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Engraved frontispiece

A Map of a Large Country Newly Discovered in the Northern America.

A Depiction of Niagara Falls.

A Buffalo.

A Map of a New World.

The Unfortunate Adventures of Monsr. de la Salle.

The Murther of Monsr. de la Salle.

The Cruelty of the Savage Iroquois.

The Taking of Quebec by the English.



ABOUT the year 1640, Louis Hennepin, the author of this book, was born in Belgium, which was then a possession of Spain. He himself testifies that this event took place in Ath, a small town on the Dender, in the south western province of Hainaut, and some twenty miles east by south of Tournay. This assertion is credited by his biographer Felix van Hulst, but Pierre Margry cites documents which seem to prove that Hennepin's birth occurred at Roy, in Luxembourg province, his parents having removed thither from Ath. This conflict of testimony illustrates the confusion which has long existed in the minds of bibliophiles and students of American history with regard to many other particulars in the life and work of our author; for while few have written more profusely or in more confident tone of their own exploits, seldom have autobiographers met with so incredulous a reception.

Of his earliest years or of his antecedents, Hennepin tells us little. He says: "I was from my Infancy very fond of Travelling; and my natural Curiosity induc'd me to visit many Parts of Europe one after another;" but a few pages


further on we are assured that, "I Always found in my self a strong Inclination to retire from the World, and regulate my Life according to the Rules of pure and severe Virtue: and in compliance with this Humour, I enter'd into the Franciscan Order, designing to confine my self to an austere Way of Living." Apparently he was still a boy when he became a novice in the Recollect convent within the old fortified town of Béthune in the Department of Pas-de-Calais, France. The Recollects were austere proselyters, an offshoot of the Franciscan order, and from their ranks were drawn the four missionaries whom Champlain introduced to Quebec in 1615.

Hennepin appears to have been an uneasy soul, uncontent to remain cloistered, and fretting to engage in travel and wild adventure. The annals of his order abounded in deeds of self-sacrifice upon the frontiers of civilization. Contemplation of the records of these early missionaries inspired the young grey-gown with "a Desire of tracing their Footsteps, and dedicating my self after their Example, to the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls." This was but a pious way of saying that he longed for action; later, he more fitly characterized his ambition as an "Inclination to travel."

While in Holland, whither he had gone to study the Dutch language, — no doubt French was his family tongue, rather than Walloon, — he was, he says, urged by some Amsterdam friends to go out as a missionary to the East Indies; but one of his sisters, "that was marry'd at Ghent,


and whom I lov'd very tenderly," dissuaded him from this venture. Determined, however, to see the world, young Hennepin compromised by a journey to Italy and Germany, "which did in some measure gratifie the Curiosity of my Temper." While abroad, he had an agreeable roving commission from his father superior, to visit "all the great Churches, and most considerable Convents of our Order."

Upon returning to the Netherlands, he was taken in charge by the bishop of Ipres, a fellow Recollect, who disapproved of the roving tendencies of the young friar and compelled him to settle down for a year as preacher in a convent in Hainaut. "After which, with Consent of my Superior, I went into the Country of Artois, from whence I was sent to Calais, to act the part of a Mendicant there in time of Herring-salting."

This was a mission more in accordance with the adventurous spirit of our author, for at the fishing port of Calais he was necessarily thrown in with sailors and other travellers, whose tales of wandering filled his soul with delight. "I was," he says, "passionately in love with hearing the relations that Masters of Ships gave of their Voyages. Afterwards I return'd to our Convent at Biez, by the way of Dunkirk: But I us'd oft-times to sculk behind the Doors of Victualling-Houses, to hear the Sea-men give an Account of their Adventures. The Smoak of tobacco was offensive to me, and created Pain in my Stomach, while I was thus intent upon giving ear to their Relations: But


for all I was very attentive to the Accounts they gave of their Encounters by Sea, the Perils they had gone through, and all the Accidents which befell them in their long Voyages. This Occupation was so agreeable and engaging, that I have spent whole Days and Nights at it without eating; for hereby I always came to understand some new thing, concerning the Customs and Ways of Living in remote Places; and concerning the Pleasantness, Fertility, and Riches of the Countries where these Men had been." Perhaps this was not a dignified proceeding for a grey-friar in cowl and sandals; but there was always much of the boy in Hennepin. Any healthy lad who has revelled in Treasure Island, or listened even to the relatively commonplace sailors of our time as they spin their yarns over pipe and bowl, can but sympathize with this picturesque young Fleming who was by nature a wanderer, yet fettered by a frock which compelled him to hide, whereas he yearned to question his tap-room heroes face to face.

Fired still further by a desire to travel, the uneasy youth now "went Missionary into most part of the Towns of Holland." During eight months in 1673 he was at the fortified town of Maestricht, then a scene of activity in connection with the war which the Prince of Orange was waging with the French, in defence of the Dutch provinces. While there, he claims to have "administer'd the Sacraments to above Three thousand wounded Men," in the course of which duty he grew ill of a fever and came near to losing his life.

"The singular Zeal I had for promoting the Good of


Souls," declares our self-satisfied apostle, "engag'd me the Year following to be present at the Battle of Seneffe, where I was busied in administering Comfort to the poor wounded Men: Till at length, after having endur'd all manner of Fatigue and Toil, and having run the risque of extreme Dangers at Sieges of Towns in the Trenches, and in Fields of Battel, (where I never ceas'd to expose my self for the good of Mens Souls) while those bloody Men were breathing nothing but Slaughter and Blood, I happily found my self in a condition to satisfie my first Inclination." He had been called from his army chaplaincy by the father superior, and ordered to proceed to La Rochelle, then the chief port for vessels sailing to New France, and there seek an early opportunity to obtain passage for Quebec.

The Recollects were introduced into New France as evangelists to the Indians, by Champlain himself; but finding themselves, a mendicant order without funds, unequal to a task necessitating a considerable expenditure of money, they had in 1624 invited the more powerful Jesuits to share the work with them. The two orders labored together, not without some friction, until the English conquest (1629). When England released her control in 1632, the Jesuits returned alone, and it was not until 1670 that the Recollects were again brought upon the scene — this time by the intendant Talon, who wished to use them as a foil to the Jesuits, of whom he was not fond. To the little company of grey-gowns then established at Quebec,


five others were added in 1675, at the request of Frontenac.

We may well be sure that Hennepin used such arts as were practicable to secure service in so inviting a field as North America, which in his day offered possibilities in the line of adventure unequalled elsewhere in the world. The voyage on the Mississippi River by Joliet and Marquette had but recently been made known in Europe; and perhaps at no time was the spirit of discovery, the yearning for daring continental exploits on behalf of New France, more generally diffused.

Of that little ship's company in the summer of 1675, were three men destined to become famous in different walks of life — François-Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, bishop of the newly-established see of Quebec; Réné-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, the great explorer, who had recently been raised by the king to the dignity of an untitled nobleman and to the governorship of Fort Frontenac; and our hero. They arrived in Quebec in September, after the usual ocean-crossing incidents of the time, their vessel having been unsuccessfully attacked by Turkish and Algerian pirates in turn.

Upon the voyage, the friar was, according to his own story, rebuked by La Salle because he had sought to restrain the boisterous conduct of several young women who were being sent to Canada to find husbands among the settlers. Hennepin declares that to that trivial incident was traceable La Salle's persistent enmity to him in later years; but in his


earliest book Hennepin declares that he and La Salle were friendly, and at Fort Frontenac planned their discoveries together. It was not until after La Salle's death, when he sought to appropriate to himself credit for the former's explorations, that Hennepin alludes to this animosity. La Salle probably conceived a dislike for the missionary, while upon their Western expedition.

During the young Recollect's first four years in Canada he occupied, at least nominally, the post of preacher in Advent and Lent to the cloister of St. Augustin in the Hotel-Dieu at Quebec. Restless, as usual, he was not content to remain long within the stone walls of the dreary little capital of New France. The greater part of each year was spent as an itinerant missionary, following the hunters to their camps, visiting the Indian cantonments, and making notes on the country. In chapter ii of Part i, he gives us a vivid picture of his costume and his method of travelling — in winter, a dog-sledge carried his clothing and portable altar, while he, enveloped in gown and cowl, shuffled along behind in his snowshoes; in summer, a canoe was his conveyance, and Indians and long-haired voyageurs his companions. This rugged life, in which he trained himself for the great wilderness journeys to come, was filled with hardships and dangers — for the canoeist was in momentary peril of losing his life in rapids, and the traveller by snowshoes of "falling headlong over fearful Precipices"; Indian treachery was ever to be feared; "In the Night-time I had nothing to cover me


but a Cloak; and sometimes the Frost pierc'd to my very Bones"; while "My Commons also were very short, scarce more than to keep me from starving."

At first, his mission called him little more than a hundred miles from Quebec, from whose gates the almost unbroken wilderness stretched in all directions; but after a time he was ordered to Fort Frontenac, which had been built in 1673 Missionary at upon the site of the present city of Kingston, Ontario, and now was commanded by his shipmate, La Salle. Here, upon the shore of Lake Ontario, "a Hundred Leagues from Quebec," in company with a brother Recollect, Father Luke Buisset, he "persuaded several of the barbarous Iroquese, to cultivate the Ground," and erected a chapel for the instruction of the tribesmen whom La Salle had persuaded to settle there. "I there gave my self much," he writes, "to the reading of Voyages, and encreas'd the Ambition I had to pursue my Design" of "making this Discovery I am about to relate" — the exploration of the Mississippi Valley.

He claims to have one winter (1676-77) visited, while at Frontenac, all of the principal cantonments of the Iroquois, or "Five Nations," his escort being a French soldier from the fort. At one time they lodged with Father Jacques the Bruyas, one of the Jesuit missionaries to the Iroquois. April, having encountered a party of Dutch fur-traders who had come out to pick up beaver pelts, Hennepin apparently returned with these men to Albany


(then New Orange), where he was kindly received because he spoke Dutch. There were many Dutch Catholics at New Orange, who invited the Flemish friar to settle among them as their priest; but he declares that fear of offending the French Jesuits, and of injuring the fur trade of New France, whose chief commercial rivals were the Dutch traders, impelled him to decline these advances.

After a chaplaincy of two years and a half at Fort Frontenac, — so says Hennepin, but his dates are sadly confusing, — he and Father Buisset returned in a canoe to Quebec, "where I retir'd into the Recollets Convent of St. Mary, in order to prepare and sanctifie my self for commencing our Discovery." Throughout all of his books runs the assumption that he, Father Hennepin, was the person who originated and planned the explorations which he records, but which posterity perversely associates chiefly with the name of La Salle; although sometimes he magnanimously allows the latter, as in the foregoing sentence, equal honors with himself.

In 1677 La Salle had gone to Paris to interest the court in forwarding his gigantic scheme for an exploration which was to result in connecting Canada with the Gulf of Mexico, by means of a chain of forts upon the Great Lakes and rivers. Successful in this mission, he reached Quebec in the middle of September the following year, eager at once to commence his splendid enterprise. Practically all of the


exploring parties whose records form a part of the annals of New France contained one or more missionaries, for the work of the church went hand in hand with the service of the king; territorial expansion meant new fields not only for the beaver trade but for the possible conversion of the heathen. The Jesuits were members and annalists of several such expeditions, Marquette having thus served with Joliet; but La Salle, although educated in a Jesuit house, was now at outs with that order, and preferred the company of the humbler Recollects. Selected by his superior to accompany La Salle upon this ambitious journey into the continental interior, Hennepin, summoned to Quebec, impatiently awaited the great explorer's return.

La Salle arrived at the close of September, 1678, bringing to the friar, from Paris, the formal command of the Recollect provincial. Hennepin was forthwith entertained at dinner by the governor, Count Frontenac, and received the blessing of Bishop Laval; while both of these dignitaries gave him written certificates of their approbation. Frontenac, in particular, "a Man that testify'd a great deal of Affection for our Flemish Recollects, because of our Candour and Ingenuity . . . was pleas'd to give publicke Testimonie to the Generosity of my Undertaking, while we were set at Table." While La Salle was preparing the details of the expedition and gathering supplies, Hennepin was sent on in advance to Fort Frontenac, "that," he grandiloquently assures us "my Departure might oblige the rest to expedite their Affairs with speed." His own equipment


was modest, such as he had often to carry upon his back during the three years to come, comprising only "my portable Chapel, one Blanket, and a Matt of Rushes, which was to serve me for Bed and Quilt." His dress was that of the order: a coarse grey robe with pointed hood, a rope about the waist, crucifix and rosary hanging from this rude girdle, and sandals upon his feet — the last-named a special concession for American missionaries, for the Recollect mendicants in Europe were barefooted. Thus attired and equipped, our hero — now some thirty-seven years of age, in the prime of his vigor and aglow with hope — joyfully descended the angling path to the strand of Lower Town, doubtless arm in arm with his brother monks. Awaiting him were two lusty voyageurs with a birch-bark canoe, into which he stepped with practised care; and soon he was waving farewell to the prayerful little group upon the shore, whose blessings he carried forth upon the strange journey wherein he was to win both fame and obloquy.

Now and then he stopped upon his way to minister to lonely little groups of habitants — fishers, hunters, voyageurs, and farmers all in one, as season or opportunity demanded — who had cut notches out of the riverside forest, and, seldom seeing a priest, were rejoiced at this unexpected visitation. Once he baptized a child, and frequently preached and said mass. At Montreal, his canoemen deserted him, evidently bribed by La Salle's commercial enemies, who were jealous of the explorer's fur-trade monopoly and these ambitious projects towards the West.


But, not disheartened, the adventurous friar promptly engaged two substitutes, and after some minor incidents of wilderness travel arrived at Fort Frontenac late in the night of the second of November. There he was greeted by his old comrade, Father Buisset, who, with Father Gabriel Ribourde, newly arrived from France, had preceded him upon this dangerous journey. Six days later, La Motte de Lussičre, one of La Salle's lieutenants, arrived with the majority of the party, leaving La Salle and his chief ally, Henri de Tonty, to follow a month later.

La Motte brought orders from La Salle to dispatch an advance party of fifteen men in canoes, to notify the Indians along the lakes, especially upon Lake Michigan and in the Illinois country, of the coming of the expedition, and to win their hearts by presents and soft speeches; also to gather peltries, for La Salle had obtained a practical monopoly of the forest trade in the far West, and the costs of the enterprise, represented by the explorer's numerous debts left behind him in France and Quebec, must be met by the profits of this traffic. La Motte and Hennepin, with sixteen men, meanwhile sailed in La Salle's brigantine, of ten tons burthen, to Niagara. The tempestuous voyage occupied from the eighteenth of November to the sixth of December. At a point about two leagues up Niagara River, La Motte commenced the erection of a fort, but soon abandoned this project when it became evident that the nearest Iroquois tribe, the Senecas, were jealous of so formidable an intrusion; he thereupon contented himself with


constructing "an Habitation encompass'd with Palisados" to protect his magazines.

Late in December, La Salle and Tonty, with the remaining supplies, set sail in "a great Barque" from Fort Frontenac. Their pilot almost succeeded in wrecking them on Christmas eve, off the Bay of Quinté. Later, they landed at the mouth of the Genesee and visited a large town of the Senecas, who reluctantly consented to allow La Salle to transport his supplies and equipment by the portage-path around Niagara Falls, to build a vessel above the cataract, and there erect a fortified trading-house as a base of operations. Proceeding to Niagara River, La Salle again left his vessel, to select a ship-yard site above the falls; but the pilot, possibly corrupted by enemies, this time allowed the bark to be lost off shore in a storm. Of its precious cargo nothing was saved, except cables and anchors destined for the vessel which it was proposed to build for the upper lakes.

With great labor, of which the friar — after the custom of missionaries in New France — no doubt performed his full share, the heavy stores were duly portaged to the mouth of Lake Erie, "two Leagues above the great Fall," and work commenced on the building of the "Griffon," a sailing-vessel of some forty-five tons burthen. In February (1679) La Salle made a perilous trip through the forest and over the ice to Fort Frontenac, a distance of about two hundred and fifty miles, to obtain additional equipment, to replace that lost in the bark. Meanwhile, Tonty — La Motte had returned to the settlements soon


after the arrival at Niagara — proceeded with the construction of the "Griffon"; and in due time she was launched, to the great astonishment of the simple Iroquois, who, influenced by La Salle's opponents, had done their best to hamper the enterprise. Indeed, several of the white servants of the expedition also gave much trouble, having doubtless been bribed to spread a spirit of mutiny.

It was the end of July before La Salle returned, having been delayed by the agents of importunate creditors, whose untimely demands threatened destruction of his hopes. But the resourceful adventurer finally compromised with them, and hurried back to his men, who were now housed aboard the vessel, for the hostility of the Iroquois rendered life ashore beset with peril.

Men thrown closely together in exploring parties are often depressed by long periods of enforced idleness, and possibly misery in many other forms; in that mood they readily find occasion for quarrelling, especially with those who exercise that strict command which is essential to success. Tonty, a masterful man, had trouble not only with the servants, but with the missionary himself; the latter declares that he not only disliked all subjects of Spain, such as Hennepin still was, but suffered from jealousy, "because I kept a Journal of all the considerable Things that were transacted; and that he design'd to take the same from me. This Advice oblig'd me to stand upon my Guard, and take all other Precautions, to secure my Observations." It is well for us that Tonty, who evidently had small patience with a man of


Hennepin's character, failed in his designs against the father's note-book; for to it we owe the first detailed description and illustration of Niagara Falls, as well as much else which sheds strong light on the enterprises of La Salle and the life and manners of North American savages at the time when they first came in contact with white men.

During the spring, apparently wishing to go into "retreat," Hennepin himself repaired to Fort Frontenac, in company with a Canadian for whom also Tonty had conceived a dislike. Descending the Niagara in a canoe, they took passage in the brigantine which had brought La Motte and the friar in the previous December, and was now engaged on La Salle's behalf in the Lake Ontario fur trade. After many adventures, and several visits to Indian villages, wherein peltries were bargained for by the master of the vessel, the travellers finally reached the fort, being fondly greeted by the four Recollects whom they found there — Ribourde, Buisset, Zenobe Membré, and Melithon Watteau, all of them compatriots of Hennepin, "Natives of the Spanish Netherlands."

At the instance of La Salle, Ribourde, Membré, and Watteau returned to Niagara with our hero, on board of the fur-trade brigantine. Stopping to trade with the Indians, the vessel lay in Irondequoit Bay, and was joined eight days later by La Salle, who came in a canoe along the southern coast of the lake.


Upon the fourth of August, La Salle and the four Flemish friars reached the "Griffon." It had been arranged by the Recollect authorities that Watteau should be left behind at the warehouse above the falls, to minister to the neighboring Senecas; while Hennepin, Ribourde, and Membré were to accompany the expedition to carry the gospel to the Western tribes.

The "Griffon," departing from the Niagara ship-yard upon the seventh of August, the first sailing-vessel to plow the waters of the upper lakes, enjoyed a pleasant passage through Lake Erie, the strait of Detroit, and Lake St. Clair. Upon Lake Huron, however, a violent storm alarmed the travellers, so that they were glad to find peaceful anchorage off Point St. Ignace, in the straits of Mackinac. The Jesuit missionaries there established made them welcome; although Hennepin, with characteristic jealousy, fails even to mention their black-gown hosts. It was from this haven that Joliet and Marquette had departed, six years previous, to discover the Mississippi River.

After a week in the Mackinac region, the "Griffon" entered Lake Michigan and ran over to Washington Island, off the mouth of Green Bay. Here La Salle found some of the advance party of traders whom he had dispatched the year before; they had accumulated a goodly store of furs, which were promptly loaded into the vessel. Such were La Salle's financial straits that he deemed it wise to hurry forward to his creditors this valuable cargo, thereby to secure


the release of such of his property as they had seized at Fort Frontenac and elsewhere. The crew of the "Griffon" were accordingly ordered to sail at once to Niagara, and then "with all imaginable speed, to join us toward the Sourthen Parts of the Lake, where we should stay for them among the Illinois."

Leaving the islands upon the nineteenth of September, La Salle, with fourteen men in five heavily-laden canoes, paddled southward along the Wisconsin shore of Lake Michigan. It was a long and weary journey, involving much hardship, and actual danger from storms and hostile savages. In some of the encounters with the natives, the party came close to disaster; but persistence, diplomacy, and courage carried them safely through, although it was the first of November before they arrived at the mouth of St. Joseph River — "the River of Miamis," in Hennepin's text. Tonty and twenty men had been left behind at St. Ignace with orders to proceed to this point by way of the eastern (Michigan) shore of the lake; but it was twenty days before he succeeded in joining his master, having been detained by storms and scarcity of food. As for the "Griffon," it had not yet appeared, and for many months La Salle was heartsick with anxiety for her fate. It was not until long after, that the unfortunate pathfinder learned of her loss in a storm between Green Bay and Mackinac, owing to the unskilfulness of the pilot — although there were not lacking rumors of positive treachery.


Leaving a small garrison in the log fort which had been erected at the mouth of the St. Joseph, the remainder of the now reunited party — thirty-three in number — left upon the third of December to ascend the river and proceed over the portage (at the present South Bend, Ind.) to the Kankakee branch of the Illinois. The expedition moved slowly for the pressure for food necessitated scouring the woods for game, so that it was the last of the month before they reached the great town of the Illinois, near the present Utica. The inhabitants were away upon their winter hunt, leaving the lodges empty, thus making it necessary for the explorers to proceed further; although in the absence of the owners they helped themselves liberally to dried corn, of which there was a large supply in concealed pits.

Upon New Year's Day (1680) the expedition reached the broadening of Illinois River which we now call Peoria Lake. The occasion was celebrated by the friars in saying mass; "and having wish'd a happy New-year to M. la Salle, and to all others, I thought fit to make a pathetical Exhortation to our Grumblers, to encourage them to go on chearfully, and inspire them with Union and Concord. Father Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, embrac'd them afterwards; and they promis'd to continue firm in their Duty." Later in the day, a short distance below the lake, they encountered an Illinois village of eighty cabins, wherein, after the usual flurry of alarm on the part of the savages, they were treated with courtesy.


But, even in this remote corner of the wilderness, La Salle soon found that his enemies were at work. That night there appeared in the village a Mascoutin chief who came to council with the Miamis; seeing La Salle, he denounced him as engaged on a mission to induce the Western tribes to unite with the Iroquois in devastating the country of the Illinois. To add to his mortification, La Salle discovered the following morning that six of his men had deserted him and disappeared within the forest, where doubtless they became coureurs-de-bois, the most fascinating occupation which offered itself to adventurous spirits in New France.

La Salle, having by his firm yet friendly manner disarmed criticism among his hosts, erected a palisaded defense on a hill in the vicinity of the cantonment, and called it Fort Cręvecoeur (Heart-break) — a name long thought by historians to refer to the heart-rending situation in which he found himself; but apparently it was in compliment to Louis XIV of France, in allusion to that monarch's capture (1672) and subsequent demolition of a Netherlands stronghold thus named, near Bois-le-Duc.

Upon the first of March La Salle again set out for Fort Frontenac, accompanied by an Indian hunter and four Frenchmen, seeking equipment for a vessel to be erected at Cręvecoeur for carrying his party down the Mississippi. It was a dangerous journey of about a thousand miles by land and water, the making of which consumed sixty-five weary days. Although met by enemies and


grasping creditors, he contrived to duplicate the supplies of material for the new vessel, which had vainly been expected on the ill-fated "Griffon," and then set out for Cręvecceur to rejoin Tonty.

