent, inheritance of personal and common property, and the hereditary right to public office and trust are traced through the female line, while in the gens they devolve through the male line. Clan and gentile organizations are by no means universal among the North American tribes; and totemism, the possession or even the worship of personal or communal totems by individuals or groups of persons, is not an essential feature of clan and gentile organizations . . . Consanguine kinship among the Iroquoian and Muskhogean tribes is traced through the blood of the woman only, and membership in a clan constitutes citizenship in the tribe, conferring certain social, political, and religious privileges, duties, and rights that are denied to aliens. By the legal fiction of adoption the blood of the alien might be changed into one of the strains of Iroquoian blood, and thus citizenship in the tribe could be conferred on a person of alien lineage." The primary social unit among these peoples is the family, comprising all the male and female progeny of a woman and of all her female descendants in the female line and of such other persons as may be adopted into this group; its head is usually the eldest woman in it. It may be composed of one or more firesides, and one or more families may (and usually do) constitute a clan; and all its land is the exclusive property of its women. Among the rights and privileges of the clans arc: the right to a common clan name (which is usually that of an animal, bird, reptile, or natural object that may formerly have been regarded as a guardian deity); representation in the tribal council; its share in the communal property of the tribe; protection by the tribe; certain songs and religious observances; clan councils; adoption of aliens; a common burying-ground; the election or impeachment of chiefs by its women; a share in the religious ceremonies and public festivals of the tribe; etc. Their duties: the obligation not to marry within the clan; that of redeeming the life of a clan member which has become forfeited for homicide; to aid and defend fellow-members, and to avenge their deaths; to replace by other persons their clansmen lost or killed. "Clans and gentes are generally organized into phratries and phratries into tribes. Usually only two phratries are found in the modern organization of the tribes . . . One or more clans may compose a phratry. The clans of the phratries are regarded as brothers one to another and cousins to the other members of the phratry, and are so addressed . . . The phratry is the unit of organization of the people for ceremonial and other assemblages and festival, but as a phratry it has no officers; the chiefs and elders of the clans composing it serve as its directors. The government of a clan or gens seems to be developed from that of the family group, and in turn gives rise to the tribal government; and a confederation, such as the Iroquois League, is governed on the same principle. -- J. N. B. HEWITT, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

26. Apparently a reference to the overthrow of the Winnebago by the Illinois, described in chapter vii. -- ED.

27. Buffaloes (see note 122) are here meant; they were usually called "wild cattle" or "wild cows" by the early French explorers and writers. -- ED.

28. The location of this Mascouten village is uncertain. There have been numerous attempts to identify it, the proposed sites ranging from Corning, Columbia County, to Rushford, Winnebago County; but the majority locate it in Green Lake County, perhaps the most probable conjecture being at or near Berlin. See Jesuit Relations, vol. liv; Amer. Cath. Hist. Researches, vol. xii, 31-34, 76-80, and vol. xiv, 98-100; and Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xvi, 42 -- ED.