But we are in the present notice henceforth less concerned with the checkered career of La Salle — who, though continually harrassed by fate, returned again and again to the giant task to which he had set himself, only to fail at last — than we are with the progress of Hennepin, whose adventures must now exclusively claim our attention. Upon the day previous to La Salle's departure from Cręvecceur, he had dispatched our hero with two companions to descend to the mouth of the Illinois River and for some distance upon the Mississippi, and report upon the country. It appears from Hennepin's own confession, that although presumably a rugged man, he had weakened at thought of the hardships and perils of such a trip. Claiming that a disease of the gums necessitated his return to Canada for treatment, he sought to induce Ribourde to take his place; but the latter excused himself, for he was now sixty-five years of age and feeling old — the forest missionaries of New France early became, like their barbaric wards, the victims of rheumatism and lung diseases. Membré was also approached, but that father, despite his freely-expressed dislike of the work which fell to him in the foul-smelling and turbulent villages of the Illinois, concluded in this juncture that his duty lay among a people whose language he understood; a


few months later, Ribourde was slain by Kickapoos who objected to conversion. Hence Hennepin must sacrifice himself, his fellow-travellers being Michel Accau (or Ako) and Antoine Augel, who was nicknamed "le Picard" because from Picardy. While Hennepin throughout his narrative characteristically speaks of himself as the leader, and as a rule only mentions his companions as "the two Men who were with me," Accau appears to have been the real head of the party, the grey-gown being merely the usual ecclesiastical supernumerary.

Up to the point of their reaching the mouth of the Illinois, some fifty leagues below Cręvecceur, we are, in Hennepin's journal, treading upon firm ground. By means of the accounts of La Salle, the report ascribed to Tonty, and various contemporary documents, we are able to corroborate the father's narrative; and find it in the main trustworthy, save for the vainglorious attitude which detracts from its merit, although this leads no discriminating reader astray. Henceforth, however, we are in more or less doubt, for not only are some of the father's statements, especially as given in the book here reprinted, quite impossible of credence, but we shall see that his several narratives are in themselves contradictory.

His earliest volume, Description de la Louisiane, was published in Paris less than three years after this adventure. In that, as well as in chapter xxxvi of the present volume (which is in large measure a direct translation of the Louisiane), Hennepin


claims that, having left Cręvecoeur upon the twenty-ninth of February, "On the seventh of March we met, within two Leagues from the River Meschasipi, a Nation of the Savages call'd Tamaroa"; they were detained at this place until the twelfth of the month by "The Ice which came down from the Source of the Meschasipi." In the Louisiane, he claims only to have thenceforth ascended the Mississippi to its upper waters; and we have ample proof that he did make this journey, for not only does his journal abound in internal evidence of his having visited the country and the tribes therein described, but the great coureur-de-bois Du Luth has independently testified to having rescued him from the Indians.

Taken prisoners by the Sioux upon the eleventh or twelfth of April, near Lake Pepin, about five hundred miles above the mouth of the Illinois, the three French adventurers were marched to the villages of that nation in the Mille Lacs region, and accompanied their captors upon several hunting expeditions. At one time they visited the Falls of St. Anthony, at the site of the modern Minneapolis; this waterfall, like that of Niagara, Hennepin was the first to describe in a published narrative. After extended wanderings through northeastern Minnesota and northwestern Wisconsin, — during which they suffered abundant hardships, but apparently fared almost as well as their captors, — there suddenly appeared upon the scene Daniel Greysolon du Luth (or Lhut) with four French followers, who were visiting


the Sioux in the interests of Count Frontenac's fur trade. Du Luth had obtained a strong influence over the savages of this region, and succeeded in bargaining for the release of his three compatriots upon promise to return thither with goods to be exchanged for furs.

The sturdy coureur-de-bois was kindness itself. Turning from his search for peltries, he and his men in early autumn to descended the Mississippi with Accau's party, and, after more than one thrilling adventure, escorted them up the Wisconsin River and down the Fox to the Jesuit mission of Green Bay, and eventually to the St. Ignace mission at Mackinac. In describing this journey, the ungrateful Hennepin continually vaunts his own superior bravery, even to claiming that in at least one dangerous situation Du Luth was stricken with fear, and nothing but the father's cool directions brought the company through safely. As usual, Hennepin neglects, through professional jealousy, even to notice the existence of his Jesuit hosts at Green Bay; although in describing his residence at Mackinac he incidentally mentions Father Philippe Pierson of that mission, but apparently only because the latter was his fellow-townsman from Ath.

After a winter of Jesuit hospitality at St. Ignace, during which he and Pierson amused themselves by skating, and fishing through the ice with nets, Hennepin left in Easter week (1681) and proceeded down the lakes to Niagara, soon thereafter joining Buisset at Fort Frontenac, whence he went


to Montreal. There he was greeted by Frontenac, who chanced to be at that then far-away outpost of New France. The governor "did wonder to see me so much alter'd, being lean, tir'd, and tann'd, having loft my Cloak that the Issati had stoll'n from me, being then cloath'd in an old Habit, patch'd up with pieces of wild Bulls-Skins [buffalo hide]. He carri'd me to his own House, where I continu'd for twelve Days to refresh my self. . . . He was much pleas'd to hear me talk of all the Hazards I had run in so long a Voyage, among so many different Nations." Not long after this episode, which no doubt has lost nothing in the telling, our hero returned to Quebec, and thence in due time sailed for Europe — probably in the following autumn.

During at least the succeeding year, Hennepin was cloistered in the convent of his order at St. Germain-en-Laye, and there he appears to have written his first book, the Louisiane. The royal privilege allowing the Paris publisher — the widow of Sebastian Huré — to print the volume, was granted September 3, 1682; it was registered on the books of the printers' guild a week later, and printing for the first edition was completed on the fifth of January following. The volume must have at once met with a considerable sale, for new editions appeared in 1684 and 1688, and it was translated into Italian, Dutch, and German. Nevertheless it did not fail to arouse hostile criticism. Contemporary letters have been preserved, showing that fellow ecclesiastics


in Europe had small faith in Father Louis's pretensions; and La Salle had, before the book was issued, sent home word from Fort Frontenac that the friar was fond of representing things "as he wished them to be, and not as they were."

Had Hennepin, however, been content with being a one-volume author, his reputation might still be as good as that of most other explorers of his day; it being then the custom for travellers freely to spice their narratives with imaginary deeds, and to adopt more or less of a bragging tone. The pages of our adventurous friar abound in exaggeration and self-glorification; although his geographical and ethnographical descriptions are excellent, and add much to our knowledge of the North American interior during the last third of the seventeenth century. But in 1697, encouraged by his first success, he brought forth at Utrecht another book — Nouvelle Découverte d'un trčs grand Pays, situé dans l'Amérique. This omits the description of life and manners among the Indians, which was perhaps the strongest feature of Louisiane, and is filled out with other matter. It is dedicated to the English king in much the same terms of fulsome flattery as he had used towards the French monarch upon the pages of his Louisiane. The volume appears to have leaped into popularity, for new editions in French were published in 1698, 1704, 1711, 1712, and 1737; while translations were made into Dutch, German, Spanish, and English. Apparently it was one of the most widely read books of its day.

Six years before its appearance there had been published,


although at once suppressed, Le Clercq's Établissement de la Foi, which contained an account by Hennepin's colleague, Father Membré, of La Salle's journey from Fort Cręvecœur to the mouth of the Mississippi (1682), in which Membré participated. This account, which, because of the suppression of Le Clercq's work, was little known at the time, Hennepin boldly appropriated, with such few verbal changes as were necessary to make it appear that this was a part of his own journal of 1680: thus setting up the astonishing claim that on leaving Cręvecceur he had first journeyed to the Gulf of Mexico, and then, returning to the junction of the Illinois, experienced the adventures upon the upper Mississippi which are detailed in Louisiane. Yet in his first book he had taken pains to state that he had not been upon the lower reaches of the Mississippi; he had intended to go down to its mouth, he says, "but the tribes that took us prisoners gave us no time to navigate this river both up and down."

That it was quite impracticable for him to have made the alleged trip to the lower waters of the great river, is evident from the dates given by the father himself. In Louisiane, as in the later volume herewith reprinted, the party are said to have left the Illinois not earlier than the twelfth of March. Upon the eleventh of April his party were captured by the Sioux near Lake Pepin. This leaves a scant month for the author to have descended and ascended the Mississippi and reached the place of capture — a journey all told of some 3260 miles. Hennepin tells us that his


canoe was slow, being large and laden heavily; yet to accomplish this feat he must have ascended the river against a strong current, at the rate of sixty miles a day, nearly three and a half times the speed attained two years later by La Salle, with better boats.

The excuse made by Hennepin for waiting until ten years after La Salle's death (which had occurred in 1687), before making this claim of priority in the exploration of almost the entire length of the Mississippi, from the mouth to the Falls of St. Anthony — and for contradicting his own express statement in Louisiane, — is, that fear of personal violence from La Salle or his partisans prevented an earlier relation of the entire truth regarding his travels. But this statement, repeated with elaboration at numerous points within the Nouvelle Découverte and its successors, does not have the ring of sincerity; and probably all historians are now agreed, as were his contemporaries, that only the original tale is to be credited. That numerous other passages and indeed chapters in all of his books subsequent to Louisiane were borrowed in whole or in part from Le Clercq, is evident; we have in our footnotes indicated the important thefts. The familiar charge, however, that several of the earlier chapters of even Louisiane are stolen from La Salle's memoir as given by Margry, is not important; for, even if that memoir be accepted as genuine, it is quite possible that La Salle, as the leader of the expedition,


had access to Hennepin's original journal, and he might with propriety have freely borrowed therefrom. But it is probable that the alleged memoir is after all merely a paraphrase of Hennepin's book, by some other hand.

While historians are agreed that the Hennepin books succeeding Louisiane abound in clumsy plagiarisms, and that the new claim of priority over La Salle was mendacious, there is not unanimous opinion as to who was responsible. Charlevoix, Kalm, Bancroft, and Parkman have all pronounced Hennepin to be a falsifier; and so at first did Shea. But later, Shea took opposite ground, and sought to show that an unscrupulous publisher made up the new editions out of such material as lay at hand, apparently without consulting the author. To this charitable view, Poole good-naturedly yields a hesitating adherence. Shea considers that he has made a strong point in favor of his theory regarding Nouvelle Découverte, by showing that several "sections" of that book bear special "signatures" of a character indicating to his mind that the type was set up and the sheets printed in different offices. But Paltsits, in his Bibliographical Data accompanying the present volume, takes what we consider the right view of the case — that the mechanical peculiarities of Nouvelle Découverte are not such as to warrant the conclusion that it was printed in different offices. Again, we must remember that in numerous


places throughout the book, in dedication and preface as well as in text, Hennepin in his own inimitable manner refers with warmth to the presentation of his new claim, and seeks to answer his critics; while the same spirit which dictated this species of thievery, leads him to introduce into nearly every chapter fresh exaggerations of statement, with the view of enhancing public interest in his so-called discovery. A careful comparison between Louisiane and its successors leads us irresistibly to the conclusion that, as Shea originally held, the blame must rest upon the shoulders of Hennepin, quite as much as upon those of his publishers. For a barefooted mendicant friar, presumed to be living a life of austerity, Hennepin appears to have been uncommonly acute in making his wares attractive to the uncritical public.

For three years after the publication of Louisiane (1683-86), Hennepin was guardian of the Recollects at Renti in Artois, and from his own account appears to have been busily engaged in rebuilding the convent at that place. The commissary provincial of his order, at Paris, Father Le Fevre — possibly desiring to rusticate his erratic brother — had at one time wished him to return to America. At the time he declined to go, taking refuge in the fact that the rules of the Recollects did not permit of their being sent beyond seas save with their own consent; his reasons were, he afterwards declared, that he feared violence at the hands of La Salle. Thereupon he declares that Le Fevre, who was a friend of La Salle, began a systematic persecution, which lasted for many years.


Ordered to go to Rome, he returned only to be sent to the convent at St. Omer; and then came what purported to be a mandate from the court at Paris, ordering him to depart from French territory and betake himself to his native Flanders, which was still Spanish soil — but Hennepin asserts that he afterwards discovered this order to be a forgery. The father's appeal to King Louis XIV received no attention, and he went to Gosselies, in Brabant, where he became confessor of the Recollect nuns (Penitents). During his five years' stay there, he claims to have built a large church and in many ways advanced the prosperity of his charge. But here again he was in hot water, for Le Fevre claimed that Gosselies belonged to France, and Hennepin should remain in Flanders. The latter denied this claim, and asserted that he held protection from the King of Spain; nevertheless he appears to have retired to Ath, the home of his childhood.

By this time La Salle had been assassinated, and Hennepin was himself desirous of returning to America, but now had difficulty in obtaining permission to do so. Denied a footing in France, he won the kindly consideration of Blaithwayt, secretary of war to William III of England, who, though a Protestant, was as Prince of Orange and defender of the Netherlands an ally of Catholic Spain. William and his secretary took pity upon the persecuted friar, and used their influence in an attempt to secure for him a missionary appointment to America. But the officials of the Recollects had now changed their minds relative to the disposition of their vain-glorious brother, and at first granted


nothing but fair promises. Being in the convent of his order at Antwerp (1696), Hennepin, attired in lay clothing, set out by land for Amsterdam in company with a Venetian ship-captain. On the way they were robbed by six mounted highwaymen, and it was only after many difficulties that our hero reached the Hague and was granted an audience by his friend King William. That monarch, upon the recommendation of the king of Spain and the elector of Bavaria, and the consent of the general commissary of the Recollects at Louvain, appears to have taken the missionary into his employ — evidently another name for subsisting him; while some of the English noblemen in Flanders, possibly only to pique the French, showed the father some social civilities.

Arrived finally at Amsterdam, he sought a publisher for his second volume of American travels; but failing here to secure one, proceeded to Utrecht, and there (1697) published Nouvelle Découverte. There is no reason to doubt that while in Utrecht he personally supervised the printing of this volume; also his third, Nouveau Voyage d'un Pais plus grand que l'Europe, which appeared from the press of another Utrecht publisher in the following year. The Nouveau Voyage was a hasty piece of patchwork, after the manner of many a modern book produced by a popular author who is making hay while the sun shines. The accounts of Indian life in Nouvelle Découverte are awkwardly pieced out with matter largely taken from Le Clercq. Translations into Dutch and German appeared within the same year.


While the Nouveau Voyage was appearing in Utrecht, there was being printed in London an English version of Hennepin's travels, under the title of A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America. Within the year there was a re-issue of this volume, with some improvements in phraseology, arrangement, and typography; it is this second issue which we are now reprinting. Part I (our Volume I) contains the Nouvelle Découverte; Part II (our Volume II) is practically the Nouveau Voyage, with added matter introducing Marquette's voyage (1673) and like travels in North America. It is impossible to say how far Hennepin assisted in the translation and editing of A New Discovery; but doubtless he had a general supervision of the work, which appears to have enjoyed the personal patronage of King William, who apparently had more faith in the Flemish friar than was entertained for him in France. In some respects it is the most satisfactory of Hennepin's books. This fact, and the existence of Shea's abundantly-annotated translation of Louisiane, have influenced us in selecting the London volume for reproduction. There was a reprint of the second issue, in 1699.

In the fulsome preface to the English king, contained both in Nouvelle Découverte and A New Discovery, Hennepin had again sought his intercession to secure an order for a renewal of his missionary labors in America. The father claims that the king's solicitation on his behalf obtained for him what he desired — "leave to go Missionary into America, and to continue in one of the United


Provinces, till I had digested into Order the Memoires of my Discovery." It would appear that in 1699 he had either won from his superiors the coveted permission, or was in a fair way to secure it; for we find Louis XIV ordering the governor of New France to arrest the obnoxious Recollect in case of his appearance there, and send him home.

Our last trace of Father Hennepin is in a letter written from Rome the first of March, 1701, wherein the writer, one Dubos, mentions that the friar, now in his sixty-first or sixty-second year, was then in a convent in that city, hoping soon to return to America, under the protection of Cardinal Spada. Certain it is that our author never went upon this mission; but what adventures befell him in his later years, or when or where he died, we know not.

A mendicant friar, Father Hennepin was consumed by an unconquerable passion for worldly adventure, and thereby became estranged from his ecclesiastical colleagues, who appear to have regarded their roving brother at first with suspicion and eventually with dislike. Early thrown into association with Frenchmen, he seems to have been regarded by them as a Flemish intruder, and finally was buffeted about by his enemies and thrown upon the bounty of Protestant England, practically a man without a country. Apparently hardy, brave, and enterprising, he was lacking in spiritual qualities, and no doubt possessed a captious temper which tended still further to alienate his companions. That he was a conceited braggart in private life as well as in his books, is evident from letters of the time — La Salle


wrote with warmth concerning the missionary's exaggerations.

The opportunities afforded this evangelist for connecting his name with an important enterprise of exploration were perhaps unexampled, save in the case of Marquette himself. His first book, as the annalist of the expedition, is that of a boaster, and nearly every incident therein is obviously over-colored. He arrogates to himself much that should have been credited to his companions; with surprising audacity he adopts a patronizing tone towards even such men as La Salle and Du Luth, and discredits their deeds, which were far greater than his own. The successors to the volume are, we have seen, marred by inexcusable and bungling mendacity, which shows the author to have been morally unfitted for the ecclesiastical calling — the judgment, apparently, of his own superiors, who, despite the marshalling of foreign influence in his behalf, prevented his return to the missionary field.

Nevertheless, when all is said, we must acknowledge Hennepin's works to be invaluable contributions to the sources of American history; they deserve study, and to this day furnish rare entertainment. We can pardon much in our erratic friar, when he leaves to us such monuments as these.

While seeking to reproduce the old text as closely as practicable, with its typographic and orthographic peculiarities, it has been found advisable here and there to make a few minor changes; these consist almost wholly of palpable blemishes, the result of negligent proofreading — such as turned letters, transposed letters, slipped letters, and mis-spacings. Such corrections have been made


without specific mention; in some instances, however, the original error has been retained, and in juxtaposition the correction given within brackets. We indicate, throughout, the pagination of the old edition which we are reprinting, by inclosing within brackets the number of each page at its beginning, e.g. [14]; in the few instances where pages were, as the fruit of carelessness in make-up, misnumbered in the original, we have given the incorrect as well as the correct figure, e.g. [26, i.e. 126].

In the preparation of Notes for this reprint edition of the second London issue of 1698, the Editor has been fortunate in securing the coöperation of his competent assistant upon the Jesuit Relations, Miss Emma Helen Blair, chief of the Division of Maps and Manuscripts in the Wisconsin State Historical Library. He is also under obligations to Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits, of Lenox Library, New York, for the admirable Bibliographical Data published herewith — the first accurate bibliography of Hennepin which has thus far been published.

R. G. T.

MADISON, WIS., April, 1903.


Bibliographical Data.


THE bibliography of the works of Father Louis Hennepin, in their various editions, translations, and ramifications, is a stumbling-block which has grounded more than one unwary bibliographer. The data presented here are offered as a "setting" to the present edition. This is not the place to discuss the voluminous controversial literature which, from Hennepin's day to ours, has agitated the name or the fame of this Recollect author.

Search for information about Hennepin by a querist to the Historical Magazine for 1857, p. 244, inspired several replies — in vol. i, pp. 316, 317, by Samuel H. Parsons; pp. 346, 347, by John Russell Bartlett; and vol. ii (1858), pp. 24, 25, by E. B. O'Callaghan and James Lenox. These contributions, merely hints or outlines, are ill-digested and inaccurate. They deserve mention because they were, perhaps, the stimuli toward subsequent quest in the matter.

Henry Harrisse, in his Notes sur la Nouvelle-France (Paris, 1872), described the seventeenth-century French editions and translations which were known to him. He is reasonably correct, judged from the plan which he adopted for his descriptions, but a number of mistakes have been discovered; and his plan is not sufficiently elaborate for the fastidious


accuracy required in modern scientific bibliography. I do not, however, wish to convey the impression of captious criticism of Mr. Harrisse, who as a pioneer paved the way for others, and whose many painstaking and scholarly publications have placed Americanists forever in debt to him.

In 1876, the section of Joseph Sabin's Dictionary of Books relating to America, embracing Hennepin, appeared. It was reissued separately as A List of the Editions of the Works of Louis Hennepin and Alonso de Herrera (New York: J. Sabin & Sons, 1876), as a "specimen" of the Dictionary, "intended to exhibit the thorough manner in which the work is performed." Sabin's article on Hennepin was fairly good work for his day in America; and, hitherto, every bibliographer has resorted to him, not always with full acknowledgment. But his method of collating was unsatisfactory; he committed quite a number of egregious mistakes; failed to record certain extant editions, and erroneously included others that never existed.

In 1880, John Gilmary Shea prefixed a "Bibliography of Hennepin" to his translation of Hennepin's Louisiane, pp. 382-392, which was also reissued as a separate pamphlet in a small edition. He used Sabin, and at times had the assistance of the late George H. Moore. Nevertheless he is responsible for some of the worst bibliographical bulls with which this subject is overburdened. They were copied, extended, and perpetuated by others, notably Winsor, Remington, and Dionne.

On September 6, 1880, the late Edward D. Neill presented a paper on The Writings of Louis Hennepin to the monthly meeting of the Department of American History of the Minnesota Historical Society (10 pp.), which merely touches the bibliographical side of his works, and treats them critically as to text. He finds against their author, whom he charges anew with being "deficient in Christian manhood."

John Russell Bartlett described the Hennepins in The John Carter Brown Library at Providence, in the printed Catalogue of that Library, second edition of part ii (Providence, 1882), and part iii (Providence, 1870). Of the former 100 copies were printed for private circulation, and of the latter only fifty. They are not easily available, and command good prices in the book-market. His work is also faulty.

In vol. iv (copyrighted 1884), pp. 247-256, of the Narrative and Critical History of America, Justin Winsor presented a bibliography under the heading, "Father Louis Hennepin and his real or disputed discoveries." It is merely a compilation from Harrisse, Sabin, Shea, and booksellers' and library catalogues; it may be termed a resumé embodying the mistakes of others, with the addition of errors of its own.

In 1891, Cyrus Kingsbury Remington published The Ship-Yard of the Griffon . . . together with the most complete bibliography of Hennepin that has ever been made in any one list [etc.]. His Hennepin bibliography covers pp. 51-74; shows very few evidences of original research, and is unique in its field for the linguistic havoc to which the French, Dutch,


German, and other foreign languages have been subjected during transcription of the title-pages. A second edition of Remington's monograph was issued at Buffalo in 1893. His bibliography also forms pp. 55-75 of the Ninth Annual Report of the Commissioners of the State Reservation at Niagara, printed at Albany in 1893. These later publications are no improvement of that of 1891.

N. E. Dionne, of Quebec, was the last to take up the subject, in his Hennepin, ses Voyages et ses Œuvres (Quebec: Raoul Renault, 1897. Royal 8vo, pp. 40), of which only 150 copies were printed. He has culled from Harrisse, Sabin, Shea, and others, but does not refer to Remington. Dionne's titles are not lined, and his collations are inaccurate and uncritical.

Scattered data appear in many historical and bibliographical books, as well as in library and booksellers' catalogues.

A futile attempt at a chronological check-list was made by Philéas Gagnon in his Essai de Bibliographie Canadienne (Quebec, 1895), p. 224.

In the following data the original French editions and the English versions of 1698 and 1699 are given elaborate treatment. Subsequent French editions, translations, and abridgments are summarized. The descriptions in every case are from the books themselves. The absence of editions in this summary, which had been included in any of the above-mentioned bibliographies, is not evidence of incompleteness. It augurs rather that such editions do not exist.


I — Lousiane.

Description | de la | Louisiane, | nouvellement decouverte | au Sud' Oüeft de la Nouvelle France, | par ordre du Roy. | Avec la Carte du Pays : Les Mœurs | & la Maniere de vivre | des Sauvages. | Dediée a Sa Majesté | Par le R. P. Louis Hennepin | Missionnaire Recollet & | Notaire Apostolique. | [Monogram of Amable Auroy] |

A Paris, | Chez la Veuve Sebastien Huré, ruë | Saint Jacques, ŕ l'Image S. Jerôme, | prčs S. Severin. | M. DC. LXXXIII. | Avec Privilege dv Roy. |

Collation — Title, verso blank, I leaf; epistle "Au Roy," pp. (8); "Extrait du Privilege du Roy," pp. (2); text of the "Description," pp. [I] — 312; text of "Les Moeurs des Sauvages," pp. [I] — 107; verso of p. 107 blank. Signatures: ă in six, A in eight, B in four, C in eight, D in four, E in eight, F in four, G in eight, H in four, I in eight, K in four, L in eight, M in four, N in eight, O in four, P in eight, Q in four, R in eight, S in four, T in eight, V in four, X in eight, Y in four, Z in eight, Aa in four, Bb in eight, Cc in four, A in eight, B in four, C in eight, D in four, E in eight, F in four, G in eight, H in four, I in six (but some copies may end with two blank leaves, completing the signature in eight). The heading and pagination of p. 223 are imperfectly printed in some copies. On p. 63 of the "Mœurs" the ornament at top is incomplete. Sig., Eiiij is misprinted Biiij, and C and Cij (pp. 25-28 of part ii) are misprinted B and Bij.


The "Privilege" is dated "3 Septembre 1682," and the registry "le 10. Septembre 1682." The following note appears at the end of the "Privilege": "Achevé d' imprimer pour la premie — | re fois, le 5. Janvier 1683."

A map "inue. et fecit" by N. Guerard, "Roussel scripsit," measures 11 1/2 by 19 inches, and is entitled: Carte | de la | Nouuelle France | et de la | Louisiane | Nouuellement decouuerte | dediée | Au Roy | l' An 1683. | Par le Reuerend Pere | Louis Hennepin | Missionaire Recollect | et Notaire Apostplique. | The watermark in the paper of the map is a bunch of grapes.

One of the copies in the New York Public Library, formerly George Bancroft's, has "John Penington & Son. | Philadelphie," | stamped under the imprint of the title-page. This has, however, no bibliographical significance, having been added at a very late day.

1684 — FRENCH.

In 1684 there was a reissue of the same sheets, but with an entirely new title-page, having the following imprint:

A Paris, | Chez Amable Auroy, ruë | Saint Jacques, ŕ l'Image S. Jerôme, | Proche la fontaine S. Severin. | M. DC. LXXXIV. | Avec Privilege, du Roy. |

The publisher had married the widow of Huré, and it is a curious fact that the monogram of Amable Auroy occurs on the title-pages of both issues, notwithstanding the disparity of the imprints.


1688 — FRENCH.

This is an entirely new edition, evidently set up after one of the earlier issues, but embodying typographical and verbal changes, such as capitalization, spelling, and changes in the form of place-nomenclature. The publisher is Amable Auroy. At the end of the "Privilege" this information is given: "Achevé d'imprimer pour la secon — | de fois, le 10. Mars 1688. | De l' Imprimerie de Laurent | Rondet." | The map is the same plate as in the first edition.

1720 — FRENCH.

A little tract of 45 pp., by "M. le chevalier de Bonrepos," is usually considered as an abridgment of Hennepin's Louisiane. It was published at Rouen and Paris in 1720.

LOUISIANE — Translations.


1686 — Descrizione della Lvigiana. The imprint is: In Bologna, per Giacomo Monti. 1686. | Con licenza de' Superiori. | The John Carter Brown Library has an uncut copy.

1691 — Abridgment in vol. ii, pp. 423-455 of "Il Genio Vagante Biblioteca curiosa," printed at Parma.


1688 — Beschryving van Louisania (Engraved title: Ont-dekking van Louisania). The imprint is: t'Amsterdam, | By Jan ten Hoorn, Boekverkooper over't Oude | Heeren Logement, in de Histori-Schryver. A. 1688. |



1689 — Beschreibung Der Landschafft Lovisiana. The imprint is: Nürnberg, In Verlag Andreä Otto 1689. |

1692 — Sabin is authority for an edition of this date, which very likely does not exist.


1880 — A Description of Louisiana. New York: John G. Shea, 1880.

II — Nouvelle Decouverte.

Nouvelle | Decouverte | d'un tres grand | Pays | Situé dans l'Amerique, | entre | Le Nouveau Mexique, | et | La Mer Glaciale, | Avec les Cartes, & les Figures necessaires, & de plus | l'Histoire Naturelle & Morale, & les avantages, | qu'on en peut tirer par l'etablissement des Colonies. | Le tout dedie | á | Sa Majesté Britannique. | Guillaume III | Par le | R. P. Louis Hennepin, | Missionaire Recollect & Notaire Apostolique.|

A Utrecht, | Chez Guillaume Broedelet, | Marchand Libraire. MDCXCVII. |

Collation. — Engraved frontispiece, with short title at top; title, verso blank, I leaf; dedication to King William III, pp. (23); "Avis au Lecteur," pp. (26); "Table des Chapitres," pp. (19); text, pp. [I] — 312, ten pages with star 313 inserted, 313-506. Signatures: * — *** in twelves, A — N in eights, O* (with binder's instructions "Ces fuellets doivent s'inserer entre N. & O") in five, O — X in twelves, Y in one. Q4 is misprinted Q7.


Plates. — At p. 44, view of Niagara Falls; p.187, the Buffalo. Map entitled, "Carte | d'un tres grand | Pays | entre le | Nouveau Mexique | et la | Mer Glaciale | Dediée a | Guiliaume IIIe. | Roy de la Grand Brettagne | Par le R. P. | Louis de Hennepin | Mission: Recol: et Not: Apost: | Chez G. Broedelet | a Utreght" | It measures 20 1/2 by 17 inches, and was "del. et fecit" by J. V. Vianen. Map entitled, "Carte | d'un tres grand Pais | Nouvellement découvert | dans | l'Amerique Septentrionale | entre le | Nouveau Mexique et la | Mer Glaciale | avec le Cours du Grand Fleuve | Meschasipi | Dediée a Guiliaume IIIe | Roy de la Grand Brettagne | Par le R. P. | Louis de Hennepin | Mission: Recoll: et Not: Apost: | Chez G. Broedelet | a Utreght." | It measures 17 1/2 by 14 7/8 inches.

There has been some speculation by Shea and others as to whether certain parts of the volume were printed in another printing-office and with different type from that of the first 312 and ten star pages. We find the paper alike throughout. The change in the heading after p. 313 is also paralleled at intervals in the pages before p. 313, e. g. pp. 28-40, 66, 78-88, etc. This vagary has no special significance. Chapters 45-76 have their numbering printed in Arabic, while the preceding forty-four chapters were given in Roman numerals. But this does not prove that a different printing office produced that part of the book. Curiously enough, the "Table des Chapitres" at the beginning of the volume observes this change from Roman to Arabic numeration, and omits any page reference whatever for the inserted star sig.


O, which would go to prove that the "Table" was printed after all the text was in shape to be tabulated. The type is the same in the text throughout, except the last page, which is printed with a smaller font to bring it within the page — not an unusual circumstance in books of the period. Altogether considered, the volume has evident traces of having been "built up" while in press. The author's "Avis au Lecteur" and other considerations would seem to indicate that he supervised the work personally.

1698 — FRENCH.

In 1698 a reprint was issued in Amsterdam, which followed the original edition rather closely, even going so far as to repeat the star signature and other individualities. The chapters, however, are all numbered in Roman numerals. The collation consists of the same number of pages, and the last page (506) is in type agreeing with the body of the text. Maps and plates agree with the 1697 edition, save that the imprint on the maps is changed. The imprint on the titlepage reads thus:

"A Amsterdam, | Chez Abraham van Someren, | Marchand Libraire. MDCXCVIII." |


1704 — Voyage ou Nouvelle Découverte (also La Borde's Voyage, with separate title). The imprint is: A Amsterdam, | Chez Adriaan Braakman, Marchand Libraire prés le Dam. | M D CC IV. |


1704 — Voyage Curieux (also La Borde's Voyage, with separate title). The main title has imprint: A La Haye, | Chez Jean Kitto, Marchand Libraire, dans | le Spuy-straet. 1704. | La Borde's title has imprint: A Leide | Chez Pierre vander Aa, | MDCC IV. | An issue also exists with this latter imprint on the main title-page, but with the date in Arabic numerals. Both varieties are in the John Carter Brown Library.

1711 — Voyage Curieux (also La Borde). The title is folded in, and has the following imprint: A Amsterdam, | Aux depens de la Compagnie. | M. DCCXI. |

1712 — Voyage Oů nouvelle Découverte. A Amsterdam, | Chez Jacques Desbordes, Libraire vis-ŕ-vis | la Grande Porte de la Bourse, 1712. |

1737 — In vol. ix of Jean Frederic Bernard's "Recueil de Voiages au Nord." Amsterdam.

1737 — In vol. 2, pp. 223-373, and table of chapters pp. (3), of Garcilasso de la Vega's "Histoire des Yncas," with imprint: A Amsterdam, | Chez Jean Frederic Bernard, | MDCCXXVII. | The date is a misprint for 1737.



1699 — Nieuwe Ontdekkinge. The imprint is: Tot Amsterdam, | By Abraham van Someren. 1699. |

1702 — Nieuwe Ontdekkinge. The imprint is: Tot Amsterdam, | By Andries van Damme, | Boekverkooper op't Rokkin bezyden de Beurs, 1702. |


1704 — Aenmerkelyke Voyagie. The imprint is: Te Leyden, | By Pieter vander Aa, 1704. | It is usually found in the collection entitled: "De Gedenkwaardige West-Indise Voyagien." Leyden: Pieter vander Aa, 1704.

1704 — Aanmerkelyke Voyagie. The imprint is: Te Rotterdam. | By Barent Bos Boekverkooper 1704. | It is usually found in the collection entitled: "De Gedenkwaardige West Indise Voyagien." Rotterdam: Barent Bos, 1704.


1699 — Neue Entdeckung. The imprint is: Bremen, | In Verlegung Philip Gottfr. Saurmans, Buchh. 1699. |

1739 — Neue Reise=Beschreibung. Nürnberg, 1739. | In Verlag Christ. Friedr. Feisse. |


1699 — An abridgment entitled: "Relacion de un Pais," with imprint: En Brusselas, | En Casa de Lamberto Marchant, | Mercader de Libros. | M. DC. XCIX. |


[1720] — An abridgment entitled: "A Discovery of a Large, Rich, and Plentiful Country," with imprint: London: | Printed for W. Boreham, at the Angel in | Pater-Noster Row. (Price Six Pence.) |

III — Nouveau Voyage.

Nouveau | Voyage | d'un Pais plus grand que | l'Europe | Avec les reflections des entreprises du Sieur | de la Salle, fur les Mines de St. Barbe, &c. | Enrichi de la Carte, de


figures expressives, des mœurs | & manieres de vivre des Sauvages du Nord, | & du Sud, de la prise de Quebec Ville Capital- | le de la Nouvelle France, par les Anglois, & des | avantages qu'on peut retirer du chemin recourci | de la Chine & du Japon, par le moien de tant | de Vastes Contrées, & de Nouvelles Colonies. | Avec approbation & dedié ŕ sa Majesté | Guillaume III. | Roy de la grande | Bretagne | par le | R. P. Louis Hennepin, | Missionaire Recollect & Notaire Apostolique. |

A Utrecht, | Chez Antoine Schouten, | Marchand Libraire. 1698. |

Collation. — Title, verso blank, I leaf; dedication, pp. (20); "Preface," pp. (38); "Table des Chapitres," pp. (10); one blank leaf; text, pp. [I]-389; verso of p. 389 blank. Signatures: * — *** in twelves, A — Q in twelves, R in three (copies in original binding probably have a blank leaf, completing R in four). No mispaging.

Plates. — Engraved and designed by "I. van Vianen"; p. 19 "Avantures mal heureuses du Sieur de la Salle"; p. 73 "Le Sieur de la Salle mal-heureusemet [sic] assasiné" p. 204 "Cruautéz in-oüies des sauvages Iroquois"; p. 343 "Prise de Quebeek [sic] par les Anglois." Map entitled, "Carte | d'un nouueau | Monde, | entre le nouueau | Mexique, | et la mer Glacialle | Novellement decouvert par le | R. P. Louis de Hennepin | Missionaire Recollect [sic] natif d'Aht. | en Hainaut | dediée a sa Majesté | Britanique, le Roy | Guilaume Troisieme." It measures 18 3/8 by 11 3/8 inches, and was engraved by "Gasp: Bouttats."


There is also an issue of 1698 with the imprint "Utrecht, chez Ernestus Voskuyl, Imprimeur, 1698." It is very uncommon, and is known to me only from Félix van Hulst's Notice sur Le P. Hennepin d'Ath : Liége, 1845, p.36; and from a copy offered for sale in the spring of 1902 by a Jesuit in France, in correspondence with Mr. Thwaites.


1720 — Voyage en un Pays plus grand que l'Europe. Embraces pp. 199-381 of Relations | de la | Louisiane, | et du | Fleuve | Mississipi. | Oů l'on voit l'état de ce grand Paďs & | les avantages qu'il peut produire &c. | [Cut] | A Amsterdam, | Chez Jean Frederic Bernard, | M. D CC. XX. | The John Carter Brown Library has this volume in two states, one with the title in black, the other with three lines in red.

1734 — In Bernard's Voyages, published at Amsterdam, vol. v (called "Troisičme edition"). There are, perhaps, Bernard editions of other dates than the above.

Nouveau Voyage — Translations.


1698 — Aenmerckelycke Historische Reys-Beschryvinge. The imprint is: Tot Utrecht, | By Anthony Schouten. 1698. |


1698 — Neue Reise-Beschreibung. The imprint is: Bremen. | In verlegung Phil. Gottfr. Saurmans, | 1698. |

1742 — Reisen und seltsahme Begebenheiten. Bremen, | bey Nathanael Saurmann, 1742. |



There are two distinct English editions of 1698; the first we designate as the "Bon- |" edition, and the second (the one herein reprinted) the "Tonson, |" edition; naming them after the ending of the first imprint line of their respective title-pages. There is only one edition of 1699.

The text-page of the Bon- | edition measures 6 1/8 by 2 7/8 inches, and the Tonson, | edition 6 5/8 by 3 3/8 inches. The translations of the 1698 editions at times vary considerably; the 1699 edition seems to follow closely the text of the Tonson, | edition, with changes, however, in capitalization and spelling.

1698 — BON — | EDITION.

A | New Discovery | of a | Vast Country in America, | Extending above Four Thousand Miles, | between | New France and New Mexico. | With a | Description of the Great Lakes, Cata- | racts, Rivers, Plants, and Animals: | Also, The Manners, Customs, and Languages, of the | several Native Indians; And the Advantage of | Commerce with those different Nations. | With a | Continuation: | Giving an Account of the | Attempts of the Sieur De la Salle upon the | Mines of St. Barbe &c. The Taking of | Quebec by the English; With the Advantages | of a Shorter Cut to China and Japan. | Both Parts Illustrated with Maps and Figures, | and Dedicated to His Majesty K. William. | By L. Hennepin, now Resident in Holland. | To which is added, Several New Discoveries in North- | America, not publish'd in the French Edition. |


London: Printed for M. Bentley, J. Tonson, H. Bon- | wick, T. Goodwin, and S. Manship. 1698. |

Collation. — Engraved frontispiece, with short title at top; title, verso blank, I leaf; Dedication, pp. (8); "The Preface," pp. (4); "Contents of the Chapters," pp. (8); text of "A New Discovery," pp. 1-299; verso of p. 299 blank; title to "A Continuation of the New Discovery," with verso blank, I leaf; Dedication, pp. (9); blank (I); "The Preface," pp. (16); "A Table of the Chapters," pp. (4); text headed "A Voyage through a Vast Country Larger than Europe," pp. 1-178; half-title: "An Account of several New Discoveries in North-America," with verso blank, I leaf; text, pp. 303-355; verso of p. 355 blank. Signatures: A in eight, a in four, B — T in eights, V in six, Aa in six, Bb — Ee in eights, *ee in two, Ff--Nn in eights, Oo in three, and two leaves carried over and completing V (given above) in eight, X — Z in eights, Aa in two (perhaps belonging to the preceding sig. Aa to complete it in eight). Mispaging: Part i, pp. 94 and 95 transposed; 202 and 203 are given as 102 and 103, respectively; 206 as 109; 207 as 107. Part ii, pp. 45-48 are duplicated by insertion of sig. *ee between Ee and Ff; some copies have 91 mispaged 81, and others have the numeral "I" superior to the "9"; 131 mispaged 141. In part ii, chapter-heading xxiii is in some copies misprinted xxii. The "Continuation" is printed with a smaller type than the remainder of the volume. This is an insert between the blank p. 300 of the "New Discovery " and the half-title called "An | Account | of several | New Discoveries | in | North-America."


The addition of the "Continuation" evidently was an afterthought, as its erratic position and the difference of the typography both amply show. The plates in part ii are not as good art as in the Tonson 1698 edition,q. v. for details.

Plates. — Part i, p. 29, View of Niagara Falls; p. 114, Buffalo. Part ii, p. 9, "The unfortunate Adventures of the Sieur de la Salle"; p. 33, "The Sieur de la Salle unhappily assasinated"; p. 89, "Vnheard of Crueltys of the Iroquois"; p. 157, "The Taking of Quebec by the English." Also "A Map of a Large Country Newly Discovered in the Northern America," 17 by 14 1/2 inches; and "A Map of A New World," 17 1/2 by 10 5/8 inches.


A | New Discovery | of a | Vast Country in America, | Extending above Four Thousand Miles, | between | New France and New Mexico; | with a | Description of the Great Lakes, Cata- | racts, Rivers, Plants, and Animals. | Also, the Manners, Customs, and Languages of the se- | veral Native Indians; and the Advantage of Com- | merce with those different Nations. | With a | Continuation, | Giving an Account of the | Attempts of the Sieur De la Salle upon the| Mines of St. Barbe, &c. The Taking of | Quebec by the English; With the Advantages | of a Shorter Cut to China and Japan. | Both Parts Illustrated with Maps, and Figures, | and Dedicated to His Majesty K. William. | By L. Hennepin, now Resident in Holland. | To which are added,


Several New Discoveries in North- | America, not publish'd in the French Edition. |

London, Printed for M. Bentley, J. Tonson, | H. Bonwick, T. Goodwin, and S. Manship. 1698. |

Collation, — Engraved frontispiece, with short title at top; title, verso blank, I leaf; Dedication, pp. (8); "The Preface," pp. (4); "Contents of the Chapters," pp. (8); text of "A New Discovery," pp. 1-243; verso of p. 243 blank; title to "A Continuation of the New Discovery," with verso blank, I leaf; Dedication, pp. (8); "The Preface," pp. (15); "The Contents," pp. (7); text headed "A Voyage into a Newly Discover'd Country," pp. 1-184; "An Account of several New Discoveries in North-America," pp. 185-228. Signatures: A in eight, a in four, B — Q in eights, R in two; A in eight, a in eight, B — M in eights, N in four, O and P in eights, Q in six. In part i, pp. 186 and 206 are mispaged 168 and 106, respectively; no mispaging in part ii.

Plates. — Part i, p. 24, View of Niagara Falls; p. 90, Buffalo. Part ii, p. 9, "The Unfortunate Adventures of Monsr. de la Salle"; p. 33, "The Murther of Monsr. de la Salle"; p. 98, "The Cruelty of the Savage Iroquois"; p. 161, "The Taking of Quebec by The English." The two plates in part i are the same as those in the Bon- | edition, except that the page reference of each plate has been altered to conform to this edition. The plates in part ii are superior to those in the Bon- | edition, and all but one have the engraver's name,"M. Vander Gucht Scul:". In this Tonson edition the plates


of part ii are reversed from those in the Bon- | edition. The two large folded maps are the same as in the Bon- | edition.


A | New Discovery | of a | Vast Country in America, | Extending above Four Thousand Miles, | between | New France & New Mexico; | with a | Deseription [sic] of the Great Lakes, Cataracts, | Rivers, Plants, and Animals. | Also, the Manners, Customs, and Languages of the several | Native Indians; And the Advantage of Commerce with | those different Nations. | With a | Continuation | Giving an Account of the | Attempts of the Sieur de la Salle upon the | Mines of St. Barbe, &c. The Taking of Quebec | by the English; With the Advantages of a | shorter Cut to China and Japan. | Both Illustrated with Maps, and Figures; and Dedicated | to His Majesty King William. | By L. Hennepin now Resident in Holland. | To which are added, Several New Discoveries in North- | America, not Publish'd in the French Edition. |

London, Printed by for Henry Bonwicke, at the Red Lion | in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1699. |

Collation. — Engraved frontispiece, with short title at top; title, verso blank, I leaf; Dedication, pp. (8); "The Preface," pp. (4); "The Contents of the Chapters," pp. (6); text of "A New Discovery," pp. 1-138, 155-170, 161-240 (total 234); title to "A Continuation of the New Discovery," with verso blank, I leaf; Dedication, pp. (6); "The Preface," pp. (11);


"The Contents," pp. (5); text headed "A Voyage into a Newly Discover'd Country," pp. 1-173; "An Account of several New Discoveries in North-America," pp. 174-216. Signatures: A — Hh in eights.

Plates. — These are the same as in the Tonson | 1698 edition, with the page references changed, and one plate shifted to part i from part ii. The six plates should be located thus: Part i, p. 22, View of Niagara; p. 51, "The Taking of Quebec by The English" (shifted in this edition, as above); p. 86, Buffalo. Part ii, p. 8, "The Unfortunate adventures of Monsr. de la Salle"; p. 31, "The Murther of Monsr. de la Salle"; p. 92, "The Cruelty of The Savage Iroquois." The two maps are the same as in the 1698 editions.


[iii] TO His most Excellent Majesty WILLIAM III.

King of Great Britain, &c.


THIS Account of the greatest DISCOVERY that has been made in this Age, of several Large Countries, situate between the Frozen Sea and New Mexico, I make bold humbly to Dedicate to your Majesty. Having liv'd Eleven Years in the Northern America, I have had an Opportunity to penetrate farther into that Unknown Continent than any before me; wherein I have discover'd New Countries, which may be justly call'd the Delights of that New World. [iv] They are larger than Europe, water'd with an infinite number of fine Rivers, the Course of one of which is above 800 Leagues


long, stock'd with all sorts of harmless Beasts, and other Things necessary for the Conveniency of Life; and bless'd with so mild a Temperature of Air, that nothing is there wanting to lay the Foundation of one of the Greatest Empires in the World.