29. "Many of the more cultured American tribes were skilful potters . . . Within the area of the United States the art had made very considerable advance in two cultured centers -- the Pueblo region of the southwest and the great mound province of the Mississippi Valley and the Gulf States. Over the remainder of North America, north of Mexico, the potter's art was limited to the making of rude utensils or was practically unknown. The Pueblo tribes of New Mexico and Arizona, as well as some of the adjacent tribes to lesser extent, still practise the art in its aboriginal form, and the Cherokee and Catawba of North and South Carolina have not yet ceased to manufacture utensils of clay, although the shapes have been much modified by contact with the whites. The Choctaw of Mississippi and the Mandan of the middle Missouri valley have but recently abandoned the art." Pottery is an art not available among nomads, and needs the sedentary life for its development. "The introduction or rise of the potter's art among primitive peoples is believed to correspond somewhat closely with the initial stages of barbarism; but this idea must be liberally interpreted, as some tribes well advanced toward higher barbarism are without it. The clay used was mixed with various tempering ingredients, such as sand or pulverized stone, potsherds, and shells; the shapes were extremely varied and generally were worked out by the hand, aided by simple modeling tools. The building of the vessel, the principal product of the potter's art, varied with the different tribes. Usually a bit of the clay was shaped into a disk for the base, and the walls were carried up by adding strips of clay until the rim was reached. When the strips were long they were carried around as a spiral coil. As the height increased the clay was allowed to set sufficiently to support the added weight . . . As a rule, the baking was done in open or smothered fires or in extremely crude furnaces, and the paste remained comparatively soft. In Central America a variety of ware was made with hard paste somewhat resembling our stoneware. Notwithstanding the remarkable aptness of the Americans in this art, and their great skill in modeling, they had not achieved the wheel, nor had they fully mastered the art of glazing . . . Women were the potters, and the product consisted mainly of vessels for household use, although the most cultured tribes made and decorated vases for exclusively ceremonial purposes. In some communities a wide range of articles was made, the plastic nature of the material having led to the shaping of many fanciful forms . . . The ornamentation of vases included the modeling of various life forms in the round and in relief, and incising, imprinting, and stamping designs of many kinds in the soft clay. The more advanced potters employed color in surface finish and in executing various designs. The designs were often geometric and primitive in type, but in many sections life forms were introduced in great variety and profusion, and these were no doubt often symbolic, having definite relation to the use of the object, ceremonial or otherwise. Unbroken examples of earthenware are preserved mainly through burial with the dead, and the numerous specimens in our collections were obtained mostly from burial places. On inhabited sites the vessels are usually broken, but even in this form they are of great value to the archeologist for the reason that they contain markings or other features peculiar to the tribes concerned in their manufacture . . . The tribes of the plains did not practise the art save in its simplest forms, but the ancient tribes of the middle and lower Mississippi Valley and the Gulf states were excellent potters. The forms of the vessels and the styles of decoration are exceedingly varied, and indicate a remarkable predilection for the modeling of life forms -- men, beasts, birds, and fishes; and the grotesque was much affected. Aside from plastic embellishment, the vases were decorated in color, and more especial ly in incised and stamped designs, those on the Gulf coast presenting slight suggestions of the influence of the semi-civilized cultures of Yucatan, Mexico, and the West Indies. The pottery of the tribes of the north Atlantic states and Canada consists mainly of simple culinary utensils, mostly round or conical bodied bowls and pots decorated with angular incised lines and textile imprintings. The best examples are recovered from burial places in central-southern New York and northern Pennsylvania -- the region occupied from the earliest times by the Iroquois. The clay tobacco pipes of this section are unusually interesting, and display decided skill in modeling, although this work has been influenced to some extent by the presence of the whites (Holmes). The practical absence of pottery in the Pacific states and British Columbia is noteworthy . . . The early and very general use of basketry and of stone vessels in this region may have operated to retard the development of the potter's art. North of the Canadian boundary conditions were not favorable to the development of this art, although specimens of rude earthenware are obtained from mounds and other sites" in certain regions. "The pottery of eastern United States is reviewed at considerable length in the 20th Annual Report (1903) of the Bureau of American Ethnology, with many illustrations and numerous references (Holmes); and the publications of Mr. Clarence B. Moore on his explorations in the Southern States contain much new and important information, with many illustrations. The varied ware of the Pueblo country is described in reports of the Bureau by J. and M. C. Stevenson, Cushing, Holmes, and Fewkes; by Hough in the National Museum reports, and by Nordenskjold in his work on the Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde." -- W. H. HOLMES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