I should think my self very happy, and sufficiently rewarded for my Laborious Travels, if they could any ways contribute to make those Countries better known, under the Glorious Name of Your Majesty; and if through Your Royal Protection I might serve as Guide to your Subjects, to carry into those Parts the Light of the Gospel, and the Fame of your Heroical Virtues: My Name would be bless'd amongst those numerous Nations, who live without Laws and Religion, only because no body endeavours [v] to instruct them; and they would have the Happiness of being converted to the Christian Faith, and the Advantage of seeing at the same time, their Fierceness and rude Manners softned and civiliz'd, by the Commerce of a Polite and Generous Nation, rul'd by the most Magnanimous King in the World.

This Enterprize is worthy of Your Majesty, who never frames but Noble Designs, and pursues them with such a Prudence and Vigour, that they are always crown'd with a Glorious Success.

I dare not presume to give here a particular Account of what Your Majesty's unparallell'd Valour and Prudence have done for the Felicity of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the United Provinces; the Happiness of your Kingdoms, and


the Mildness of Your Majesty's Government, proclaim that Truth to all the World, as also the Tranquillity of the United Netherlands, [vi] amidst a dreadful War, which ravages most Parts of Europe. Your Majesty drove back a formidable Enemy, who had penetrated into their very Heart, and keeps him since at such a distance, that they have nothing to fear from his Ambitious Designs.

The rest of Europe is no less indebted to Your Majesty than your own Kingdoms and the United Netherlands; for Your Majesty exposes every Year your Life, at the Head of your Armies and theirs, to protect their Country and preserve their Liberties from a fatal Invasion. The Allies know, and own with Gratitude, That Your Majesty's Prudence, and the great Respect which so many Princes have for your Personal Merit, are the only Cement that was able to maintain the Great Alliance, into which Europe is enter'd for its Preservation.

Your Majesty's Glorious Achievements being a Theme above my Pen, [vii] I must not presume to speak of them; but my Religion obliges me to mention what I have seen with my own Eyes, and publish to all the World, That I have seen Your Majesty Preserving, with the utmost Care, Our Churches in the Netherlands, while Others, who, by a Principle of Conscience, were oblig'd to Protect them, left them expos'd to the Insolence of their Soldiers, violating in the face of the Sun the Respect all Christians owe them.

It is this great Generosity and Equity of your Majesty,


as much as your other incomparable Exploits, which have gain'd you the Esteem and the Hearts of all Christian Princes, one alone excepted; and have engag'd the King of Spain my lawful Sovereign, the most Catholick Prince in the World, to make so strict an Alliance with Your Majesty.

That Great Monarch being too remote from the Netherlands to defend [viii] his Dominions, has found in Your Majesty a Valiant and Trusty Defender; who being seconded by the Invincible Elector of Bavaria, protects the Spanish Dominions against a Prince, who makes all Possible Efforts to deprive his Catholick Majesty thereof, notwithstanding their Proximity of Blood, and his professing the same Religion.

His Catholick Majesty having therefore so often experienc'd, that Your Majesty's Royal Word is more firm than other Princes Treaties and Solemn Oaths, could not also but leave his Dominions to your Disposal; shewing by that unparallell'd Piece of Trust, how much he relies upon Your Majesty's Honour, and what Esteem he has for your Royal Vertues, which are mix'd with no manner of Imperfections.


I don't question but many, out of Envy or Malice, will blame me for entring into Your Majesty's Service; [ix] but I care very little for what they say, since it is by the Permission of his Catholick Majesty, the Elector of Bavaria, and the Superiours of my Order. I design to keep the Integrity of my Faith, and serve faithfully the Great Monarch who has honour'd me with his Royal Protection. I owe my Services to the Generous Protector of my Country, and of our Altars, who besides has so kindly receiv'd me at his Court, while other Princes neglected me, or forbad me their Presence. It is then out of Gratitude, that I devote my self to Your Majesty's Service, and in order to contribute to the Conversion of the several Nations I have discover'd, and to the Advantage of your Subjects, if they will improve this Opportunity, and make Plantations in a Country, which is so fertile as to afford Two Crops every Year.

The Gentleman with whom I began this Discovery, had form'd great [x] Designs, and especially upon the Mines of St. Barbe in New Mexico; but his Tragical Death prevented their execution.

I humble beseech Your Majesty to accept this Publick


Mark of my Respect and Gratitude; having pray'd the Almighty for the Preservation of Your Sacred Majesty's Person, and the Prosperity of your Reign, I beg leave to subscribe my self, with all the Submission and Respect imaginable,

Most Humble, most Faithful, and Most Obedient Servant,
F. Louis Hennepin,
Missionary Recollect.


[xi] The Preface.

I PRESENT here the Reader with the First Part of the Account of the Voyage I made from the Year 1679, to the Year 1682, in the Northern America; in which I discover'd a Country, unknown before me, as large or larger than Europe. I had resolved long ago to oblige the Publick with it; but my Resolution was prevented by some Reasons, which it would be too long to relate.

'Tis true, I publish'd part of it in the Year 1684, in my Account of Louisiana; Printed at Paris by Order of the French King; but I was then oblig'd to say nothing of the Course of the River Meschasipi, from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois down to the Sea, for fear of disobliging M. la Salle, with whom I began my Discovery. This Gentleman wou'd alone have the Glory of having discover'd the Course of that River: But when he heard that I had done it two Years before him, he could never forgive me, though, as I have said, I was so modest [xii] as to publish nothing of it. This is the true cause of his Malice against me, and of all the barbarous Usage I have met with in France; which they carry'd so far, as to oblige the Marquis de Louvois to command me to depart the French King's Dominions; which I did willingly, tho' I saw sufficient Grounds to believe this Order was forg'd after Monsieur de Louvois was dead.

The Pretended Reasons of that violent Order, were, because I


refused to return in-[to] America, where I had been already Eleven Years; tho' the particular Laws of our Order oblige none of us to go beyond-Sea against their Will. I would have however return'd very willingly, had I not sufficiently known the Malice of M. la Salle, who wou'd have expos'd me, to make me perish, as he did one of the Men who accompany'd me in my Discovery. God knows, that I am sorry for his unfortunate Death; but the Judgments of the Almighty are always just; for that Gentleman was kill'd by one of his own Men, who were at last sensible that he expos'd them to visible Dangers, without any Necessity, and for his private Designs.

I presented some time after a Petition to the French King, while he was encamp'd at Harlemont in Brabant, setting forth my Services, and the Injustice of my Enemies; but that Prince had so many Affairs, [xiii] that, I suppose, they hinder'd him from considering my Petition; and so I cou'd obtain no Satisfaction. I continu'd since at Gosseliers and Aeth; and just as they were raising another Persecution against me, the Divine Providence brought me acquainted with Mr. Blathwait, Secretary of War to his Majesty William the Third, King of Great Britain; who, by Order of His Majesty, wrote a Letter to Father Payez, General Commissary of our Order at Louvain, to desire him to give me leave to go Missionary into America, and to continue in one of the United Provinces, till I had digested into Order the Memoires of my Discovery. This General Commissary being informed that the King of Spain, and the Elector of Bavaria consented that I shou'd enter into the Service of His Majesty of Great Britain, granted me what I desir'd, and sent me to Antwerp, to take there in our


Convent a Lay-Habit; and from thence I went into Holland, having receiv'd some Money from Mr. Hill, by Order of Mr. Blathwait.

I design'd to live at Amsterdam for some time; but some Reasons oblig'd me to go to Utrecht, where I finish'd this First Volume of the Account of my Discovery; which I hope will prove advantageous to Europe, [xiv] and especially to the English Nation, to whose Service I entirely devote my self.

I cannot sufficiently acknowledge the Favours of Mr. Blathwait, who has so generously provided for my Subsistence, and did me the Honour to present me to His Majesty before his Departure for England. I am also very much oblig'd to the Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Athlone, for the Civilities I have receiv'd from them: They have often admitted me to their Table, and granted several Protections in Flanders upon my Recommendation.

I hope the Reader will be pleas'd with the Account of my Discovery; not for the Fineness of the Language, and the Nobleness of the Expression, but only upon Account of its Importance, and of the Sincerity wherewith 'tis written. The Bookseller has added a Map, and some other Cutts, which are an Ornament to the Book, and very useful for the better understanding of it.


A New Discovery OF A Country greater than EUROPE;

Situated in America, betwixt New-Mexico and the Frozen-Sea.

The Occasion of undertaking this Voyage.

MEN are never weary of contemplating those Objects that are before their Eyes, because they discover a thousand ravishing Excellencies therein, capable to afford 'em both Satisfaction and Instruction. The Wonders they there meet with, are so surprising, and (as it were) enchanting, that they are necessarily engaged to survey the same with all possible Exactness, in order to satisfie their natural Curiosity, and inform their Minds.

The Condition of Travellers is very near the same. They're never weary of making new Discoveries. They're indefatigable in rambling through unknown Countries and Kingdoms not mention'd [2] in History; feasting their Minds with the Satisfaction of gratifying and enriching the World with something unheard of and whereof they had never any Idea


before. 'Tis true, such Enterprizes expose 'em to infinite Fatigue and Danger: But herewith they solace themselves, and persevere to suffer all with Pleasure in that they hope to contribute thereby both to the publick Good, and to the glory of God, while at the same time they are gratifying their own natural Inclinations; and hence it is, they are so powerfully bent to make these Discoveries, to seek out strange Countries and unknown Nations, whereof they had never before heard of.

Those whose Aim in undertaking Voyages, is to enlarge the Bounds of Christ's Kingdom, and advance the Glory of God, do upon that Prospect alone valiantly venture their Lives, making 'em of no Account. They endure the greatest Fatigues, and traverse the most unpassable Ways and horrid Precipices, in order to the Execution of their Designs; being push'd on by the Hopes they entertain of Promoting by these means the Glory of him who created 'em, and under whose Conduct they undertake such toilsome Voyages.

It's usual to see some undaunted Men boldly encounter the most frightful of Deaths, both in Battles and in dangerous Voyages: they are such as are not discouraged by all the Hazards that surround 'em either by Sea or Land; nothing being able to withstand the Valour and Courage that prompts 'em to attempt any thing. Therefore is it, that we ofttimes see 'em succeed in obtaining their Designs, and comparing their most difficult Enterprizes. Yet it's to be acknowledg'd, that if they took a serious View before hand, of the Perils they're about to encounter, and consider'd 'em in cold Blood,


they would perhaps find Difficulty to persuade themselves into such resolute Thoughts; at least, they would [3] not form their Designs after such a daring and fearless manner. But generally speaking, they do not survey their Dangers beforehand, any otherwise than by the Lump, and with a transient View; and having once set their Hands to the Work, Occassion engages 'em insensibly, and entices 'em further on than they cou'd have believ'd at first. Insomuch that many of the great Discoveries owing to Voyages, are rather the Result of Chance, than any well form'd Design.

Something of the same Nature has happen'd to my self in the Discovery I now bring to Light. I was from my Infancy very fond of Travelling; and my natural Curiosity induc'd me to visit many Parts of Europe one after another. But not being satisfied with that, I found my self inclin'd to entertain more distant Prospects, and was eager upon seeing remoter Countries and Nations that had not yet been heard of; and in gratifying this natural Itch, was I led to this Discovery of a vast and large Country, where no European ever was before my self.

'Tis true indeed, I could not foresee the Embarassing Difficulties and Dangers I must of necessity encounter with in this my painful Voyage. Nay, perhaps the very Thoughts of 'em might have discourag'd and scar'd me from attempting a Design so laborious and toilsome, and environ'd with such frightful Difficulties. But maugre all these Discouragements, I've at length perfected my Design, the Undertaking of which was enough to frighten any other but my self. In


which I've satisfy'd my Desires, both in regard to the curiosity I had to see new Countries, and strange Faces; and also upon the Account of my Resolution to employ and dedicate my self to the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls.

Thus it was that I discover'd a wonderful Country never known till now; of which I here give an ample [4] Description; and (as I think) circumstantiated enough: It being divided into several small Chapters, for the Conveniency of the Reader. I hope the Publick will return me Thanks for my Pains, because of the Advantage that may accrue to it by the same. However the World's Approbation shall sufficiently recompense all the Trouble and Dangers I've gone through.

I am not insensible of the Reflections I shall meet with from such as never dar'd to travel themselves, or never read the Histories of the Curious and Brave, who have given Relations of the strange Countries they have taken upon them to see; I doubt not but that sort of Cattle will account of this my Discovery as being false and incredible. But what they say shall not trouble me much: They themselves were never Masters of the Courage and Valour which inspires Men to undertake the glorious Enterprizes that gain 'em Reputation in the World, being confin'd within narrow Bounds, and wanting a Soul to atchieve any thing that can procure 'em a distinguishing and advantageous Character among Men. It were better therefore for such to admire what they cannot comprehend, and rest satisfy'd in a wife and profound Silence, than thus foolishly to blame what they know nothing of.

Travellers are generally accus'd of venting an Infinity of


Lyes and Impostures: But Men of a magnanimous and firm Courage are above such silly Raileries: For when they've done all to blacken our Reputation, we shall still receive for our Reward, the Esteem and Approbation of Men of Honour, who being endow'd with knowing and penetrating Souls, are capable to give an equal and impartial Judgment of Travels, and of the just Merit of such as have hazarded their Lives for the Glory of God, and the Good of the Publick. It is this happy and agreeable Recompence that makes the daring Travellers [5] so valiantly expose themselves to all manner of Fatigues and Dangers, that by so doing, they may become useful to Mankind.


Chap. I.

The Motives which engag'd the Author of this Discovery to undertake the Voyage, whereof you have here a Relation.

I ALWAYS found in my self a strong Inclination to retire from the World, and regulate my Life according to the Rules of pure and severe Virtue: and in compliance with this Humour, I enter'd into the Franciscan Order, designing to confine my self to an austere Way of Living. I was overjoy'd then, when I read in History the Travels and Voyages; of the Fathers of my own Order, who indeed were the first that undertook Missions into any foreign Country. And oft-times represented to my self, that there could be nothing greater or more glorious than to instruct the Ignorant and Barbarous, and lead 'em to the light of the Gospel; and having remark'd, that the Franciscans had behav'd themselves in this Work with a great deal of Zeal and Success, I found this begat in my Mind a Desire of tracing their Footsteps, and dedicating my self after their Example, to the Glory of God, and the Salvation of Souls.

In reading the History of our Order, I observ'd, that in a general Assembly held in the Year 1621, it was reckon'd, that since the first going of the Reverend Father Martin de Valence (one of our first Reformers) into America, there had been


five hundred Convents of Recollects, establish'd in that New World, and distributed into Two and twenty Provinces. As I advanc'd in Years, this Inclination to travel did so much the more fix it self in my Mind. It is true, [6] one of my Sisters that was marry'd at Ghent, and whom I lov'd very tenderly, did dissuade me from my Design as much as she could, and never ceas'd to redouble her Sollicitations to that purpose, while I had occasion to be with her in that great City, whither I had gone to learn the Dutch Language: But being sollicited on the other hand, by many of my Friends at Amsterdam, to go to the East-Indies, my natural Inclination, join'd to the Influence of their Requests, did move me much, and had almost determin'd me to undertake a Sea-Voyage.

Seeing then that all the Remonstrances of my Sister could not dissuade me from travelling, I first undertook a Journey into Italy; and in Obedience to the Orders of my Superiour, visited all the great Churches, and most considerable Convents of our Order, both in that Country, and in Germany; which did in some measure gratifie the Curiosity of my Temper. But having return'd to the Netherlands, the Reverend Father William Herinx, late Bishop of Ipres, manifested his averseness to the Resolution I had taken of continuing to travel, by detaining me in the Convent of Halles in Hainault, where I was oblig'd to perform the Office of Preacher for a Year. After which, with the Consent of my Superiour, I went into the Country of Artois, from whence I was sent to Calais, to act the part of a Mendicant there in time of Herring-salting.

Being there, I was passionately in love with hearing the


Relations that Masters of Ships gave of their Voyages. Afterwards I return'd to our Convent at Biez, by the way of Dunkirk: But I us'd oft-times to sculk behind the Doors of Victualling-Houses, to hear the Sea-men give an Account of their Adventures. The Smoak of Tobacco was offensive to me, and created Pain in my Stomach, while I was thus intent upon giving ear to their Relations: But for all I was very attentive to the Accounts they gave of [7] their Encounters by Sea, the Perils they had gone through, and all the Accidents which befell them in their long Voyages. This Occupation was so agreeable and engaging, that I have spent whole Days and Nights at it without eating; for hereby I always came to understand some new thing, concerning the Customs and Ways of Living in remote Places; and concerning the Pleasantness, Fertility, and Riches of the Countries where these Men had been.

This confirm'd me more and more in my former Resolution; and that I might advance it yet further, I went Missionary into most part of the Towns of Holland; and stopp'd at length at Mastreicht, for eight Months together, where I administer'd the Sacraments to above Three thousand wounded Men: In which Occupation I ventur'd many Dangers among the Sick People, being taken ill both of a Spotted Fever and a Dysenterie, which brought me very low, and near unto Death: But God at length restor'd me to my former Health, by the Care and Help of a very skilful Dutch Physician.

The singular Zeal I had for promoting the Good of Souls, engag'd me the Year following to be present at the Battle of


Senesse, where I was busied in administring Comfort to the poor wounded Men: Till at length, after having endur'd all manner of Fatigue and Toil, and having run the risque of extreme Dangers at Sieges of Towns in the Trenches, and in Fields of Battel, (where I never ceas'd to expose my self for the good of Mens Souls) while these bloody Men were breathing nothing but Slaughter and Blood, I happily found my self in a condition to satisfie my first Inclination: For I then receiv'd Orders from my Superiours to go for Rochel, in order to embark in Quality of Missionary for Canada. Within Two Leagues of that City I perform'd the Function of a Curate near two Months; being invited so to do by the Pastor of the Place, who had occasion [8] to be absent from his Charge. But afterwards I totally resign'd my self to the Providence of God, and begun a Voyage of Twelve or Thirteen hundred Leagues over, and perhaps the greatest that can be made by Sea.

I embark'd in the Company of Mr. Francis de Laval, created then Bishop of Petrée in partibus Infidelium, and since Bishop of Quebec, the Capital City of Canada; and now my Inclination to travel increas'd more and more: Yet I staid in that Country four Years, and was sent thence in Mission, while the Abbot of Fenelon, present Archbishop of Cambray, resided there.


I shall not here recount the several Adventures of our Voyage, nor the Fights we were engag'd in with the Ships of Turkey, Tunis, and Algiers, who attempted several times to have taken us; but without success. Nor shall I stay to relate our Approach to Cape Breton, where we beheld with incredible Delight, the Battle ordinarily fought betwixt the Fishes call'd Espadons [swordfish] and the Whales, their mortal Enemies; neither am I to detain my Reader with an Account of what vast Quantities of Fish we took at Forty Fathom Water, upon the Great Bank of New-found-Land; or what great Numbers of Ships we rencounter'd with, that were bound thither from different Nations to fish in these Places, which afford such infinite Numbers of all manner of Fishes. These diverting Sights were very agreeable to all our Crew, which was then about an Hundred Men strong, to three Fourths of whom I administred the Sacraments, they being Catholicks. I perform'd likewise Divine Service every Day while the Weather was calm; and we sung the Itinerary of the Clergy, translated into French Verse, after the Evening Prayers.

[9] Thus we sweetly pass'd our Time a-board, 'till at length we arriv'd at Quebec, the Capital City of Canada.


Chap. II.

The Means by which the Author accustom'd himself to endure the Travail and Fatigue of his laborious Mission.

MR. Francis de Laval, Bishop of Petrée, having taken possession of the Bishoprick of Quebec, which was conferr'd upon him by Pope Clement X. and that contrary to the Sentiments of many Persons of Quality, who, by means of his Preferment, were frustrated of their own Pretensions: This Reverend Prelate (I say) having taken into confederation the Fervency of my Zeal in Preaching the Gospel in my Voyage, my assiduous Diligence in performing Divine Service, and the Care I had taken to hinder the Young Fellows of our Crew from keeping loose Company with the Women and Maids that came along with us (for which I had oft-times been rewarded with Anger and Hatred;) these Reasons, and such like, procur'd me the Favour and Applause of this Illustrious Prelate, he obliging me to preach in Advent and Lent to the Cloister of St. Augustin, in the Hospital of Quebec.

But in the mean while, all this did not satisfie my natural Inclination: I us'd oft-times to go some Twenty or Thirty Leagues off the Town to see the Country, wearing a little Hood, and making use of large Rackets, without which I


had been in danger of falling headlong over fearful Precipices. Sometimes to ease my self a little, I made a great Dog I had brought with me, drag my little Baggage along, that I might arrive the sooner at Trois Rivieres, St. Anne, and Cape Tourmente, Bourgroyal, the Point de Levi, [10] and at the Island of St. Laurence, whither I design'd to go. There I assembled together, in one of the largest Cottages of that Country, as many People as I could gather; whom in some time I admitted to Confession, and to the Holy Communion. In the Night-time I had nothing to cover me but a Cloak; and sometimes the Frost pierc'd to my very Bones, which oblig'd me to make a Fire five or six times in a Night, to prevent my freezing to death. My Commons also were very short, scarce more than to keep me from starving.

In the Summer-season I was oblig'd, in order to continue my Mission, to travel in Canou's, that is, a sort of little Boats (which I shall describe hereafter) that they make use of in Lakes and Rivers: Which sort of Contrivance succeeded well enough where the Water was shallow, or about two or three Foot deep; But when we came to any deeper Place, then the Boat, which was round underneath, was in danger of overturning, insomuch that I had certainly perish'd in the Water, had not I taken a circumspect Care of my self.

However, I found my self oblig'd to travel after this manner, for there were no passable Roads in this Country; it


being impossible to travel over-land in these new Colonies, because of that infinite number of Trees and Woods that beset them on all sides, which must needs be cut down or burn'd before any passable Way be made.


[II] Chap. III.

A Description of those Canou's that they make use of in the Summertime in America, for the Conveniency of travelling.

THESE Canou's are round underneath, as I said but now, and pointed at the two Ends, not unlike the Venetian Gondals: Without them it were impossible to travel in America, for the Country is full of vast and wide-extended Forests: Besides, the impetuous Winds sometimes pluck up the Trees by the Roots, and Time it self ranverses great numbers of 'em, which tumbling down through Age, are piled so one upon another, that the Ways are totally embarass'd, and render'd unpassable.

The Savages are very ingenious in making these Canou's: They make them of the Bark of Birch-Trees, which they pull very neatly off that sort of Trees, they being considerably bigger than those of Europe. They betake themselves to this Work generally about the end of Winter, in the vast Forests that lie towards the Northern Parts of these Countries.

For supporting this Bark they line it within with Ribs or Pieces of white Wood, or Cedar, about four Fingers broad; this they furbish up with small Poles made smooth, that make the Circumference of the Canou; then by other Poles going a-cross, about an Inch, or an Inch and a half thick, which are


very smoothly polish'd; these they join on both sides to the Bark by small Roots of Trees cloven in two, not much unlike the Willows that we make our Baskets of in Europe.

These Canou's have no Rudder, as the bigger Shallops have, for they row them along merely by the [12] force of their Arms with some small Oars; and can turn them with an incredible swiftness, and direct them whither they list. Those that are accustom'd to manage them, can make 'em sail at a wonderful rate, even in calm Weather; but when the Wind is favourable, they are expedite to a Miracle; for they then make use of little Sails made of the same Bark, but thinner than that of the Canou's. As for the Europeans, that by long usage come to be well vers'd in this sort of Tackling, they make use of about four Ells of Linen Cloth, hoisted up on a little Mast, the Foot of which stands in a Hole made in a square piece of light Wood, that is fastned betwixt the Ribs and the Bark of the Canou's towards the Bottom.

Those that are well skill'd in managing these Canou's, can sail Thirty or Thirty five Leagues in a Day down a River, and sometimes more in Lakes, if the Wind be favourable: But some of 'em are much bigger than others. They carry generally about a Thousand pound Weight, some Twelve hundred, and the biggest not above Fifteen hundred pounds. The least of 'em can carry Three or four hundred pound weight, together with two Men or Women to steer them along. But the Greater muft have Three or Four Men to manage them, and sometimes when Business requires Expedition, Seven or Eight to quicken their pace.


Chap. IV.

Other Motives that induced the Author more forcibly to undertake this Discovery.

I WAS passionately zealous, in imitation of many Fathers of my Order, for enlarging the Limits of Christianity, and converting the barbarous Americans to the Belief of the Gospel; and in pursuance [13] of that Design, I look'd upon the Employment of a Missionary as a most Honourable Post for me; so that whenever I found the opportunity of a Mission, I willingly embrac'd it; tho' it oblig'd me to travel more than Twelve hundred Leagues off Canada: Yet I persuaded several to accompany me in my Voyage; and neglected not any thing that might tend to the furtherance of my Design.

At first, for a Trial I was sent in Mission about a Hundred and twenty Leagues beyond Quebec. I went up by the way of the River St. Laurence, and arriv'd at length at the brink of a lake call'd by the Natives Ontario, which I shall describe hereafter. Being there, I perswaded several of the barbarous Iroquese, to cultivate the Ground, and prepare some Wood for building a Lodge for us. Then I made them erect a Cross of an extraordinary heighth and bigness; and built a Chapel near to the Lake, and settled my self there, with another of my own Order, by Name, Father Luke Buisset, whom I had


induc'd to come along with me, and who died since in our Franciscan Convent upon the Sambre: I shall have occasion afterwards to speak of him, for that we cohabited in Canada for a long time, and were Fellow-Labourers in our Settlement at Catarokouy; which was the Place where we oft-times concerted the Measures of making this Discovery I am about to relate. I there gave my self much to the reading of Voyages, and encreas'd the Ambition I had to pursue my Design, from what Light the Savages imparted to us in that matter: In fine, I plainly perceiv'd by what Relations I had receiv'd of several Particulars in different Nations, that it was a matter of no great difficulty to make considerable Establishments to the South-East of the great Lakes; and that by the conveniency of a great River call'd Hoio [Ohio], which passes through the Country of the Iroquese, a Passage might be made into the Sea at Cape Florida.

[14] While I resided in that place, I made several little Tours, sometimes with the Inhabitants of Canada, that we had brought along to settle at our Fort of Catarokouy; sometimes in company of the Savages alone, with whom I convers'd frequently. And as I foresaw that the Iroquese might become jealous and suspicious of our Discoveries, I resolv'd to make a Tour round their Five Cantons; and in pursuance of this Design, threw my self among 'em, being accompany'd only with a Soldier of our Fort, who travell'd with me Seventy Leagues, or near the Matter, on this Occasion; we having our


Feet arm'd with large Rackets, to prevent the Injury of the Snow, which abounds in that Country in time of Winter.

I had already acquir'd some small knowledge of the Iroquese Language; and while I travell'd in this manner among them, they were surpriz'd to see me walk in the Midst of Snow, and lodge my self in the wild Forests that their Country is full of. We were oblig'd to dig four Foot deep into the Snow, to make Fire at Night, after having journey'd Ten or Twelve Leagues over-day. Our Shoes were made after the Fashion of those of the Natives, but were not able to keep out the Snow, which melted as soon as our Feet touch'd it, it having receiv'd heat from the motion of us walking along. We made use of the Barks of Trees to cover us when we went to sleep; and were carefully sollicitous to keep in great Fires to defend us from the nipping Colds. In this lonesome Condition spent we the Nights, waiting the welcome return of the Sun, that we might go on in our Journey. As for Food, we had none, save the Indian Corn grinded small, which we diluted with Water, to make it go down the better.

Thus we pass'd through the Countries of the Honnehiouts and Honnontages, who gave us a very kind [15] reception,


and are the most Warlike People of all the Iroquese. When they saw us, they put their Forefingers to their Mouths signifying how much surpris'd they were at the troublesom and difficult Journey we had made in the middle of Winter. Then looking upon the mean and mortifying Habit of St. Francis, they cry'd aloud, Hetchitagon! that is, Bare-foot; and did with all manner of passion and astonishment pronounce the Word Gannoron; intimating, that it must needs have been a Business of great Importance that mov'd us to attempt such a difficult Journey at so unseasonable a time.

These Savages regal'd us with Elk and Venison, dress'd after their own fashion, which we eat of, and afterwards took leave of 'em, going, further on in our Journey. When we departed, we carry'd our Bed-cloaths on our Backs, and took with us a little Pot to boyl their Corn in. We pass'd through Ways that were overflown with Water, and such as wou'd have been unpassable by any European: For when we came at vast Marshes and overflowing Brooks, we were oblig'd to crawl along by the Trees. At length with much difficulty we arriv'd at Ganniekez, or Agniez, which is one of the Five Cantons of the Iroquese, situated about a large Day's Journey from New-Holland, call'd now New-York: Being there, we were forc'd to season our Indian Corn (which we were wont to bruize betwixt two Stones) with little Frogs that the Natives gather'd in the Meadows towards Easter, when the Snow was all gone.


We stay'd some time among these People, lodging with a Jesuite that had been born at Lions, to transcribe an Iroquese; Dictionary. When the Weather began to be more favourable, we chanc'd one day to meet with three Dutch-men on Horse-back, who had come thither to traffick in Beavers Skins: They were sent thither by Major Andrews, who is [16] the Person that subdu'd Boston and New-York for the King of England, and is at present Governour of Virginia.

These Gentlemen alighted from their Horses, that we might mount 'em, taking us along with them to New-Orange to be regal'd there. As soon as they heard me speak Dutch, they testify'd a great deal of Friendship to me, and told me they had read several Histories of the Discoveries made by those of our Franciscan Order in the Northern Parts of America, but had never before seen any wear the Habit in these Countries as we did. They likewise express'd the great Desire they had to have me stay among them, for the Spiritual Comfort and Advantage of many Catholicks who had come from our Netherlands, and setled there: And I should very willingly have yielded to their Intreaties in residing there, but that I was afraid of giving any Jealousie to the Jesuites, who had receiv'd me very Kindly; and besides, I was aware of [their] injuring the Colony of Canada, in respect to the


Commerce they had with the Savages of my Acquaintance in Beavers and Skins. We therefore having testifyed how much oblig'd we were to the Gentlemen for their Kindness, return'd again to Catarokouy with much less difficulty than we went. But all this had no other effect than to augment the Itching I had to discover remoter Countries.


Chap. V.

A Description of Fort Catarokouy, call'd since Fort Frontenac.

THIS Fort is situated a Hundred Leagues from Quebec (the Capital City of Canada) up the River St. Laurence Southwards. It is built near to the [17] Place where the Lake Ontario (which is as much as to say, the pretty Lake ) discharges it self. It was surrounded with a Rampart, great Stakes and Palisado's, and four Bastions, by the Order of Count Frontenac, Governour-General of Canada. They found it necessary to build this Fort for a Bulwark against the Excursions of the Iroquese, and to interrupt the Trade of Skin that these Savages maintain with the Inhabitants of New-York, and the Hollanders, who have settled a new Colony there; for they furnish the Savages with Commodities at cheaper Rates than the French of Canada.

The Iroquese are an Insolent and barbarous Nation, that has shed the Blood of more than Two millions of Souls in that vast-extended Country. They would never cease from disturbing the Repose of the Europeans, were it not for fear of their Fire-Arms: For they entertain no Commerce with


them, save in the Merchandise-Goods they stand in need of, and in Arms, which they buy on purpose to use against their Neighbours; and by the means of which, they have compass'd the Destruction of an infinite Number of People, extending their bloody Conquest above 5 or 600 Leagues beyond their own Precincts, and exterminating whatever Nations they hate. This Fort, which at first was only surrounded with Stakes, Palisado's, and earthen Ramparts, has been enlarg'd since the commencement of my Mission into these Countries, to the circumference of Three hundred and sixty Toises (each of these being six Foot in length ) and is now adorn'd with Free Stone, which they find naturally polish'd by the shock of the Water upon the brink of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac. They wrought at this Fort with so much diligence and expedition, that in two Years time it was advanc'd to this perfection, by the Care and Conduct of Sieur-Cavelier de la Sallé, who was a Norman [18] born; a Man of great Conduct and profound Policy. He oft-times pretended to me, that he was a Partsian by Birth, thinking thereby to engage Father Luke Buisset before-Mention'd, and me, to put more confidence in him: For he had quickly observ'd from our ordinary Conversation, that the Flemins, and several other Nations, are prone to be jealous of the Normans. I am sensible that there are Men of


Honour and Probity in Normandy, as well as elsewhere; but nevertheless it is certain, that other Nations are generally more free, and less sly and intriguing, than the Inhabitants of that Province of France.

This Fort Frontenac lies to the Northward of this Lake, near to its Mouth, where it discharges it self; and is situated in a Peninsula, of which the Isthmus is digg'd into a Ditch. On the other side, it has partly the Brink of the Lake surrounding it, partly a pretty sort of a natural Mould, where all manner of Ships may ride safely.

The Situation of this Fort is so advantageous, that they can easily prevent the Sallies and Returns of the Iroquese; and in the space of Twenty four Hours, can wage War with them in the Heart of their own Country. This is easily compass'd by the help of their Barques, of which I saw Three all deck'd and mounted, at my last departure thence. With these Barques, in a very little time, they can convey themselves to the South-side of the Lake, and pillage (if it be needful) the Country of the Tsonnontouans, who are the most numerous of all the Provinces of the Iroquese. They manure a great deal of Ground for sowing their Indian Corn in, of which they reap ordinarily in one Harvest as much as serves 'em for two Years: Then they put it into Caves digg'd in the Earth, and cover'd after such a manner, that no Rain can come at it.

[19] The Ground which lies along the Brink of this Lake is very fertile: In the space of two Years and a half that I resided there in discharge of my Mission, they cultivated more


than a hundred Acres of it. Both the Indian and European Corn, Pulse, Pot-Herbs, Gourds, and Water-Melons, throve very well. It is true indeed, that at first the Corn was much spoil'd by Grasshoppers; but this is a thing that happens in all the Parts of Canada at the first cultivating the Ground, by reason of the extream Humidity of all that Country. The first Planters we sent thither, bred up Poultry there, and transported with them Horned Beasts, which multiply'd there extreamly. They have stately Trees, fit for building of Houses or Ships. Their Winter is by three Months shorter than at Canada. In fine, we have all the reason to hope, that e're long, a considerable Colony will be settled in that Place. When I undertook my great Voyage, I left there about Fifteen or Sixteen Families together, with Father Luke Buisset a Recollet, with whom I had us'd to administer the Sacraments in the Chapel of that Fort.

While the Brink of the Lake was frozen, I walk'd upon the Ice to an Iroquese Village, call'd Ganneouse, near to Kentč, about nine Leagues off the Fort, in company of the Sieur de la Salle above-mention'd. These Savages presented us with the Flesh of Elks and Porcupines, which we fed upon. After having discours'd them some time, we return'd, bringing with us a considerable number of the Natives, in order to form a little Village of about Forty Cottages to be inhabited by


them, lying betwixt the Fort and our House of Mission. These Barbarians turn'd up the Ground for sowing of Indian Corn and Pulse, of which we gave them some for their Gardens. We likewise taught them, contrary to their usual custom of eating, to feed upon Soupe, made with Pulse and Herbs, as we did.

[20] Father Luke and I made one Remark upon their Language, that they pronounc'd no Labial letters, such as B, P, M, F. We had the Apostolick Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and our ordinary Litany, translated into the Iroquese Language, which we caus'd them to get by heart, and repeat to their Children; and forc'd their Children to pronounce as we did, by inculcating to them the Labial Letters, and obliging 'em to frequent converse with the Children of the Europeans that inhabited the Fort; so that they mutually taught one another their Mother-Languages; which serv'd likewise to entertain a good Correspondence with the Iroquese.

These Barbarians stay'd always with us, except when they went a hunting; which was the thing we were much concern'd about: for when they went for five or six Months ravaging through their vast huge Forests, and sometimes Two hundred Leagues from their ordinary abode, they took their whole Family along with them. And thus they liv'd together, feeding upon the Flesh of the wild Beasts they kill'd with the Fire Arms they us'd to receive of the Europeans, in exchange of their Skins: And it was impossible for any Missionary to follow them into these wild Desarts; so that their Children being


absent all the season of Hunting, forgot what we had instill'd into them at Fort Frontenac.

The Inhabitants of Canada towards Quebec, Trois Rivieres, and the Isle of Mon[t]real, being sick of their long Winters; and seeing those of the Franciscan Order settle themselves at Frontenac, where the Winter was three Months shorter, many of 'em resolv'd to transport their Families thither, and reside there. They represented to themselves the Advantage that should accrue to them, by having the Sacraments administred, and their Children educated by us, and that for nothing; for we ordinarily took no Compensation for the Instruction we gave.

[21] There have always been some sort of People who endeavour'd to render themselves Masters of Canada, and become Arbiters and Judges over all the Settlements there; for the compassing of which Design, they left no means untry'd. They attributed to themselves the Glory of all the Good Success that was had there: They dispers'd, their Missionaries over all the Country, and endeavour'd to obstruct all our Designs at Fort Frontenac. In fine, they oblig'd our Recollets to remove thence by the help of the Marquis de Benonville, the then Governour of Canada, whom they had wheedled into their Interests, and who had suffer'd himself to be impos'd upon by the Artifices of these Men.

I hope, that some time or other God will re-establish our


poor Monks in that Place; for their Designs were always innocent and good; and they could never have been made to retire thence, without doing them Injustice. God leaves nothing unpunish'd: The Day shall come when he shall take Vengeance on those who did this Injury. I heard some time ago, that the Iroquese, who wage continual War with the French of Canada, have seiz'd the Fort of Catarockouy ; as also that the cruel Savages did smoak in their Pipes some of the Fingers of those who had procur'd the departure of our poor Recollets from that Fort; and that the present Inhabitants of Canada have upbraided those who were the Authors of that Injustice, with it.


Chap. VI.

A Description of some Fresh-water Lakes, the greatest and the pleasantest in the Universe.

I HERE commence the Description of the most remarkable Things in this great Discovery, that the Reader may the more easily attain to a full Knowledge [22] of our Voyage, by following the Map we have provided for that purpose.

The Lake Ontario receiv'd the Name of the Lake Frontenac, from the Illustrious Count de Frontenac, Governour-General of Canada. All the World is acquainted with the Merit and Vertue of that Noble Person: It is likewise well known, how ancient that Family is from which he is descended, and what a glorious Train of Illustrious Ancestors went before him, who were always thought worthy of the most weighty Employments both Civil and Military! His Family was always inviolably firm to the Interests of their Sovereign, even in the most perplex'd Times: Nay, I may say upon this occasion, without giving Offence to the other Governours of Canada, that have either preceded, or are to succeed him, That this Country was never govern'd with so much Wisdom, Moderation, and Equity, as by the Count de Frontenac.

I know very well, that those Men who aspire to be Masters over all, have endeavour'd to blacken his Reputation, to


eclipse his Glory, and render him suspected. But I am bound to say, to the Praise of that Illustrious Nobleman, That for all the Ten Years he liv'd in that Country, he was a Father to the Poor; a Protector to those that were in danger of being oppress'd; nay, in short, his Conversation was a perfect Model of Vertue and Piety. Those of his Countrymen who were stirr'd up against him, by an Effect of their natural Levity and Fickleness, had the Mortification to see him re-establish'd in that very same Government, of which their Calumnies and malignant Intrigues had endeavour'd to dispossess him. They had engag'd the Intendant of Chesneau in the same Combination, having over-reach'd him by their cunning Artifices. Yet notwithstanding all these unjust Censures, I came to understand of late, that they regret much the want of that Illustrious Count.

[23] It was therefore in Honour of this Worthy Count, that they gave to the Lake the Name of Frontenac, in order to perpetuate his Memory in that Country. This Lake is Eighty Leagues long, and Twenty five Leagues broad: It


abounds with Fishes, is deep, and navigable all over. The Five Cantons, or Districts, of the Iroquese, do inhabit for the most part the South-side of this Lake, viz. the Ganniegez, or Agniez (the nighest Neighbours to New-Holland, or New-York) the Onnontagues, or those who live in the Mountains, who are the most Warlike People of all that Nation; the Onneiouts and Tsonnontouans the most populous of them all. There are likewise on the South-side of the Lake, these Iroquese Villages, viz. Tejajagon, Kenté, and Ganneousse, which is not distant from Frontenac above Nine Leagues.

The great River of St. Laurence derives its Source from the Lake Ontario, which is likewise call'd in the Iroquese Language, Skanadario; that is to say, a very pretty Lake. It springs likewise partly from the Lakes that are higher up in the Country, as we shall have occasion to observe afterwards.

This Lake Ontario is of an Oval Figure, and extends it self from East to West. Its Water is fresh and sweet, and very pleasant to drink; the Lands which border upon it being likewise very fertile. It is very navigable, and can receive large Vessels: Only in Winter it is more difficult, because of the outrageous Winds which are frequent there. From this Lake one may go by Barques, or by greater Vessels to the foot of a great Rock that is about two Leagues off the Fall of the River Niagara, which I am now to describe.


[24] Chap. VII.

A Description of the Fall of the River Niagara, that is to be seen betwixt the Lake Ontario and that of Erié.

BETWIXT the Lake Ontario and Erié, there is a vast and prodigious Cadence of Water which falls down after a surprizing and astonishing manner, insomuch that the Universe does not afford its Parallel. 'Tis true, Italy and Suedeland boast of some such Things; but we may well say they are but sorry Patterns, when compar'd to this of which we now speak. At the foot of this horrible Precipice, we meet with the River Niagara, which is not above half a quarter of a League broad, but is wonderfully deep in some places. It is so rapid above this Descent, that it violently hurries down the wild Beasts while endeavouring to pass it to feed on the other side, they not being able to withstand the force of its Current, which inevitably casts them down headlong above Six hundred foot.

This wonderful Downfall is compounded of two great Cross-streams of Water, and two Falls, with an Isle sloping along the middle of it. The Waters which fall from this vast height, do foam and boil after the most hideous manner


imaginable, making an outrageous Noise, more terrible than that of Thunder; for when the Wind blows from off the South, their dismal roaring may be heard above fifteen Leagues off.

The River Niagara having thrown it self down this incredible Precipice, continues its impetuous course for two Leagues together, to the great Rock above-mention'd, with an inexpressible Rapidity: But having pass'd that, its Impetuosity relents, gliding [25] along more gently for two Leagues, till it arrives at the Lake Ontario or Frontenac.

Any Barque or greater Vessel may pass from the Fort to the foot of this huge Rock above-mention'd. This Rock lies to the Westward, and is cut off from the Land by the River Niagara, about two Leagues farther down than the great Fall; for which two Leagues the People are oblig'd to carry their Goods over-land; but the way is very good, and the Trees are but few, and they chiefly Firrs and Oaks.

From the great Fall unto this Rock, which is to the West of the River, the two Brinks of it are so prodigious high, that it would make one tremble to look steadily upon the Water, rolling along with a Rapidity not to be imagin'd. Were it not for this vast Cataract, which interrupts Navigation, they might fail with Barks or greater Vessels, above Four hundred and fifty Leagues further, cross the Lake of Hurons, and up to the farther end of the Lake Illinois [Michigan]; which two Lakes we may well say are little Seas of fresh Water.


Sieur de la Salle had a design to have built a Fort at the Mouth of the River Niagara; and might easily have compass'd it, had he known how to have kept himself within bounds, and to be confin'd there for one Year. His design was to curb and keep under the Iroquese, and especially the Tsonnontouans, who are the most numerous People, and the most given to War of all that Nation. In short, such a Fort as this might easily have interrupted the Commerce betwixt these People and the English and Dutch in New-York. Their custom is to carry to New-York the Skins of Elks, Beavers, and several sorts of Beasts, which they hunt and seek after some 2 or 300 Leagues from their own home. Now they being oblig'd to pass and repass near to this Mouth of the River Niagara, we might easily stop them by fair means in time of [26] Peace, or by open force in time of War; and thus oblige them to turn their Commerce upon Canada.

But having observ'd that the Iroquese were push'd on to stop the Execution of this Design, not so much by the English and Dutch, as by the Inhabitants of Canada, who many of them endeavour'd by all means to traverse this our Discovery; they contented themselves to build a House at the Mouth of the River to the Eastward, where the Place was naturally fortifi'd. On one side of this House there is a very good Haven, where Ships may safely ride; nay, by the help of a Capstane, they may easily be hall'd upon Land. Besides, at


this Place they take an infinite quantity of Whitings, Sturgeons, and all other sorts of Fishes, which are incomparably good and sweet; insomuch, that in the proper Season of Fishing, they might furnish the greatest City in Europe with plenty of Fish.


Chap. VIII.

A Description of the Lake Erié.

THE Iroquese give to this Lake the Name of Erié Tejocharontiong, which extends it self from East to West perhaps a hundred and forty Leagues in Length. But no European has ever survey'd it all; only I and those who accompany'd me in this Discovery, have view'd the greater Part of it, with a Vessel of Sixty Tun burden, which we caus'd to be made on purpose, about two Leagues above the foremention'd Fall of Niagara, as I shall have occasion to observe more largely hereafter.

This Lake Erie, or Tejocharontiong, encloses on its Southern Bank a Tract of Land as large as the Kingdom of France. It divides it self at a certain place into two Channels, because of a great Island enclos'd betwixt them: Thus continuing its course for fourteen [27] Leagues, it falls into the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, and this is that which they call the River Niagara.

Betwixt the Lake Erie and Huron, there is almost such another Streight thirty Leagues long, which is of an equal


breadth almost all over, except in the middle, that it enlarges it self by help of another Lake, far less than any of the rest, which is of a circular Form about six Leagues over, according to the Observation of our Pilot. We gave it the Name of Lake St. Claire, though the Iroquese, who pass over it frequently when they are upon Warlike Expeditions, call it Otsi Keta. The Country which borders upon this most agreeable and charming Streight, is a pleasant Champagne Country, as I shall relate afterwards. All these different Rivers, which are distinguish'd by so many different Names, are nothing else but the Continuation of the great River St. Laurence; and this Lake St. Claire is form'd by the same.


Chap. IX.

A Description of the Lake Huron.