30. "Tattooing is a form of picture-writing more widespread than any other and perhaps more commonly practised. Originating in very ancient times, it persists to-day among certain classes of civilized peoples. Besides the permanent marking of the body by means of coloring matter introduced under the skin, tattooing includes scarification and body painting. Whether the practice of tattoo had its origin in a desire for personal adornment, or, as concluded by Spencer and others, as a means of tribal marks, its final purposes and significance among our Indians were found by Mallery to be various and to include the following: tribal, clan, and family marks; to distinguish between free and slave, high and low; as certificates of bravery in passing prescribed ordeals or in war; as religious symbols; as a therapeutic remedy or a prophylactic; as a certificate of marriage in the case of women, or of marriageable condition; as a personal mark, in distinction to a tribal mark; as a charm; to Inspire fear in an enemy; to render the skin impervious to weapons; to bring good fortune; and as the design of a secret society." -- H. W. HENSHAW, in Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Pictographs." (For full and detailed description of this custom (with illustrations), see Garrick Mallery's papers on picture-writing in the fourth and tenth Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology.)
"Vases have been found in the mounds of the middle Mississippi Valley showing the human face with tattoo marks, some of the designs combining geometric and totemic figures. As tattooing gave a permanent line, it served a different purpose from decoration by paint. Among men it marked personal achievement, some special office, symbolized a vision from the supernatural powers, or served some practical purpose [as sometimes a mark on the arm for the purpose of measuring]. Among women the tattooing was more social in its significance," and the designs used therein are closely connected with those employed in pottery and basket-work. "The Chippewa sometimes resorted to tattooing as a means of curing pain, as the toothache. The process of tattooing was always attended with more or less ceremony; chants or songs frequently accompanied the actual work, and many superstitions were attached to the manner in which the one operated upon bore the pain or made recovery. Most tribes had one or more persons expert in the art who received large fees for their services." Among the Plains tribes steel needles were used; before these were introduced, sharp flints served the purpose. "The dyes injected to give color to the design varied in different parts of the country." -- ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

31. Probably this was the embroidery with porcupine quills which formerly was so much in vogue among the northern Indians; an important reason for its decline is the fact that the porcupine (Erethizon dorsatus) has been almost exterminated in many regions. -- ED.
Among the arts practiced by Indian women was that of embroidery worked with quills, usually those of the porcupine, sometimes those of bird feathers; "in both cases the stiffness of the quill limits freedom of design, making necessary straight lines and angular figures. The gathering of the raw materials, the hunting of porcupines or the capture of birds, was the task of the men, who also in some tribes prepared the dyes. Sorting and coloring the quills, tracing the design on dressed skin or birchbark, and the embroidering were exclusively the work of women." The dyes, which varied in different parts of the country, were compounded variously of roots, whole plants, and buds and bark of trees. The quills were usually steeped in concoctions of these until a uniform color was obtained -- red, yellow, green, blue, or black." The porcupine quills were always flattened for this work, by pressing the edge between the forefinger and thumb-nail. The designs were drawn or painted on the skin or bark by means of a sort of stencil pattern, drawn on skin, bark, or paper, and cut through to form the stencil. "A woman who was skilled or had a natural gift for drawing would copy a design by the freehand method, except that she had first made some measurements in order that the pattern should be in its proper place and proportions. Some even composed designs, both the forms and the arrangement of colors, and worked them out as they embroidered. Among most tribes the awl was the only instrument used in quill-working; but the Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Sioux, the principal quillworking tribes, had a specially shaped bone for flattening, bending, and smoothing." -- JAMES MOONEY.
"All designs in quillwork were made up of wide or narrow lines, each composed of a series of upright stitches lying close together . . . The stems of pipes were decorated with fine flattened quills, closely woven into a long and very narrow braid, which was wound about the wooden stem. Different colors were sometimes so disposed along the length of these braids that when they were wound around the stem they made squares or other figures . . . Porcupine quills were employed for embroidery from Maine to Virginia and west to the Rocky Mountains north of the Arkansas River. "Quills seem to have been an article of barter; hence their use was not confined to regions where the animal abounded. This style of decoration was generally put on tobacco and tinder bags, workbags, knife and paint-stick cases, cradles, amulets, the bands of burden straps, tunics, shirts, leggings, belts, arm and leg bands, moccasins, robes, and sometimes on the trappings of horses. All such objects were of dressed skin. Receptacles and other articles made of birch bark also were frequently embroidered with quills. Nearly every tribe has its peculiar cut for moccasins, often also its special style of ornamentation, and these were carefully observed by the workers. The dress of the men was more ornate than that of the women, and the decorations the women put on the former were generally related to man's employments -- hunting and war. The figures were frequently designed by the men, and a man very often designated what particular figure he desired a woman to embroider on his garment. Some designs belonged exclusively to women; there were, moreover, some that were common to both sexes. The decorative figures worked on the garments of children not infrequently expressed a prayer for safety, long life, and prosperity, and usually were symbolic. There was considerable borrowing of designs by the women through the medium of gifts exchanged between tribes during ceremonial observances or visits, and thus figures that were sacred symbols in some tribes came to be used merely as ornaments by others. Some of the designs in quillwork were undoubtedly originated by men, while others were invented by women. These were frequently credited to dreams sent by the spider, who, according to certain tribal mythic traditions, was the instructor of women in the art of embroidery. Technical skill as well as unlimited patience was required to make even, smooth, and fine porcupine quill-work, and proficiency could be acquired only by practice and nice attention to details. The art seems to have reached its highest development among those tribes where the food supply was abundant and the men were the principal providers -- conditions that made it possible for the women to have the leisure necessary for them to become adept in the working of quills. This art, which formerly flourished over a wide area, is rapidly dying out. It is doubtful whether any woman at the present day could duplicate the fine embroidery of a hundred years ago." -- ALICE C. FLETCHER, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