THE Lake Huron was so call'd by the People of Canada, because the Savage Hurons, who inhabited the adjacent Country, us'd to have their Hair so burn'd, that their Head resembled the Head of a Wild Boar. The Savages themselves call it the Lake Karegnondy. Heretofore the Hurons liv'd near this Lake, but they have been in a great measure destroy'd by the Iroquese.

The Circumference of this Lake may be reckon'd to be about Seven hundred Leagues, and its Length Two hundred; but the Breadth is very unequal. To the West of it near its Mouth, it contains several great Islands, and is navigable all over. Betwixt this Lake and that of the Illinois, we meet with another [28] Streight, which discharges it self into this Lake, being about Three Leagues long, and One broad, its Course running West-North-West.

There is yet another Streight or narrow Canal towards


the upper Lake (that runs into this of Huron) about Five Leagues broad, and Fifteen Leagues long, which is interrupted by several Islands, and becomes narrower by degrees, till it comes at the Fall of St. Mary. This Fall is a Precipice full of Rocks, over which the Water of the upper Lake, which flows thither in great abundance, casts it self with a most violent Impesuosity: Notwithstanding which, a Canou may go up it on one side, provided the People in it row vigorously. But the safer way is to carry the Canou over-land for so little a space, together with the Commodities that those of Canada carry thither to exchange with the Savages that live to the Northward of the upper Lake. This Fall is call'd the Fall of St. Mary Missilimakinak. It lies at the Mouth of the upper Lake, and discharges it self partly into the Mouth of the Lake Illinois towards the great Bay of Puans ; all which shall afterwards be more fully discours'd of, when I come to relate our Return from Issati.


Chap. X.

A Description of the Lake call'd by the Savages Illinouack, and by the French, Illinois.

THE Lake Illinois, in the Natives Language, signifies The Lake of Men; for the word Illinois signifies a Man of full Age in the vigour of his Years. It lies on the West of the Lake Huron, standing North and South, and is about a Hundred and twenty, or a Hundred and thirty Leagues in Length, and Forty in Breadth, being in Circuit about Four hundred [29] Leagues. It is call'd by the Miami's, Mischigonong, that is, The Great Lake. It extends it self from North to South, and falls into the Southern-side of the Lake Huron; and is distant from the upper Lake about Fifteen or Sixteen Leagues, its Source lies near a River which the Iroquese call Hohio, where the River Miamis discharges it self into the same Lake.

It is navigable all over, and has to the Westward a great Bay call'd the Bay of Puans, by reason that the Savages who now inhabit the Land surrounding this Bay, had deserted their former Habitation, because of some stinking (in French Puans) Waters towards the Sea that annoy'd them.


Chap. XI.

A short Description of the Upper Lake.

THIS Upper Lake runs from East to West, and may have more than a Hundred and fifty Leagues in length, Sixty in breadth, and Five hundred in circuit. We never went quite over it, as we did over all the others I've hitherto mention'd; but we founded some of its greatest Depths, and it resembles the Ocean, having neither Bottom nor Banks.

I shall not here stay to mention the infinite numbers of Rivers that discharge themselves into this prodigious Lake, which together with that of Illinois, and the Rivers that are swallow'd in them, make up the Source of that great River St. Laurence, which runs into the Ocean at the Island of Assumption towards New-found-land. We sail'd upon this River about Six hundred Leagues from its Mouth to its Source.

I've already observ'd, That all these Lakes may well be call'd Fresh-water Seas. They abound extreamly [30] in Whitings, that are larger than Carps, and which are extraordinary good; nay, at Twenty or Thirty Fathom Water, there are Salmon-Trouts taken of Fifty or Sixty pound


weight. It were easie to build on the sides of these great Lakes, an infinite Number of considerable Towns, which might have Communication one with another by Navigation for Five hundred Leagues together, and by an inconceivable Commerce which would establish it self among 'em. And to be sure, the Soil, if cultivated by Europeans, would prove very fertile. Those that can conceive the Largeness and Beauty of these Lakes, may easily understand, by the help of our Map, what course we steer'd in making the great Discovery hereafter mention'd.


Chap. XII.

What is the Predominant Genius of the Inhabitants of Canada.

THE Spaniards were the first who discover'd Canada; but at their first arrival, having found nothing considerable in it, they abandon'd the Country, and call'd it Il Capo di Nada; that is, A Cape of Nothing; hence by corruption sprung the Word Canada, which we use in all our Maps.

Since I left that Country, I understand that all things continue very near in the same State as they were whilst I resided there. Those who have the Government of Canada committed to their Care, are mov'd with such a malignant Spirit, as obliges all who do not approve their Design, to moan secretly before God. Men of Probity that are zealous for Religion, find nothing there of what they expected; but, on the contrary, such Repulses and ill Usage, that no body could have foreseen. Several resort [31] thither, with a design to Sacrifice their Repose and Life, to the Temporal and Spiritual Succour of an Infant-Church; but the loss of Reputation and Honour, are the Sacrifices they're after all forc'd to make. Others go thither in the hopes of spending


their Lives in Peace and perfect Concord; whereas they meet with nothing but Jarrs, Divisions, and a Sea of Troubles. In lieu of their fair Hopes, they reap nothing but Crosses and Persecution; and all for not pleasing the Humours of Two or Three Men, who are the over-ruling Wits of that Country. What a vast disparity distance there is betwixt the Humor of these Men, and our Flemish Sincerity! I mean that Candour and Evenness of Mind which make up the true Character of a Christian, and is observ'd every where else.

But without entring farther into any Particulars, I leave the Judgment of all unto God; and shall only say, that we who are Flemings by Birth, went to Canada without any other private Design, having renounc'd our Native Country, meerly for the Service of our Religion, after having quitted all other Enjoyments for embracing a Religious Profession. And therefore it was not a small Surprize to us, upon our arrival in that Country, to see our Sincerity and Uprightness of Heart so sorrily entertain'd. There is a certain sort of People, who are jealous of every thing, and whom it is impossible to retrieve from under the first impressions they've receiv'd. Though a Man were never so complaisant, yet if he be not altogether of their Stamp, or if he endeavours to represent Things fairly and rationally unto them, tho' with wise and soft Remonstrances, yet shall he pass among 'em for a Fellow of a turbulent Spirit. Such Conduct as this, does not favour of Christianity, neither doth it bespeak any other Prospect than that of temporal Interest. This Consideration mov'd me oft-times to say to the Three Flemish Monks I had [32]


brought to Canada with me, that it had been much better for us who had quitted all our Enjoyments, and exchang'd them for the Poverty of a Monastick Life, to have gone in Mission among Strangers, to preach Repentance to Infidels, and propagate the Kingdom of our Saviour among barbarous Nations.

And indeed kind Providence seconded my good Intentions; for the Reverend Father Germain Allart Recollet, late Bishop of Vence in Provence, sent me Orders to undertake the Discovery which I am about to relate.


Chap. XIII.

A Description of my first Imbarkment in a Canow at Quebec, the Capital City of Canada, being bound for the South-West of New-France, or Canada.

I REMAIN'D Two Years and a half at Fort Frontenac, till I saw the House of Mission finish'd, that Father Luke Buisset and I had caus'd to be built there. This engag'd us in Travels, which inseparably attend New Establishments. Accordingly we went in a Canou down the River St. Laurence; and after a Hundred and twenty Leagues sailing, arriv'd at Quebec, where I retir'd into the Recollets Convent of St. Mary, in order to prepare and sanctifie my self for commencing our Discovery.

And indeed I must frankly own, that when at the foot of the Cross I pensively consider'd this important Mission, weighing it in the Scales of Humane Reason, and measuring the weight of its Difficulties by Humane Force, it seem'd altogether a terrible, as well as a rash and inconsiderate Attempt. But when I look'd up to GOD, and view'd it as an effect of his Goodness, in chusing me for so great a Work, and as his Commandment directed [33] to me by the Mouth of my Superiours, who are the Instruments and Interpreters of his Will unto me: These Thoughts, I say, presently inspir'd


me with Courage and Resolution to undertake this Discovery, with all the Fidelity and Constancy imaginable.

I persuaded my self, that since it was the peculiar Work of God, to open the hard Hearts of that barbarous People, to whom I was sent to publish the glad Tidings of his Gospel, it were as easie for him to compass it by a feeble Instrument, such as I was, as by the most worthy Person in the World.

Having thus prepar'd my self to enter upon the discharge of my Mission, and seeing that those who were expected from Europe to bear part in this Discovery, were now arriv'd; that the Pilote, Seamen, and Ship-Carpenters were in readiness, and that the Arms, Goods, and Rigging for the Ships were all at hand; I took with me from our Convent a portable Chapel all compleat for my self, and afterwards went and receiv'd the Benediction of the Bishop of Quebec, together with his Approbation in Writing; which I likewise receiv'd of Count Frontenac, who was a Man that testify'd a great deal of Affection for our Flemish Recollects, because of our Candour and Ingenuity; and who was pleas'd to give publick Testimonie to the Generosity of my Undertaking, while we were set at Table.

In short, I embark'd in a little Canou made of the Barks of Birch-Trees, carrying nothing along with me save my portable Chapel, one Blanket, and a Matt of Rushes, which was to serve me for Bed and Quilt; and this was the whole of my Equipage. It was concerted so, that I should go off first, that my Departure might oblige the rest to expedite


their Affairs with speed. The Inhabitants of Canada, upon both sides the River of St. Laurence, betwixt Quebec and Montreal, entreated me to officiate among [34] them, and administer the Sacraments: For they could not assist at Divine Service oftner than five or six times a Year, because there were only Four Missionaries in that Country for the extent of Fifty Leagues.

I baptiz'd a Child at a certain Place call'd St. Hour, and acquainted the absent Missionary of the Place with the same; which done, I continu'd my Voyage; and as I pass'd by Harpentinie, the Lord of the Place of one of the ancientest Families in Canada, would have sent one of his Sons along with me; but the Canou was too narrow for Four Persons. At length I arriv'd at Trois Rivieres, which is a Town only surrounded with Palisado's, lying about Thirty Leagues higher than Quebec. Not meeting there Father Sixte, a Recollet Missionary, who was gone from thence in Mission, the Inhabitants beseech'd me to preach and perform Divine Service on the First of October. The next day, the Sieur Bonivet, Lieutenant-General Justiciary of that Place, convey'd me a League up the River St. Laurence.

The most laudable Enterprizes are oft-times retarded by surprizing and unexpected Obstacles; for when I arriv'd at Montreal, they debauch'd and entic'd away my Two


Boat-Men; so that I was forc'd to take advantage of an offer which two other Men made to conduct me along in their little shatter'd Boat. Thus was it that those who envy'd the Success of my Undertaking, began to set themselves in opposition to it, and endeavour'd to hinder the most considerable and famous Discovery that has been made in that New World in this Age.

In going up the River, as I pass'd the Lake of St. Louis, a little above the Isle of Montreal, which is about Twenty five Leagues in circumference, I observ'd that this River St. Laurence divides it self into Two Branches; of which one leads to the ancient Country of the Hurons, the Outaouacts, [35] and several other Nations situate to the Northward ; and the other to the Country of the Iroquese. We went up this last for about Sixty Leagues, in most rapid and horrible Currents, full of great Rocks, where the Water roars Night and Day like Thunder, for Three or Four Leagues together. All which does not hinder the Boat-Men and their Canou's to descend down among these huge Rocks with so much swiftness, that those who are in the Canou are for the time quite blinded. They generally carry Elks-Claws and Skins with them, which they exchange for other Goods, with the Savages of that Country.

I shall not offer to give any circumstantial Account of the Accidents that befel me, which are inseparable Companions of all great Voyages: What is needful to be said is, That I


arriv'd at Fort Catarokouy, or Frontenac, about Eleven a Clock at Night, the next Day after All-Saints; where our Recollet Fathers, Gabriel de la Ribourde, and Luke Buisset, Missionaries, receiv'd me with all Expressions of Joy into our House of Mission, which we had caus'd to be built the Year before, upon the brink of the Lake Ontario, near to Fort Frontenac, This Fort lies about forty four Degrees and some Minutes of Northern Latitude.

I had forgot to acquaint you, that this Lake Ontario is; form'd by the River St. Laurence, and that it is deep enough for large Vessels; for at seventy Fathom we could discern no Ground. The Waves there are toss'd by mighty Winds which are very frequent; and their Surges are full as high as those of the Sea, but much more dangerous; for they are shorter and steeper; so that a Vessel riding along cannot yield and keep touch with 'em. There are likewise some very plain appearances of a Flux and Reflux; for they observe the Water to flow and ebb [36] by little Tides, and that it flows ofttimes against the Wind when very high.

The Fishing of this Lake, as of all the other Lakes before-mention'd, is very considerable for all manner of excellent Fifties, especially for Salmon-Trouts, which are there much bigger than our biggest Salmons. The adjacent Country is very fertile, as is confirm'd by the Experience of those who cultivated it in several places. There is excellent Game there for all sorts of Wild Beasts and Wild Fowl: Their Forests are replenish'd with the prettiest Trees in the


World, Pines, Cedars, and Epinetes, (a sot of Firr-tree very common in that Country.) They have likewise very good Iron-Mines; and no doubt but other Metals might be found if sought after.

While I abode at Catarokouy, waiting the coming up of the rest of our Company, I had time to confer with the Reverend Fathers of our Order, concerning what Measures we were to take for converting unto Christ Jesus, such a numerous Train of Nations that had never heard of the Gospel; for it is certain, that such poor helpless Priests as we of the Franciscan Order, destitute of all temporal Enjoyments, and cut off from all Humane Means and Assistance, cannot be too cautious in managing the Concerns of so important a Mission, because of the infinite variety of the Tempers of those that were to accompany us in this Voyage; for we had in company some Flemings, some Italians, and some Normans, who were all of different Interests; and it was a very difficult Task for us to comply with, and please so many different Humours; especially when engag'd in such a Voyage as this, in which Laws could not be observ'd with the same Exactness, or retain the same Rigour as in Europe, where Men may be entic'd to Good, and scar'd from Evil, by the Love of Rewards or fear of Punishment. But I resign'd my self wholly to the Exercise of [37] my Duty, leaving the Conduct of all


unto God's Providence, and being ready to encounter whatever Accidents might fall in my way.

The Iroquese whom we had brought to settle near this Fort (as was above related) came oft-times to visit us, and made us Presents of the Flesh of Elks, and Roe-bucks; in lieu of which we gave 'em little Knives and some Tobacco, which we had for that purpose. These Savages, when they reflected upon our designed Voyage, us'd to clap their Four Fingers on their Mouths (as they generally do when touch'd with the Admiration of any thing they cannot comprehend) and cry'd aloud, Otchitagon, Gannoron! that is, Bare-Feet, what ye are about to undertake, is of great Importance: And added, that their most valiant Adventurers had much ado to extricate themselves out of the hands of those barbarous Nations we were going to visit. It is certain, that the Iroquese had a most tender Respect for the Franciscan Monks, having observ'd them to live all in common, without reserving any particular Possessions.

The Food of the Iroquese is in common among 'em. The ancientest Women in the House distribute about to the other Persons in the Family according to their Seniority. When they sit at their Meals, they give freely to eat unto all that come into their Houses; for they would rather chuse to fast for a whole Day, than suffer any one to go from their Houses, without offering them a share of whatever they had.

The Sieur de la Salle arriv'd at the Fort some time after me: God preserv'd him (as he did me) from the infinite Dangers he was expos'd to in this great Voyage betwixt


Quebec and the Fort, having pass'd the great fall of Water mention'd last, and several other most rapid Currents in his way thither. The same Year he sent off Fifteen of our Boatmen, who [38] were to go before us. They made as if they had been going in their Canou towards the Illinois, and the other Neighbouring Nations that border upon the River, call'd by the Illinois, Meschasipi,; that is, a great River; which Name it has in the Map. All this was only to secure to us a good Correspondence with the Savages, and to prepare for us in that Country some Provisions, and other Necessaries, to further this Discovery. But there being among them some villainous Fellows, they stopp'd in the upper Lake at Missilimakinak, and diverted themselves with the Savages that live to the Northward of that Lake, lavishing and squandering away the best of the Commodities they had taken with 'em, instead of providing such Things as were needful for building a Ship, which we greatly wanted in order to pass from Lake to Lake to the River Meschasipi.


Chap. XIV.

A Description of my second Imbarkment at Fort Frontenack, in a Brigantine upon the Lake Ontario or Frontenac.

THAT very same Year, on the Eighteenth of November, I took leave of our Monks at Fort Frontenac, and after mutual Embraces and Expressions of Brotherly and Christian Charity, I embark'd in a Brigantine of about ten Tuns. The Winds and the Cold of the Autumn were then very violent, insomuch that our Crew was afraid to go into so little a Vessel. This oblig'd us and the Sieur de la Motte our Commander, to keep our course on the North-side of the Lake, to shelter our selves under the Coast, against the North-west Wind, which otherwise wou'd have forc'd us upon the Southern Coast of the Lake. This Voyage prov'd very difficult [39] and dangerous, because of the unseasonable time of the Year, Winter being near at hand.

On the 26th, we were in great danger about Two large Leagues off the Land, where we were oblig'd to lie at an


Anchor all that Night at sixty Fathom Water and above; but at length the Wind coming to the North-East, we sail'd on, and arriv'd safely at the further end of the Lake Ontario, call'd by the Iroquese, Skannadario. We came pretty near to one of their Villages call'd Tajajagon, lying about Seventy Leagues from Fort Frontenac, or Catarokouy.

We barter'd some Indian Corn with the Iroquese, who could not sufficiently admire us, and came frequently to see us on board our Brigantine, which for our greater security, we had brought to an Anchor into a River, though before we could get in, we run a ground three times, which oblig'd us to put Fourteen Men into Canou's, and cast the Balast of our Ship over-board to get her off again. That River falls into the Lake; but for fear of being frozen up therein, we were forc'd to cut the Ice with Axes and other Instruments.

The Wind turning then contrary, we were oblig'd to tarry there till the 15th of December, 1678, when we sail'd from the Northern Coast to the Southern, where the River Niagara runs into the Lake; but could not reach it that Day, though it is but Fifteen or Sixteen Leagues distant, and therefore cast Anchor within Five Leagues of the Shore, where we had very bad Weather all the Night long.

On the 6th, being St. Nicholas's Day, we got into the fine River Niagara, into which never any such Ship as ours enter'd before. We sung there Te Deum, and other Prayers, to return our Thanks to God Almighty for our prosperous Voyage. The Iroquese Tsonnontouans inhabiting the little Village,


situated at the mouth of the River, took above Three Hundred Whitings, which are bigger than Carps, and the [40] best relish'd, as well as the wholesomest Fish in the World; which they presented all to us, imputing their good Luck to our Arrival. They were much surprized at our Ship, which they call'd the great woodden Canou.

On the 7th, we went in a Canou two Leagues up the River, to look for a convenient Place for Building; but not being able to get the Canou farther up, because the Current was too rapid for us to master, we went over land about three Leagues higher, though we found no Land fit for culture. We lay that Night near a River, which runs from the Westward, within a League above the great Fall of Niagara, which, as we have already said, is the greatest in the World. The Snow was then a Foot deep, and we were oblig'd to dig it up to make room for our Fire.

The next day we return'd the same way we went, and saw great Numbers of Wild Goats, and Wild Turkey-Cocks, and on the 11th, we said the first Mass that ever was said in that Country. The Carpenters and the rest of the Crew were set to work; but Monsieur de la Motte, who had the Direction of them, being not able to endure the Fatigues of so laborious a Life, gave over his Design, and return'd to Canada, having about two hundred Leagues to travel.

The I2th, 13th, and 14th, the Wind was not favourable enough to sail up the River as far as the rapid Current above mention'd, where we had resolv'd to build some Houses.


Whosoever considers our Map, will easily see, that this New Enterprize of building a Fort and some Houses on the River Niagara, besides the Fort of Frontenac, was like to give Jealousie to the Iroquese, and even to the English, who live in this Neighbourhood, and have a great Commerce with them. Therefore to prevent the ill Consequences of it, it [41] was thought fit to send an Embassie to the Iroquese, as it will be mention'd in the next Chapter.

The 15th, I was desir'd to sit at the Helm of our Brigantine, while three of our Men hall'd the same from the Shore with a Rope; and at last we brought her up, and moor'd her to the Shore with a Halser, near a Rock of a prodigious heighth, lying upon the rapid Currents we have already mention'd. The 17th, 18th, and 19th, we were busie in making a Cabin with Palisadoes, to serve for a Magazine; but the Ground was so frozen, that we were forced to throw several times boiling water upon it to facilitate the beating in and driving down the Stakes. The 20th, 21st, 22d, and 23d, our Ship was in great danger to be dash'd in pieces, by the vast pieces of Ice that were hurl'd down the River; to prevent which, our Carpenters made a Capstane to haul her ashore; but our great Cable broke in three pieces; whereupon one of our Carpenters surrounded the Vessel with a Cable, and ty'd to it several Ropes, whereby we got her ashore, tho' with much difficulty, and sav'd her from the danger of being broke to pieces, or carried away by the Ice, which came down with an extream violence from the great Fall of Niagara.


Chap. XV.

An Account of the Embassie to the Iroquese Tsonnontouans.

THESE Savages being the most numerous Nation of that Country, it was requisite to avoid giving them any manner of suspicion; and in order thereto, we thought fit to prepossess those of the little Village of Niagara with a favourable opinion of our Design: We told them, that we did not intend to build a Fort on the Bank of their River Niagara, [42] but only a great Hanger or Store-house, to keep the Commodities we had brought to supply their Occasions. We accompany'd our Discourse with some small Presents, and told them that we should remain with them, while Six or Seven of our Company went to the great Village of the Tsonnontouans, to treat with their chief Captains. And truly it was absolutely necessary to go thither, to remove the Suspicion the Enemies of our Discovery had suggested to that People concerning our Designs.

As I was building a little Cabin of Bark, to perform Divine Service therein, M. de la Motte, who was still with us, desir'd me to accompany him in his Embassie, which I was very unwilling to comply with; and therefore intreated him to suffer me to stay there with the greater number of our Men. But notwithstanding the Arguments I us'd, he told me


that he was resolv'd to take along with him 7 Men out of 16, that we were in all; that I understood in a manner the Language of their Nation, having been often in conference with them at the Fort of Frontenac; that the Glory of God was concern'd in this Undertaking; that he would not trust those that were to accompany him; and in short, that if our Enterprize should miscarry upon that account, the Blame would lie at my door. These with some other secret Reasons, oblig'd me to comply with his Desire, and to follow him.

We travell'd with Shooes made after the Indian way, of a single Skin, but without Soles, because the Earth was still cover'd with Snow, and past through Forests for thirty two Leagues together, carrying upon our Backs our Coverings and other Baggage, lying often in open Field, and having with us no other Food but some roasted Indian Corn: 'Tis true, we met upon our Road some Iroquese a hunting, who gave us some wild Goats, and fifteen or sixteen black Squirrils, which are excellent [43] Meat. However, after five Days Journey, we came to Tagarondies, a great Village of the Iroquese Tsonnontouans, and were immediately carry'd to the Cabin of their Principal Chief, where Women and Children flock'd to see us, our Men being very well drest and arm'd. An old Man having according to Custom made publick Cries, to give Notice of our arrival to their Village; the younger Savages wash'd our Feet, which afterwards they rubb'd over with


the Grease of Deers, wild Goats, and other Beasts, and the Oil of Bears.