32. Mascoutens (meaning "little prairie people") is "a term used by some early writers in a collective and indefinite sense to designate the Algonquian tribes living on the prairies of Wisconsin and Illinois . . . the name (Mashko'tens) is at present applied by the Potawatomi to that part of the tribe officially known as the ‘Prairie band’ and formerly residing on the prairies of northern Illinois." According to Ottawa tradition there was in early days a tribe called Mushkodainsug (or Mascoutens) on the east shore of Lake Michigan, who were driven by enemies farther southward, together with an allied tribe who are thought to have been the Sauk (to whom the Mascoutens were evidently closely related); and these are supposed to have entered Wisconsin together, passing around the southern end of Lake Michigan. Perrot was the first Frenchman to visit them; he was followed by Allouez (1670) and Marquette (1673), who both found them in this same village on the Fox River, living with the Miami and Kickapoo. In 1680 the Mascoutens are mentioned as living on Lake Winnebago and the Milwaukee River (probably two different bands who had wandered thither). In 1712 the upper Mascoutens and the Kickapoo joined the Foxes against the French; but at the siege of Detroit in the same year these tribes were attacked by other Indians, allies of the French, and nearly a thousand of them were killed or captured. "In 1718 the Mascoutens and Kickapoo were living together in a single village on Rock River, Ill., and were estimated together at 200 men. In 1736 the Mascoutens are mentioned as numbering 60 warriors, living with the Kickapoo on Fox River, Wis., and having the wolf and deer totems. These are among the existing gentes of the Sauk and Foxes. They were last mentioned as living in Wisconsin between 1770 and 1780; and the last definite notice of them mentions those on the Wabash in connection with the Piankashaw and Kickapoo. "After this the Mascoutens disappear from history, the northern group having probably been absorbed by the Sauk and Fox confederacy, and the southern group by the Kickapoo. Notwithstanding some commendatory expressions by one or two of the early missionaries, the Mascoutens, like the Kickapoo, bore a reputation for treachery and deceit, but, like the Foxes, appear to have been warlike and restless." -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

33. Rassade was a French term for beads of the round sort; they were made of porcelain and of glass, both white and in various colors. The long tubular beads were known as canons. -- ED.
Beads, of many kinds and materials, formed a valued class of ornaments among the Indians. "All were made from mineral, vegetal, or animal substances; and after the discovery the introduction of beads of glass or porcelain, as well as that of metal tools for making the old varieties, greatly multiplied their employment." They were of many sizes and shapes -- round, tubular, or flat; and some of the cylinders were several inches long. Seeds, nuts, and sections of stems and roots were used as beads; but "far the largest share of beads were made from animal materials -- shell, bone, horn, teeth, claws, and ivory." In their manufacture much taste and manual skill were developed. They were used for personal adornment in many forms and combinations, and formed a prominent feature in the embellishment of ceremonial costumes; and were "attached to bark and wooden vessels, matting, basketry, and other textiles. They were woven into fabrics or wrought into network . . . They were also largely employed as gifts and as money, also as tokens and in records of hunts or of important events, such as treaties. They were conspicuous accessories in the councils of war and peace, in the conventional expression of tribal symbolism, and in traditional story-telling, and were offered in worship. They were regarded as insignia of functions, and were buried, often in vast quantities, with the dead." In the eastern part of Canada and the United States beads were largely made from shells. "In the north small white and purple cylinders, called wampum, served for ornament and were used in elaborate treaty belts and as a money standard, also flat disks an inch or more in width being bored through their long diameters. The Cherokee name for beads and money is the same. Subsequently imitated by the colonists, these beads received a fixed value. The mound-builders and other tribes of the Mississippi Valley and the Gulf States used pearls, and beads of shells, seeds, and rolled copper. Canine teeth of the elk were most highly esteemed, recently being worth fifty cents to one dollar each. They were carefully saved, and a garment covered with them was valued at as much as six hundred or eight hundred dollars . . . After the colonization cradles and articles of skin were profusely covered with beadwork replete with symbolism." -- OTIS T. MASON, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
"The true needle with an eye was extremely rare among the Indians, the awl being the universal implement for sewing. The needle and needle-case came to be generally employed only after the advent of the whites, although bone needles three to five inches long are common in Ontario and the Iroquois area of New York." -- WALTER HOUGH, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

34. The French form of Shawnee (an Algonkin name meaning "southerners"), "formerly a leading tribe of South Carolina, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. By reason of the indefinite character of their name, their wandering habits, their connection with other tribes, and because of their interior position away from the traveled routes of early days, the Shawnee were long a stumbling block in the way of investigators . . . The tradition of the Delawares, as embodied in the Walum Olum, makes themselves, the Shawnee, and the Nanticoke, originally one people, the separation having taken place after the traditional expulsion of the Talligewi (Cherokee) from the north, it being stated that the Shawnee went south. The close similarity of dialect would bear out the statement as to relationship. Beyond this it is useless to theorize on the origin of the Shawnee or to strive to assign them any earlier location than that in which they were first known and where their oldest traditions place them -- the Cumberland basin in Tennessee, with an outlying colony on the middle Savannah in South Carolina. In this position, as their name may imply, they were the southern advance-guard of the Algonquian stock. Their real history begins in 1669-1670. They were then living in two bodies at a considerable distance apart, and these two divisions were not fully united until nearly a century later, when the tribe settled in Ohio. The attempt to reconcile conflicting statements without a knowledge of this fact has occasioned much of the confusion in regard to the Shawnee. The apparent anomaly of a tribe living in two divisions at such a distance from each other is explained when we remember that the intervening territory was occupied by the Cherokee, who were at that time the friends of the Shawnee. The evidence afforded by the mounds shows that the two tribes lived together for a considerable period, both in South Carolina and Tennessee, and it is a matter of history that the Cherokee claimed the country vacated by the Shawnee in both states after the removal of the latter to the north . . . The Shawnee of South Carolina, who appear to have been the Piqua division of the tribe, were known to the early settlers of that state as Savannahs, that being nearly the form of the name in use among the neighboring Muskhogean tribes." The Shawnee removed to the north apparently through dissatisfaction with the English colonists, who were allies of the Catawba, enemies of the Shawnee; their removal from South Carolina was gradual, beginning about 1677 and continuing at intervals through a period of more than thirty years . . . Permission to settle on the Delaware was granted by the colonial government on condition of their making peace with the Iroquois, who then received them as ‘brothers’ while the Delawares acknowledged them as their ‘second sons,’ i.e., grandsons. The Shawnee to-day refer to the Delawares as their grandfathers. From this it is evident that the Shawnee were never conquered by the Iroquois and, in fact, we find the western band a few years previously assisting the Miami against the latter." Some of the migrating Shawnee joined the Mohican and became a part of that tribe; and those who had settled on the Delaware afterward removed to the Wyoming Valley, and formed their village near the present town of Wyoming. The Delawares and Munsee followed them in 1742, and made their village on the opposite bank of the Susquehanna; about fifteen years later the Shawnee quarreled with the Delawares, and joined their tribesmen on the upper Ohio, soon becoming allies of the French. The Cumberland (or western) division of the Shawnee seem never to have crossed the Alleghanies to the eastward. Their principal village was on the Cumberland River, near the present Nashville, Tenn. "They seem also to have ranged northeastward to the Kentucky River, and southward to the Tennessee. It will thus be seen that they were not isolated from the great body of the Algonquian tribes, as has frequently been represented to have been the case, but simply occupied an interior position, adjoining the kindred Illinois and Miami, with whom they kept up constant communication . . . These western Shawnee are mentioned about the year 1672 as being harassed by the Iroquois, and also as allies of the Andastes, or Conestoga, who were themselves at war with the Iroquois;" and the two tribes were probably allies against the Iroquois. It is in 1684 that we find the first reliable mention of the Shawnee (evidently the western bands) in the country north of the Ohio; and they finally abandoned the Cumberland Valley soon after 1714, in consequence of a war between them and the Cherokee and Chickasaw -- finally (about 1730) collecting along the north bank of the Ohio, from the Allegheny to the Scioto. Soon after 1750 they were joined by their kindred from the Susquehanna, the first time in their history when the divisions were united. -- Handbook Amer. Indians.