The next Day, which was the First of the Year 1679, after the ordinary Service, I preach'd in a little Chapel made of Barks of Trees, in presence of two Jesuites, viz. Father Garnier and Rafeix ; and afterwards we had a Conference with 42 old Men, who make up their Council. These Savages are for the most part tall, and very well shap'd, cover'd with a sort of Robe made of Beavers and Wolves-Skins, or of black Squirrels, holding a Pipe or Calumet in their Hands. The Senators of Venice do not appear with a graver Countenance, and perhaps don't speak with more Majesty and Solidity, than those ancient Iroquese.

This Nation is the most cruel and barbarous of all America, especially to their Slaves, whom they take above two or three hundred Leagues from their Country, as I shall shew in my Second Volume; however, I must do them the Justice to observe, that they have many good Qualities; and that they love the Europeans, to whom they fell their Commodities at very reasonable Rates. They have a mortal Hatred for those, who being too self-interested and covetous, are always endeavouring to inrich themselves to the Prejudice of others. Their chief Commodities are Beavers-Skins, which they bring from above a hundred and fifty Leagues off their Habitations, to exchange them with the English and [44] Dutch, whom they


affect more than the Inhabitants of Canada, because they are more affable, and sell them their Commodities cheaper.

One of our own Men, nam'd Anthony Brossard, who understood very well the Language of the Iroquese, and therefore was Interpreter to M. de la Motte, told their Assembly,

First, That we were come to pay them a Visit, and smoak with them in their Pipes, a Ceremony which I shall describe anon: And then we deliver'd our Presents, consisting of Axes, Knives, a great Collar of white and blue Porcelain, with some Gowns. We made Presents upon every Point we propos'd to them, of the same nature as the former.

Secondly, We desir'd them, in the next place to give Notice to the five Cantons of their Nation, that we were about to build a Ship, or great woodden Canow above the great Fall of the River Niagara, to go and fetch European Commodities by a more convenient passage than the ordinary one, by the River St. Laurence, whose rapid Currents make it dangerous and long; and that by these means we should afford them our Commodities cheaper than the English and Dutch of Boston and New-York. This Pretence was specious enough, and very well contriv'd to engage that barbarous Nation to extirpate


the English and Dutch out of America: For they suffer the Europeans among them only for the Fear they have of them, or else for the Profit they make in Bartering their Commodities with them.

Thirdly, We told them farther, that we should provide them at the River Niagara with a Black-smith and a Gunsmith, to mend their Guns, Axes, &c. having no body among them that understood that Trade, and that for the conveniency of their whole Nation, we would settle those Workmen on the Lake of Ontario, at the Mouth of the River Niagara. [45] We threw again among them seven or eight Gowns, and some Pieces of fine Cloth, which they cover themselves with from the Wast to the Knees. This was in order to engage them on our side, and prevent their giving ear to any who might suggest ill things of us, entreating them first to acquaint us with the Reports that should be made unto them to our Prejudice, before they yielded their Belief to the same.

We added many other Reasons which we thought proper to persuade them to favour our Design. The Presents we made unto them, either in Cloth or Iron, were worth above 400 Livres, besides some other European Commodities, very scarce in that Country: For the best Reasons in the World are not listned to among them, unless they are enforc'd with Presents.

I forgot to observe, that before our Interpreter began to


talk of these matters with the Council, M. de la Motte order'd him to tell the Iroquese, That he would enter into no Particulars in presence of Father Garnier a Jesuite, whom he much suspected: Whereupon the old Senators order'd the said Father to withdraw. As I had a great Respect for him, I went out likewise to bear part of the Affront put upon him, and to let M. la Motte see that he had no reason to desire me to go to the Council with him, since he had resolv'd to affront in my presence a Jesuite-Missionary, who was amongst that barbarous Nation, without any other Design but to instruct them in the Truth of the Gospel. This was the reason why I was not present in the Council the first Day that we acquainted the Iroquese with the subject of our Embassie. I easily observ'd that M. la Motte had been bred up amongst People profess'd Enemies of all Monks and Priests; from whence I concluded, that he would lay upon me all the Over fights he might commit in his Negotiation: But I [46] thought it was better he should be deceiv'd by those he employ'd, than to be so my self; and therefore would never meddle with any Temporal Concerns, though earnestly desir'd by him and others. The Iroquese, and other wild Nations, had a great Love for me upon that Account: They have supply'd me with Food for my subsistance, and reliev'd me upon other Occasions, only because they observ'd I was not guided by a private self-Interest; and truly whenever they made me any Presents in return of those I had made unto them, I immediately gave them to their Children.

The next Day the Iroquese answer'd our Discourse and


Presents Article by Article, having laid upon the Ground several little pieces of Wood, to put them in mind of what had been said the Day before in the Council; their Speaker, or President, held in his Hand one of these Pieces of Wood, and when he had answer'd one Article of our Proposal, he laid it down, with some Presents of black and white Porcelain, which they use to firing upon the smallest Sinews of Beasts; and then took up another Piece of Wood; and so of all the rest, till he had fully answer'd our Speech, of which those Pieces of Wood, and our Presents put them in mind. When his Discourse was ended, the oldest Man of their Assembly cry'd aloud for three times, Niaoua; that is to say, It is well, I thank thee; which was repeated with a full Voice, and in a tuneful manner by all the other Senators.

'Tis to be observ'd here, that the Savages, though some are more cunning than others, are generally all addicted to their own Interests; and therefore though the Iroquese seem'd to be pleas'd with our Proposals, they were not really so; for the English and Dutch affording them the European Commodities at cheaper Rates than the French of Canada, they had a greater Inclination for them than for us. That People, tho' [47] so barbarous and rude in their Manners, have however a Piece of Civility peculiar to themselves; for a Man would be accounted very impertinent, if he contradicted any thing that is said in their Council, and if he does not approve even the greatest Absurdities therein propos'd ; and therefore they always answer, Niaoua; that is to say, Thou art in the right, Brother; that is well.


Notwithstanding that seeming Approbation, they believe what they please and no more; and therefore 'tis impossible to know when they are really persuaded of those things you have mention'd unto them, which I take to be one of the greatest Obstructions to their Conversion; For their Civility hindring them from making any Objection, or contradicting what is said unto them, they seem to approve of it, though perhaps they laugh at it in private, or else never bestow a Moment to reflect upon it, such being their Indifference for a future Life. From these Observations, I conclude that the Conversion of that People is to be despair'd of, 'till they are subdu'd by the Europeans, and that their Children have another sort of Education, unless God be pleas'd to work a Miracle in their Favour.

While we were still with the Iroquese, their Parties made an Excursion toward Virginia, and brought two Prisoners with them, one whereof was Houtouagaha, which in the Language of the Iroquese, signifies a talkative or babling Fellow, and the other of the Nation of Ganniessinga, whither some English Franciscans were sent Missionaries. The Iroquese spar'd the Life of this last, but put to death the former, with such


exquisite Torments, that Nero, Domitian, and Maximilian, never invented the like, to exercise the Patience of the Martyrs of the Primitive Church with all.

They use commonly that Inhumanity towards all the Prisoners they take in their Warlike Expeditions; but the worst of it is, that their Torments last [48] sometimes a Month. When they have brought them into their Canton, they lay them upon some pieces of Wood, made like a St. Andrew's Cross, to which they tie the Legs and Arms of those miserable Wretches, and expose them to Gnats and other Flies, who sting them to death. The Children of those barbarous Parents, cut pieces of Flesh out of their Flanks, Thighs, or some other part of their Bodies; and when they have boyl'd it, force those poor Wretches to eat thereof. The Iroquese eat some pieces of it themselves, as well as their Children; and the better to inspire those little Canibals with Hatred for their Enemies, and the desire to extirpate them, they give them their Blood to drink in some little Porrengers made of Barks of Trees. Thus do these poor Creatures end their Life after a long and unspeakable Torment.

That horrid Cruelty oblig'd us to leave the Cabin, or Cotage of the chief Captain of that barbarous People, to shew them the Horrour we had of their Inhumanity, and never eat with them since, but return'd the same way we went through the Woods to the River Niagara. And this was all the success of our Ambassie.


Chap. XVI.

A Description of a Ship of Sixty Tuns, which we built near the Streights of the Lake Erie, during the Winter and Spring of the Year 1679.

ON the 14th of January we arrived at our Habitation of Niagara, very weary of the Fatigues of our Voyage. We had no other Food but Indian Corn; but by good luck for us, the Fishery of the Whitings, I have already spoken of, was then in season, and made our Indian Corn more relishing. We [49] made use of the Water, in which the Fish was boiled, instead of Broth of Meat; for when it grows cold in the Pot, it congeals it self like some Veal-Broth.

On the 20th arrived M. de la Salle from Fort Frontenac, from whence he was sent with a great Barque to supply us with Provisions, Rigging, and Tackling for the Ship we design'd to build at the Mouth of the Lake Erie; but that Barque was unfortunately cast away on the Southern Coast of the Lake Ontario, by the fault of two Pilots, who could not agree about the Course they were to steer, tho' they were then only within two Leagues of Niagara. The Sea-men have call'd this Place the Mad-Cape. The Anchors and Cables were sav'd, but several Canows made of Barks of Trees with Goods and Commodities were lost. These disappointments


were such as would have disswaded from any farther Enterprize all other Persons but such who had form'd the generous Design of making a New Discovery in the Country.

M. de la Salle told us, that before he lost his Barque, he had been with the Iroquese Tsonnontouans, and had so dexterously gain'd their Affection, that they had talk'd to him of our Embassie with Applause, and had given him their Consent for the Execution of our Undertaking. This good Intelligence lasted but a little while; for certain Persons, who made it their Business to cross our Design, inspir'd the Iroquese with many Suspicions about the Fort we were building at Niagara, which was in a great forwardness; and their Suspicions grew so high, that we were oblig'd to give over our Building for some time, contenting our selves with an Habitation encompass'd with Palisado's.

On the 22th of the said Month, we went two Leagues above the great Fall of Niagara, where we made a Dock for Building the Ship we wanted for our Voyage. This was the most convenient place [50] we could pitch upon, being upon a River which falls into the Streight between the Lake Erie and the great Fall of Niagara. The 26th, the Keel of the Ship and some other Pieces being ready, M. de la Salle sent the Master Carpenter to desire me to drive in the first Pin; but my Profession obliging me to decline that Honour, he did it himself,


and promis'd Ten Louis d'Or's, to encourage the Carpenter and further the Work. The Winter being not half so hard in that Country as in Canada, we employ'd one of the two Savages of the Nation call'd the Wolf, whom we kept for Hunting, in building some Cabins made of Rinds of Trees; and I had one made on purpose to perform Divine Service therein on Sundays, and other occasions.

M. de la Salle having some urgent Business of his own, return'd to Fort Frontenac, leaving for our Commander one Tonti, an Italian by Birth, who had been forc'd to retire into France after the Revolution of Naples, in which his Father was concern'd. I conducted M. de la Salle as far as the Lake Ontario, at the Mouth of the River Niagara, where he order'd a House to be built for the Smith we had promis'd to the Iroquese; but this was only to amuze them, and therefore I cannot but own that the Savages are not to be blam'd for having not believ'd every thing they were told by M. la Motte in his Embassie already related.

He undertook his Journey a-foot over the Snow, having no other Provisions but a little Sack of Indian Corn roasted, which sail'd him two Days before he came to the Fort, which is above fourscore Leagues distant from the Place where he left us. However, he got home safely with two Men, and a Dog, who dragg'd his Baggage over the Ice, or frozen Snow. When I return'd to our Dock, I understood that most


of the Iroquese were gone to wage War with a Nation on the other side of the Lake Erie. In the [51] mean time, our Men continu'd with great Application to build our Ship; for the Iroquese who were left behind, being but a small number, were not so insolent as before, though they came now and then to our Dock, and express'd some Discontent at what we were doing. One of them in particular, seigning himself drunk, attempted to kill our Smith, but was vigorously repuls'd by him with a red-hot Iron-barr, which, together with the Reprimand he receiv'd from me, oblig'd him to be gone. Some few Days after, a Savage Woman gave us notice, that the Tsonnontouans had resolv'd to burn our Ship in the Dock, and had certainly done it, had we not been always upon our Guard.

These frequent Alarms from the Natives, together with the Fears we were in of wanting Provisions, having lost the great Barque from Fort Frontenac, which should have reliev'd us, and the Tsonnontouans at the same time refusing to give us of their Corn for Money, were a great Discouragement to our Carpenters, whom, on the other hand, a Villain amongst us endeavour'd to seduce: That pitiful Fellow had several times attempted to run away from us into New-York, and would have been likely to pervert our Carpenters, had I not confirm'd them in their good Resolution, by the Exhortations I us'd to make every Holy-day after Divine Service; in which I represented to them, that the Glory of God was concern'd in our Undertaking, besides the Good and Advantage of our Christian Colonies; and therefore exhorted them to redouble


their Diligence, in order to free our selves from all those, Inconveniencies and Apprehensions we then lay under.

The two Savages we had taken into our Service, went all this while a Hunting, and supply'd us with Wild-Goats, and other Beasts for our Subsistence; which encourag'd our Workmen to go on with their Work more briskly than before, insomuch that in a [52] short time our Ship was in a readiness to be launch'd; which we did, after having bless'd the same according to the use of the Romish Church. We made all the haste we could to get it a-float, though not altogether finish'd, to prevent the Designs of the Natives, who had resolv'd to burn it.

The Ship was call'd the Griffin, alluding to the Arms of Count Frontenac, which have two Griffins for Supporters; and besides, M. la Salle us'd to say of this Ship, while yet upon the Stocks, That he would make the Griffin fly above the Ravens. We fir'd three Guns, and sung Te Deum, which was attended with loud Acclamations of Joy; of which those of the Iroquese, who were accidentally present at this Ceremony, were also Partakers; for we gave them some Brandy to drink, as well as to our Men, who immediately quitted their Cabins of Rinds of Trees, and hang'd their Hammocks under the Deck of the Ship, there to lie with more security than a-shoar. We did the like, insomuch that the very same Day we were all on board, and thereby out of the reach of the Insults of the Savages.

The Iroquese being return'd from Hunting Beavers, were mightily surpriz'd to see our Ship a-float, and call'd us Otkon,


that is in their Language, Most penetrating Wits: For they could not apprehend how in so short a time we had been able to build so great a Ship, though it was but 60 Tuns. It might have been indeed call'd a moving Fortress; for all the Savages inhabiting the Banks of those Lakes and Rivers I have mention'd, for five hundred Leagues together, were fill'd with Fear as well as Admiration when they saw it.

The best Designs are often cross'd by some unexpected Accidents, which God permits to happen, to try Mens Constancy, as I experienc'd at that time. One of our Crew gave me notice, that the Sieur de Tonti our Commander entertain'd some Jealousie of [53] me, because I kept a Journal of all the considerable Things that were transacted; and that he design'd to take the same from me. This Advice oblig'd me to stand upon my Guard, and take all other Precautions, to secure my Observations, and remove the Jealousie that Gentleman had of me: For I had no other Design but to keep our Men to their Duty, and to Exercises of Piety and Devotion, for preventing Disorders, and for the furtherance of our Common Undertaking.

In the mean time, our Enemies spread very disadvantageous Reports of us in Canada, where we were represented as rash and inconsiderate Persons, for venturing upon so dangerous a Voyage, from which, in their Opinion, none of us would ever return. This, together with the Difficulties we labour'd under for transporting the Rigging of our Ship,


and the other Inconveniencies necessarily attending a Voyage through an unknown Country, Lakes, and Rivers, where no European had travell'd before, and the Oppositions from the Iroquese, wrought in me an unparallel'd Vexation. But these Reports were still more prejudicial to M. la Salle, whose Creditors, without enquiring into the Truth of the Matter, or expecting his Return from Fort Frontenac, seiz'd all his Effects in Canada; though that very Fort alone, the Property whereof belong'd to him, was worth twice more than all the Debts he ow'd. However, it being impossible to stop the Mouth of our Enemies, who had no other Design, but to oblige us to give over our Enterprize, notwithstanding the Trouble and great Charge we had been at for our Preparations, we resolv'd to wait with Patience, the Opportunities Divine Providence would present us with, and to pursue with Vigour and Constancy our Design.

Being thus prepar'd against all Discouragements, I went up in a Canou with one of our Savages to the [54] Mouth of the Lake Erie, notwithstanding the strong Current which I master'd with great difficulty. I sounded the Mouth of the Lake, and found, contrary to the Relations that had been made unto me, that a Ship with a brisk Gale might sail up to the Lake, and surmount the Rapidity of the Current; and that therefore with a strong North, or North-East Wind, we might bring our Ship into the Lake Erie. I took also a view of the Banks of the Streight, and found that in case of need we might put some of our Men a-shoar to hall the Ship, if the Wind was not strong enough.


Chap. XVII.

The Author's Return to Fort Frontenac.

BEFORE we could go on with our intended Discovery, I was oblig'd to return to Fort Frontenac, to bring along with me two Monks of my own Order, to help me in the Function of my Ministry. I left our Ship riding upon two Anchors, within a league and a half of the Lake Erie, in the Streight, between the said Lake and the great Fall of Niagara. Mr. Charon, an Inhabitant of Canada, desir'd to go with me, to avoid the ill Usage he receiv'd from M. Tonti, who was an irreconcileable Enemy of all the Subjects of the King of Spain, having been, as he thought, hardly us'd by the Spaniards, in the Revolution of Naples, in which he was concern'd as well as his Father.

We embark'd in a Canou with one of our Savages, and fell down the Streight till we came to the great Fall, where we went a-shoar, and carry'd our Canou over-land to the Foot of the great Rock already mention'd, and from thence we continu'd our Course to the Mouth of the Lake Ontario, where [55] we found the Barque or Brigantine we have spoken of, which the Sieur la Forest had brought from Fort


Frontenac. M. la Forest having spent some Days in that place for Bartering his Commodities with the Natives, we embark'd on board his Brigantine, together with fifteen or sixteen Savage Women, who took the opportunity to sail forty Leagues by Water, which otherwise they had been oblig'd to travel a-foot over-land through the Woods; but they not being us'd to this way of Travelling, fell so sick, that their vomiting created an insufferable Stink in our Ship. Being arriv'd into the River of Aoueguen, M. la Forest exchang'd some Brandy for Beaver-Skins; but I must confess this Commerce of Strong Waters was never acceptable to me; for if the Savages drink but a little too much of that Liquor, they are worse and more dangerous than mad Men. Having done our Business in that Place, we sail'd from the Southern to the Northern Coasts of the Lake; and the Wind being favourable we quickly pass'd by the Village which lies on the other side of Kente and Ganeousse, but were becalm'd not far from Fort Frontenac, which oblig'd me to get into a Canou with two Savages to manage it. We landed in the Island of Goilans, so nam'd from Sea-Fouls of that Name, who abound in that Place, and lay their Eggs upon the Sand, where they are hatch'd by the Heat of the Sun. I carry'd away along with us four Baskets full of them, which we found very relishing in Omelets and Pancakes.


I was kindly receiv'd by four Missionaries of my own Order that I found there, viz. Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, Luke Buisset, Zenobe Mambre, and Milithon Watteau, all Natives of the Spanish Netherlands. They told me that they knew how much I had suffer'd in my Mission during the Winter, and chiefly from that Italian who deserted the Service of his Natural Prince, that is Tonti I have already spoken of. I [56] conceal'd part of the Discouragements I had met with, because I design'd to engage Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe in our Voyage, and also because I knew that M. de la Salle, whose Temper I was acquainted with by my own Experience, made a constant use of this famous Maxim, Divide & impera, to dispose with a greater facility of the Men under him to compass his own Designs: And having as great a Passion as he to discover some New Countries, I thought it best to make no Complaints, which he took very kindly, and receiv'd me in a very obliging manner.

That Gentleman was Judicious, and of extraordinary Parts, and very desirous to make himself famous by some New Discoveries, about which we had frequent Conferences. He told me several times, That he knew no Religious Order so fit as ours for improving New Colonies; and he was a very good Judge in those Matters, having spent nine or ten Years in another Order, of which he had disingag'd himself by Consent of the General, who in the Act of his Dismission under his own Hand, gives this noble Character of him, That he


had liv'd amongst the Monks of his Order, without giving the least suspicion of Venial Sin. These are the very Words of the Act, for I have perus'd it my self. He likewise told me, That being persuaded that we might be very useful to him in his Designs, he was resolv'd to do something in favour of our Order; and having call'd us together on the 27th of May, 1679, he acquainted us, That being Proprietary and Governor of Fort Frontenac, he would order in his Will, That no other religious Order but ours, should be suffer'd to settle themselves near the Fort; he afterwards mark'd out a Churchyard; and having created a publick Notary, he order'd him to draw up an Instrument, whereby the said M. la Salle gave to our Order the Property of Eighteen Acres of Ground [57] along the side of the Lake Ontario near the Fort, and above a Hundred Acres more in the next Forest to be clear'd and grubb'd up. We accepted this Gift in the Name of our Order, and sign'd the Deed, which was the first that ever was transacted in that Country. The Notary's Name was la Meterie.

This being done, he desir'd those Franciscans that were to come with me, to prepare themselves for their Voyage; but the Wind being against us, we had a sufficient time for it, and to take our Measures concerning our dangerous Mission. We made frequent Visits to the Savages, whom we had persuaded to settle themselves near the Fort, who, together with


their Children, whom we had taught to read and write, lamented much our Departure; and assur'd us, That if we did return in a short time, they would persuade the rest of the Inhabitants of the Village of Ganeousse, to come and settle themselves in the Neighbourhood of the Fort.


Chap. XVIII.

An Account of our Second Embarkment from Fort Frontenac.

AFTER some few Days, the Wind coming fair, Fathers Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, went on board the Brigantine, and in a short time arriv'd in the River of the Tsonnontouans, which runs into the Lake Ontario, where we continu'd several Days, our Men being very busie in bartering their Commodities with the Natives, who flock'd in great numbers about us to see our Brigantine, which they admir'd, and to exchange their Skins for Knives, Guns, Powder and Shot, but especially for Brandy, which they love above all things. In the mean time, we had built a small Cabin of Barks of Trees about|[58] half a League in the Woods, to perform Divine Service therein without interruption, and waited till all our Men had done their Business. M. la Salle arriv'd in a Canou about eight Days after; he had taken his course by the Southern Coast of the Lake, to go to the Village of the Tsonnontouans, to whom he made several Presents to engage them in our Interest, and remove the Jealousie they had conceiv'd of our Undertaking, through the Suggestions of our Enemies. All


these Impediments retarded us so long, that we could not reach the River Niagara before the 30th of July.

On the 4th of the said Month, I went over-land to the Fall of Niagara, with a Serjeant call'd la Fleur, and thence to our Dock within six Leagues of the Lake Ontario; but we did not find there the Ship we had built: And met with a new Misforturne; for two young Savages robb'd us of the Bisket we had for our subsistance, which reduc'd us to great Extremity. We found at last a half rotten Canou without Oars, which we mended as well as we could; and having made an Oar, we ventur'd our selves in that weak and shatter'd Canou, and went up the Streight to look for our Ship, which we found riding within a league of the pleasant Lake Erie. We were very kindly receiv'd, and likewise very glad to find our Ship well rigg'd, and ready fitted out with all the Necessaries for sailing. She carry'd five small Guns, two whereof were Brass, and three Harquebuze a-crock. The Beak-head was adorn'd with a flying Griffin, and an Eagle above it; and the rest of the Ship had the same Ornaments as Men of War use to have.