35. A reference to the Gulf of Mexico and the Mississippi River -- then, however, supposed to flow into the Pacific Ocean (then called the South Sea). -- ED.

36. The tribes north of Mexico, as well as those of every part of the continent except, perhaps, the higher arctic regions, delighted in the use of color. It was very generally employed for embellishing the person and in applying decorative and symbolic designs to habitations, sculptures, masks, shields, articles of bark, skin, pottery, etc., in executing pictographs upon natural surfaces of many kinds, as on cliffs and the walls of caverns, and in preparing the symbolic embellishments of altars and the sacred chambers. Color was applied to the person for decorative purposes as an essential feature of the toilet; for impressing beholders with admiration or fear; for purposes of obscurity and deception; in applying tribal, personal, or other denotive devices; in the application of symbolic designs, especially on ceremonial occasions; and as a means of protection from insects and the sun. The native love of color and skill in its use were manifested especially in decorative work." The pigments were both mineral and vegetal, and the aborigines were skilled in preparing them. -- W. H. HOLMES, in Handbook Amer. Indians, art. "Painting."

37. The Nipissing (an AIgonquian tribe) lived about the lake of that name (meaning "little water or lake") until about 1650, when they were attacked by the Iroquois and many of their number slain; then they fled to Lake Nipigon for a time. By 1671 they had returned to Lake Nipissing, and later part of the tribe went to Three Rivers, and some settled at Oka (where they still live), the village of the converted Iroquois. They were a comparatively unwarlike people, firm friends to the French, and ready to accept the teachings of the Catholic missionaries. They were semi-nomadic, spending the winters among the Hurons to fish and hunt; cultivated the soil but little, and traded with the northern tribes. -- JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

38. Theriacs were a kind of medicine highly esteemed during the middle ages; they were composed of opium, flavored with nutmeg, cardamom, cinnamon, and mace -- or sometimes with saffron and ambergris. -- ED.

39. Cadie is only a shortened form of Acadie (Acadia), a name somewhat vaguely applied at first, but generally referring to Nova Scotia. -- ED.

40. An allusion to the voyage (1673) of Joliet and Marquette, who discovered the Mississippi River and explored its course as far as the Arkansas. -- ED.

41. Chicago (a Sauk-Fox appellation derived from shekagua, "skunk") was an important locality from an early date; a Miami village was situated there when the first French explorers visited that region, and it was the seat of the Jesuit mission of St. Joseph. Chicago was also the name of a chief of the Illinois about 1725. -- Handbook Amer. Indians.
Cadillac says in his "Relation of Missilimakinak" (1718), section v: "The post of Chicagou comes next. The name means Riviére de l'ail [Garlic River], because it produces that plant in very great quantities, wild and without cultivation." This may refer to the wild garlic (AIlium); but some writers suppose it to mean skunk-cabbage (Symplocarpus fœtidus). -- ED.

42. On Quinté (Kenté) Bay, on the north side of Lake Ontario, there was a colony of Cayugas, among whom the Sulpitians of Montreal founded a mission (1668); five years later the Recollect fathers took charge of this field (Jesuit Relations, vol. 1, 326, and vol. li, 290). Fort Frontenac was at the site of the present Kingston, Ont., a place which was called Katarakoui by the Iroquois. -- ED.

43. Guillaume de la Forest was a lieutenant of La Salle, and held command for him at Fort Frontenac until 1685, when he joined Henri de Tonty in Illinois. These two officers obtained permission to engage in the fur trade, which was revoked in 1702, and La Forest was ordered back to Canada. In 1710 he replaced Cadillac as commandant at Detroit, where he died four years later. -- Ed.

44. This post of La Salle's was called Fort St. Louis, and was built on the lofty height called "Starved Rock," near the present Utica, Ill. -- ED.

45. Cf. this statement with that in Major Marston's letter of 1820 (which immediately follows La Potherie's account); there, as in various other authorities, the names Fox and Renard are applied to the Musquaki, their own appellation for their tribe. The apparent discrepancy is explained by William Jones (Handbook Amer. Indians, 472) as a misunderstanding by the French who first met some of the Fox clan, and thereafter applied the name of the clan to the whole tribe. Hewitt says (ut supra, art. "Squawkihow"): "The signification of Muskwaki is ‘red earth,’ and may have been originally employed in contradistinction to Osauaki or Osawki, ‘yellow earth,’ the base of the tribal name ‘Sauk.’" Miss Owen confirms this statement thus (Folk-Lore of the Musquakie Indians, 18): " ‘Musquakie’ means ‘Fox,’ whether reference is made to the animal or the tribesman, in Saukie, Kickapoo, and Musquakie, though the Saukies say jokingly that Geechee Manito-ah ["the Great Spirit"] made the Saukie out of yellow clay and the Squawkie out of red." -- ED.

46. Smoking was found among the aborigines of America by the earliest discoverers. The natives took the fumes of tobacco as a cure for disease. "Tobacco or some mixture thereof was invariably smoked in councils with the whites and on other solemn occasions. No important undertaking was entered upon without deliberation and discussion in a solemn council at which the pipe was smoked by all present. The remarkable similarity in smoking customs throughout the continent proves the great antiquity of the practice." It was used much like incense, and was offered to idols by women as well as men; and this practice was also observed as a compliment to distinguished visitors. "In religious ceremonies in general the priest usually blows the smoke over the altar to the world-quarters." Sometimes the decoration of pipes and their stems has great ceremonial and ethnic significance. "Every individual engaged in war, hunting, fishing, or husbandry, and every clan and phratry made supplication to the gods by means of smoke, which was believed to bring good and arrest evil, to give protection from enemies, to bring game or fish, allay storms, and protect one while journeying." -- JOSEPH D. McGUIRE, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

47. "Stones of greenish hue were highly valued by the American aborigines, and this was due, apparently, to the association of certain religious notions with the color." Turquoise is found in many localities in the southwestern states, and was mined by the natives in pre-Spanish times in New Mexico and Arizona. "The turquoise is highly prized by the present tribes of the arid region, and is ground into beads and pendants, which are pierced by the aid of primitive drills; and is made into settings for mosaic work." -- W. H. HOLMES, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

48. The Assiniboin (Assinipoualaks, etc.) are "a large Siouan tribe, originally constituting a part of the Yanktonai," from whom they appear to have separated early in the seventeenth century, and probably in the region about the headwaters of the Mississippi, whence they moved northward and joined the Cree. As early as 1670 they were located about Lake Winnipeg, and a century later they were scattered along the Saskatchewan and Assiniboin Rivers. Up to 1836 they numbered from 1,000 to 1,200 lodges, trading on the Missouri River, when the smallpox reduced them to less than 400 lodges, and in 1856 there were only 250 lodges. They now number some 2,500, of whom somewhat less than half are on reservations in Montana; the rest are in Canadian territory. They have always been nomadic in their mode of life, and usually at enmity with other tribes -- always warring with the Dakota, until brought under control of the whites. -- JAMES MOONEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

49. The Sokoki were a tribe connected with the Abnaki, and probably a part of the confederacy; authorities differ somewhat, but the best evidence seems to place them in the Abnaki group. They were found by Champlain in 1604 at the mouth of Saco River. After King Philip's War (1675) part of the Sokoki fled to the Hudson River; and in 1725 the rest of the tribe retired to St. Francis, Canada, with some of their allied tribes. -- JAMES MOONEY, in Handbook Amer. Indians.
"Loups" was the French translation of "Mahican" (both meaning "wolf"), the name of an Algonquian tribe closely connected with the Delawares; they dwelt on both sides of the upper Hudson River, and eastward into Massachusetts -- in which locality those converted to the Christian faith were known as Stockbridges, their descendants now living in Wisconsin. With this exception, the Mahican have lost their tribal identity. -- ED.

50. Another reference to the buffalo. In the Jesuit Relations are several interesting mentions of this animal's wool or hair. Marest wrote from Kaskaskia in 1712 (vol. lxvi, 231) that the Illinois women made with it leggings, girdles, and bags; and he extols its fineness. Cords or ropes were also made of it (vol. lxviii, 133). Joliet told Dablon that from this wool could be made cloth, "much finer than most of that which we bring from France" (vol. iviii, 107). -- ED.

51. The Ayoës live at a considerable distance beyond the Missisipi, toward the forty-third degree of latitude. -- LA POTHERIE.
The Iowa are one of the southwestern Siouan tribes, of the Chiwere group (see note 202), and of Winnebago origin (see note 207). "Iowa chiefs informed Dorsey in 1883 that their people and the Oto, Missouri, Omaha, and Ponca ‘once formed part of the Winnebago nation;’" and the traditions of those tribes relate that at an early period they all came with the Winnebago from their common home north of the great lakes -- the Winnebago stopping on the shore of Lake Michigan, attracted by the abundance of fish, while the others continued southwestward to the Mississippi River. Here the Iowa separated from the main group, and received their name of Pahoja ("Gray Snow"); and near the mouth of Rock River seem to have halted for a time. Thence they moved, successively, up the Mississippi through Iowa to southwestern Minnesota; through Nebraska, Iowa, Missouri; and thence to Missouri River, opposite Fort Leavenworth, where they were living in 1848. In 1824 they ceded all their lands in Missouri, and in 1836 were assigned a reservation in northeastern Kansas; thence a part of the tribe moved later to another tract in Central Oklahoma, which by agreement in 1890 was allotted to them in severally. Their numbers have varied greatly at different times; in 1760 they were estimated at 1,100 souls, and in 1804 at 800 (a smallpox epidemic having ravaged the tribe the year before); in 1829, at 1,000, and in 1843 at 470. In 1905 the number in Kansas was 225, and in Oklahoma 89. The Iowa appear to have been cultivators of the soil at an early date, and had a reputation for great industry; also they hunted the buffalo, and made and sold the "redstone" (catlinite) pipes. -- J. O. DORSEY and CYRUS THOMAS, in Handbook Amer. Indians.

52. For description of the calumet, see footnote 145.

53. Cannibalism (a word derived from Carib through Spanish corruption) has been practiced in one form or another among probably all peoples at some period of their tribal life; and we have historical records of its occurrence among many of the tribes north of Mexico -- whether as a matter of ceremony, of hunger, or even of taste. Among the tribes who thus practiced it were: the Algonkin, Iroquois, Assiniboin, Cree, Foxes, Miami, Ottawa, Chippewa, Illinois, Kickapoo, Sioux, and Winnebago; the Mohawk and some of the southern tribes were known to their neighbors as "man-eaters." Cannibalism was sometimes accidental, from necessity as a result of famine; "the second and prevalent form of cannibalism was a part of war custom and was based principally on the belief that bravery and other desirable qualities of an enemy would pass, through actual ingestion of a part of his body, into that of the consumer. Such qualities were supposed to have their special seat in the heart, hence this organ was chiefly sought;" it belonged usually to the warriors. "The idea of eating any other human being than a brave enemy was to most Indians repulsive . . . Among the Iroquois, according to one of the Jesuit fathers, the eating of captives was considered a religious duty." -- A. HRDLICKA, in Handbook Amer. Indians.