The Iroquese were then returning from a Warlike Expedition with several Slaves, and were much surpriz'd to see so big a Ship, which they compar'd to a Fort, beyond their Limits. Several came on board, and seem'd to admire above all things the bigness of [59] our Anchors; for they could not apprehend how we had been able to bring them through the


rapid Currents of the River St. Laurence. This oblig'd them to use often the Word Gannorom, which in their Language signifies, That is wonderful. They wonder'd also to find there a Ship, having seen none when they went; and did not know from whence it came, it being about 250 Leagues from Canada.

Having forbid the Pilot to attempt to sail up the Currents of the Streight till farther order, we return'd the16th and 17th to the Lake Ontario, and brought up our Bark to the great Rock of Niagara, and anchor'd at the foot of the three Mountains, where we were oblig'd to make our Portage; that is, to carry over-land our Canou's and Provisions, and other Things, above the great Fall of the River, which interrupts the Navigation: And because most of the Rivers of that Country are interrupted with great Rocks, and that therefore those who sail upon the same, are oblig'd to go over-land above those Falls, and carry upon their Backs their Canou's and other Things. They express it with this Word, To make our Portage; of which the Reader is desir'd to take notice, for otherwise the following Account, as well as the Map, would be unintilligible to many.

Father Gabriel, though of Sixty five Years of Age, bore with great Vigour the Fatigue of that Voyage, and went thrice up and down those three Mountains, which are pretty high and steep. Our Men had a great deal of trouble; for


they were oblig'd to make several Turns to carry the Provisions and Ammunition, and the Portage was two Leagues long. Our Anchors were so big, that four Men had much ado to carry one; but the Brandy we gave them was such an Encouragement, that they surmounted cheerfully all the Difficulties of that Journey; and so we got on board our [60] Ship all our Provisions, Ammunitions, and Commodities.

While we continu'd there, M. la Salle told me, That he understood by some of our Men, that I very much blam'd the Intrigues of some Monks of Canada with the Iroquese, and their Neighbours of New-York and New-Orange; which oblig'd me in his presence, to tell my Brethren the Franciscans, That I perceiv'd that M. la Salle was minded to surprize me, and oblige me to revile some Persons, whom he represented as Traders and Merchants; and then abating somewhat of my Tone, I concluded, That notwithstanding the false Reports that had been made to him, I would entertain a good Opinion of those very Persons whom he design'd to make my Enemies; and that I wou'd rather give over our Enterprize than be impos'd upon at that rate. This vigourous Answer surpriz'd M. la Salle, who told me, That he was persuaded that those who had made him those Reports, were not honest Men; and that therefore he would take all imaginable care of my Person during the Voyage, and espouse my Interest on all occasions. He was indeed afraid that I should leave him, which had been a great disappointment to his Affairs; for Father Gabriel would have left him also. That good Man was come with us without any leave of his Superiour,


only upon a Letter from the Provincial Commisioner of Canada, whose Name was Valentin le Roux, wherein he told M. la Salle, that the said Father Gabriel might go along with him. However, he did not believe that he would do so without an Order in Writing; and for that reason came, some Days after our departure, to Fort Frontenac, where M. la Salle obtain'd that Order from him, for fear of being accus'd to have expos'd a Man of that Age to so dangerous a Voyage, in which he was like to perish, as really he did, as we shall see by and by.

[61] M. la Salle understanding that I and the said Father Gabriel, were gone to view the great Fall of Niagara, he came to us with some Refreshments to reconcile himself with me, and prevent my return to Canada. He met with no great difficulty; for the great desire I had to discover a New Country, made me very easie; so that we return'd on board our Ship in the beginning of August, 1679.


Chap. XIX.

An Account of our Third Embarkment from the Mouth of the Lake Erie.

WE have already observ'd, that the Spaniards were the first Discoverers of Canada, and that the Recollects are the first Religious Order, who attended the French Colonies in that Country. Those Good Men liv'd in great Friendship with the Savages call'd Hurons, by whom they understood that the Iroquese made frequent Excursions beyond Virginia and New-Sweden, near a great Lake, from whence they brought a great many Slaves; which gave occasion to the Hurons to call that Lake Erige, or Erike; that is to say, the Lake of the Cat. The Inhabitants of Canada have softned that Word, and call it Erie, as we have already observ'd.

We endeavour'd several times to sail up that Lake; but the Wind being not strong enough, we were forc'd to wait for it. In the mean time, M. la Salle caus'd our Men to grub up some Land, and sow several sorts of Pot-Herbs and Pulse, for the conveniency of those who should settle themselves there, to maintain our Correspondence with Fort Frontenac. We found there a great quantity of wild Cherries and Rocambol, a sort of Garlick, which grow naturally in that Ground. We left Father Melithon, with [62] some Work-men,


at our Habitation above the Fall of Niagara; and most of our Men went a-shoar to lighten our Ships, the better to sail up the Lake.

The Wind veering to the North-East, and the Ship being well provided, we made all the Sail we could, and with the help of Twelve Men who hall'd from the Shoar, overcame the Rapidity of the Current, and got up into the Lake. The Stream is so violent, that our Pilot himself despair'd of Success. When it was done, we sung Te Deum, and discharg'd our Cannon and other Fire-Arms, in presence of a great many Iroquese, who came from a Warlike Expedition against the Savages of Tintonha; that is to say, the Nation of the Meadows, who live above four hundred Leagues from that Place. The Iroquese and their Prisoners were much surpriz'd to see us in the Lake, and did not think before that, we should be able to overcome the Rapidity of the Current: They cry'd several times Gannorom, to shew their Admiration. Some of the Iroquese had taken the measure of our Ship, and immediately went for New-York, to give notice to the English and Dutch of our sailing into the Lake: For those Nations affording their Commodities cheaper than the French, are also more belov'd by the Natives.

On the 7th of August, 1679, we went on board, being in all four and thirty Men, including two Recollects who came to


us, and sail'd from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, steering our Course West-South-West, with a favourable Wind; and though the Enemies of our Discovery had given out, on purpose to deterr us from our Enterprize, That the Lake Erie was full of Rocks and Sands, which render'd the Navigation impracticable, we run above twenty Leagues during the Night, though we founded all that while. The next Day the Wind being more favourable, we made above five and forty Leagues, keeping at an equal distance from the Banks of the Lake, and doubled a [63] Cape to the West-ward, which we call'd the Cape of St. Francis. The next Day we doubled two other Capes, and met with no manner of Rocks or Sands. We discover'd a pretty large Island towards the South-West, about seven or eight Leagues from the Northern Coast; that Island faces the Streight that comes from the Lake Huron.

The 10th, very early in the Morning, we pass'd between that Island and 7 or 8 lesser ones; and having sail'd near another, which is nothing but Sand, to the West of the Lake, we came to an Anchor at the Mouth of the Streight, which runs from the Lake Huron into that of Erie. The 11th, we went farther into the Streight, and pass'd between two small Islands, which make one of the finest Prospects in the World. This Streight is finer than that of Niagara, being thirty Leagues long, and every-where one League broad, except in the middle, which is wider, forming the Lake we have call'd St. Claire. The Navigation is easie on both sides, the Coast


being low and even. It runs directly from North to South.

The Country between those two Lakes is very well situated, and the Soil very fertile. The Banks of the Streight are vast Meadows, and the Prospect is terminated with some Hills covered with Vineyards, Trees bearing good Fruit, Groves, and Forests, so well dispos'd, that one would think Nature alone could not have made, without the Help of Art, so charming a Prospect. That Country is stock'd with Stags, Wild-Goats, and Bears, which are good for Food, and not fierce as in other Countries; some think they are better than our Pork. Turkey-Cocks and Swans are there also very common; and our Men brought several other Beasts and Birds, whose Names are unknown to us, but they are extraordinary relishing.

[64] The Forests are chiefly made up of Walnut-trees, Chesnut-trees, Plum-trees, and Pear-trees, loaded with their own Fruit and Vines. There is also abundance of Timber fit for Building; so that those who shall be so happy as to inhabit that Noble Country, cannot but remember with Gratitude those who have discover'd the way, by venturing to sail upon an unknown Lake for above one hundred Leagues. That charming Streight lies between 40 and 41 Degrees of Northern Latitude.


Chap. XX.

An Account of what hapned in our Passage from the Lake Erie, unto the Lake Huron.

I HAD often advis'd M. la Salle to make a Settlement upon the Streight, between the Lake Erie and Ontario, where the Fishery is more plentiful; for that Settlement would have been very advantageous to us, to maintain our Communication with Fort Frontenac. I told him also, that it were fit to leave in that Settlement the Smith he and M. la Motte had promis'd to the Iroquese; and that it would be a means to engage that wild Nation in our Interest, and to trade only with us, whereby he would grow rich in a little time: But M. la Salle, and the Adventurers who were with him, would not hearken to my Advice; and told me, that they would make no Settlement within 100 Leagues of their Fort, lest other Europeans should get before them into the Country they were going to discover. This was their Pretence; but I soon observ'd that their Intention was to buy all the Furs and Skins of the remotest Savages, who, as they thought, did not know their Value; and so inrich themselves in one single Voyage.

[65] I endeavour'd also to perswade him to make a Settlement upon this charming Streight; for being in the midst of


so many Nations of Savages, we could not but have a good Trade amongst them. This was the Argument I made use of; but the main Reason, which I kept to my self, was to have an Opportunity to preach the Gospel to those ignorant Nations. M. la Salle would by no means hearken to my Advice, and told me he wonder'd at my Proposal, considering the great Passion I had a few Months before for the Discovery of a New Country.

The Current of that Streight is very violent, but not half so much as that of Niagara; and therefore we sail'd up with a brisk Gale, and got into the Streight between the Lake Huron, and the Lake St. Claire; this last is very shallow, especially at its Mouth. The Lake Huron falls into this of St. Claire by several Canals, which are commonly interrupted by Sands and Rocks. We sounded all of them, and found one at last about one League broad without any Sands, its Depth being every where from three to eight Fathoms Water. We sail'd up that Canal, but were forc'd to drop our Anchors near the Mouth of the Lake; for the extraordinary quantity of Waters which came down from the upper Lake, and that of Illinois, because of a strong North-West Wind, had so much augmented the Rapidity of the Current of this Streight, that it was as violent as that of Niagara.

The Wind turning Southerly, we sail'd again; and with the help of twelve Men, who hall'd our Ship from the Shoar, got safely the 23th of August into the Lake Huron. We sung Te Deum a second time, to return our Thanks to the Almighty for our happy Navigation. We found in that Lake


a large Bay, the Banks of which the ancient Hurons inhabited. They were converted to the Christian Religion [66] by the first Franciscans that came into Canada ; but the Iroquese have in a great measure destroy'd that Nation.


Chap. XXI.

An Account of our Navigation on the Lake Huron to Missilimakinak.

HAVING thus travell'd above 300 Leagues from Quebec to the Lake Huron, notwithstanding the rapid Currents and Lakes we went through, we continu'd our Voyage from the Mouth of this Lake, steering our Course North-North-East; but the next day, finding our selves near the Land, we steer'd North-North-West, and cross'd a Bay call'd Sakinam, which may be thirty Leagues broad. The 24th, we run the same Course, but were becalm'd between some Islands, where we found but two Fathoms Water, which oblig'd us to make an easie sail part of the Night, to look for a good Anchorage, but in vain; and the Wind turning then Westerly, we bore to the North, to avoid the Coast till the Day appear'd. We sounded all the Night long, because our Pilot, though a very understanding Man, was somewhat negligent. The 25th, we lay becalm'd till Noon, but then run North-West with a brisk Southerly Gale. The Wind turning South-West, we bore to the North to double a Cape; but then the Wind grew so violent, that we were forc'd to lie by all the Night. The 26th, the Storm continuing, we brought down our Main


Yards and Top-Mast, and let the Ship drive at the Mercy of the Wind, knowing no place to run into to shelter our selves. M. la Salle, notwithstanding he was a Courageous Man, began to fear, and told us we were undone; and therefore every body fell upon his Knees to say his Prayers, [67] and prepare himself for Death, except our Pilot, whom we could never oblige to pray; and he did nothing all that while but curse and swear against M. la Salle, who, as he said, had brought him thither to make him perish in a nasty Lake, and lose the Glory he had acquir'd by his long and happy Navigations on the Ocean. However, the Wind being somewhat abated, we hoisted up our Sail, and so we drove not above two Leagues. The 27th, in the Morning, we continu'd our Course North-West with a South-East Wind, which carry'd us the same Day to Missilimakinak, where we anchor'd in a Bay at six Fathoms Water, upon a slimy white Bottom. That Bay is shelter'd by the Coast, and a Bank lying from the South-West to the North; but it lies expos'd to the South Winds, which are very violent in that Country.

Missilimakinak is a Neck of Land to the North of the Mouth of the Streight, through which the Lake of the Illinois discharges it self into the Lake Huron. That Canal is about three Leagues long, and one broad. About fifteen Leagues to the Eastward of Missilimakinak, there is another Point at the Mouth of the Streight, whereby the upper Lake


runs into that of Huron; which Streight is about five Leagues broad at its Mouth, and about fifteen Leagues long; but it grows narrow towards the Fall of St. Mary, which is a rapid Stream interrupted by several Rocks. However a Canow may go up by one side, but it requires a great Fatigue; and therefore the safest and easiest way is to make a Portage above the Fall, to go and trade with the Savages inhabiting the Banks of the upper Lake.

We lay between two different Nations of Savages; those who inhabit the Point of Missilimakinak are called Hurons, and the others, who are about three or four Leagues more Northward, are Outtaouatz. Those Savages were equally surpriz'd to see [68] a Ship in their Country; and the Noise of our Cannon, of which we made a general Discharge, fill'd them with great astonishment. We went to see the Outtaouatz, and celebrated Mass in their Habitation. M. la Salle was finely dress'd, having a Scarlet Cloak with a broad Gold Lace, and most of his Men with their Arms attended him. The Chief Captains of that People receiv'd us with great Civilities after their own way, and some of them came on board with us to see our Ship, which rode all that while in the Bay or Creek I have spoken of. It was a diverting Prospect to see every


Day above sixscore Canou's about it, and the Savages staring and admiring that fine Woodden Canou, as they call'd it. They brought us abundance of Whitings, and some Trouts of 50 and 60 pound Weight.

We went the next Day to pay a Visit to the Hurons, who inhabit a rising Ground on a Neck of Land over-against Missilimakinak. Their Villages are fortifi'd with Pallisado's of 25 foot high, and always situated upon Eminences or Hills. They receiv'd us with more Respect than the Outtaouatz, for they made a triple Discharge of all the small Guns they had, having learn'd from some Europeans, that it is the greatest Civility amongst us. However, they took such a Jealousie to our Ship, that, as we understood since, they endeavour'd to make our Expedition odious to all the Nations about them.

The Hurons and Outtaouatz are in Confederacy together against the Iroquese their Common Enemy. They sow Indian Corn, which is their ordinary Food; for they have nothing else to live upon, except some Fish they take in the Lakes. They boil it with their Sagamittee, which is a kind of Broth made with Water and the Flour of the Corn, which they beat in a Mortar, made of the Trunk of a Tree, which they make hollow with Fire.

[69] There is another Settlement of Savages near the Fall of St. Mary. The French call them Leapers, because they live near that great Fall which they call a Leap. These subsist


together by Hunting Staggs, Elks, Beavers, and other Beasts, as also upon the Whitings we have already spoken of; who are taken with so much difficulty in this Place, that none but themselves are able to catch any. They sow no Indian Corn, because of the thick Fogs that are commonly on the Banks of the upper Lake, which stifle Corn before it grows.

Missilimakinak and the Fall of St. Mary, are the two most considerable Passages that all the Savages have of the West and North; for there are above two hundred Canou's that come through these Passes every Year, to carry their Commodities to the French at Montreal below Fort Frontenac.

Our Enterprize had been very successful hitherto; and we had reason to expect, that every body would have contributed to carry on vigorously our great Design to promote the Glory of God, as well as the Good of our Colonies: However, some of our own Men oppos'd it as much as they could; they represented us to the Outtoauats and their Neighbours as dangerous and ambitious Adventurers, who design'd to engross all the Trade of Furrs and Skins, and invade their Liberty, the only thing which is dear to that People. The fifteen Men that M. la Salle had sent before him, had been seduc'd and almost drawn from his Service. The Goods which he had given them to exchange with the Natives, were dissipated and wasted; and instead of advancing as far as the Illinois, as they were order'd, they remain'd amongst the Hurons, notwithstanding the Exhortations and the Prayers of M. Tonti who Commanded them.


Our Men went into the Country to trade with the Natives, and engag'd themselves too far; so that they did not return to Missilimakinak till November: [70] M. la Salle being told that the Winds made the Navigation of the Lake very dangerous in the beginning of the Winter, resolv'd to continue his Voyage without tarrying any longer for the return of his Men.


Chap. XXII.

An Account of our Sailing from Missilimakinak, into the Lake of the Illinois.

ON the 2d of September we weigh'd Anchor, and sail'd into the Lake of the Illinois; and came to an Island just at the Mouth of the Bay of the Puans, lying about forty Leagues from Missilimakinak: It is inhabited by some Savages of the Nation call'd Poutouatami's, with whom some of the Men M. la Salle had sent the Year before, had barter'd a great quantity of Furrs and Skins. We found our Men in the Island, who began to be very impatient, having so long waited our arrival.

The chief of that Nation had been formerly in Canada, and had an extraordinary Respect for Count Frontenac, who was Governour thereof; and upon that account receiv'd us with all the civility imaginable, and caus'd his Men to dance the Calumet, or Pipe, before us. This is a piece of Civility we shall describe anon. Our Ship was riding in the Bay about thirty Paces from the furthermost Point of the Land, at a pretty good Anchorage, where we rode safely, notwithstanding a violent Storm which lasted four Days. And upon


this occasion, I cannot omit, without Injustice, the Generosity of that Brave Captain, who seeing our Ship toss'd up by the Waves, and not knowing it was able to refill, ventur'd himself in his little Canou, and came to our assistance. He had the good Luck to get safe on board, and [71] told us he would at all times venture his Life, for saving the Children of Onnontio, Governour of Canada, who was his particular Friend. It must be observ'd, that that Governour is call'd Onnontio by all the Savages.

M. la Salle, without asking any body's Advice, resolv'd to send back his Ship to Niagara, laden with Furrs and Skins to discharge his Debts; our Pilot and five Men with him were therefore sent back, and order'd to return with all imaginable speed, to join us toward the Southern Parts of the Lake, where we should stay for them among the Illinois. They sailed the 18th of September with a Westerly Wind, and fir'd a Gun to take their leave. Tho' the Wind was favourable, it was never known what Course they steer'd, nor how they perish'd; for after all the Enquiries we have been able to make, we could never learn any thing else but the following Particulars.

The Ship came to an Anchor to the North of the Lake of the Illinois, where she was seen by some Savages, who told us that they advised our Men to sail along the Coast, and


not towards the middle of the Lake, because of the Sands that make the Navigation dangerous when there is any high Wind. Our Pilot, as I said before, was dissatisfy'd, and would steer as he pleas'd, without hearkning to the Advice of the Savages, who, generally speaking, have more Sense than the Europeans think at first; but the Ship was hardly a League from the Coast, when it was toss'd up by a violent Storm in such a manner, that our Men were never heard of since; and it is suppos'd that the Ship struck upon a Sand, and was there bury'd. This was a great loss for M. la Salle and other Adventurers; for that Ship, with its Cargo, cost above sixty thousand Livres. This will seem incredible to many, but not to those who will consider that the Rigging, Anchors, and Goods were [72] brought by Canou's from Quebec to Fort Frontenac; which is such a vast Charge, that the Carriage of every hundred Weight, either of Anchors, Cabels, and the like, cost eleven Livres.


Chap. XXIII.

An Account of our Embarkment in Canows to continue our Discovery, from the Bay of Puans, to the Miamis on the Lake of the Illinois.

WE left the Poutouatamis on the 19th of September to continue our Voyage, being fourteen Men in all, in four Canou's. I had the Conduct of the smallest, though it carry'd 500 Weight and two Men; but my Fellow being newly come from Europe, and consequently unskill'd to man age these fort of Boats, I had the whole trouble upon me in any stormy Weather. The other four Canou's were laden with a Smith's Forge, and Instruments, and Tools for Carpenters, Joyners, and Sawers, besides our Goods and Arms. We steer'd to the South towards the Continent, from which the Island of the Poutouatamis is near forty Leagues distant; but about the middle of the way, in the Night-time, we were surpriz'd with a sudden Storm, whereby we were in great danger. The Waves came into our Canou's; and the Night was so dark, that we had much ado to keep Company together: However, we got a-shoar the next Day, where we continu'd till the Lake grew calm again, which was four Days after. In the mean time our Savage went a Hunting, but could kill nothing but a Porcupine, which made our Gourds and Indian Corn more relishing.


[73] The Weather being fair, we continu'd our Voyage the 25th, and row'd all the Day, and best part of the Night, all along the Western Coast of the Lake of the Illinois; but the Wind growing too high for us, we thought fit to land upon a Rock, where we had nothing to shelter our selves against the Snow and the Rain but our Blankets. We continu'd there two Days, having made a little Fire with the Wood the Waves did supply us with. The 28th we proceeded on our Voyage; but the Wind forc'd us towards Night on a Rock cover'd with thick Bushes, where we remain'd three Days, and there made an end of all our Provisions, which consisted of Gourds and Indian Corn we had brought from the Poutouatami's. Our Canou's were so loaded, that we could not provide our selves for a longer time, and we expected to find provisions enough in our way.

We left that dismal Place the 1st of October, and after twelve Leagues rowing, though fasing, came to another Village of the Poutouatami's, who came upon the Shoar to receive us: But M. la Salle would not suffer any one to land, left his Men should run away; and notwithstanding the bad Weather, we follow'd him three Leagues farther. We were in so great danger, that he flung himself into the Water with his three Men, and carry'd a-shoar their Canou upon their Shoulders, for else it had been broken to pieces. We were all oblig'd to do the same; and by these means sav'd our Canou's and Goods. I carry'd upon my Back that good Man Father Gabriel, whose great Age did not permit him to venture himself into the Water.


As we had no manner of Acquaintance with the Savages of the Village near which we landed, our Men prepar'd themselves to make a vigorous Defence in case they were attack'd; and in order to it, possessed our selves of a rising Ground, where we could not [74] be surpriz'd, and where we might make head against a great number of Savages. We sent afterwards three Men to buy Provisions in the Village with the Calumet or Pipe of Peace, which the Poutouatami's of the Island had given us. I had forgot to mention that when they made us that Present, they observ'd a great many Ceremonies; and because that Calumet of Peace is the most sacred Thing amongst the Savages, I think fit to describe the same in the next Chapter.


Chap. XXIV.

A Description of the Calumet, or Great Pipe.

THIS Calumet is the most mysterious Thing in the World among the Savages of the Continent of the Northern America; for it is us'd in all their important Transactions: However, it is nothing else but a large Tobacco-Pipe made of Red, Black, or White Marble: The Head is finely polish'd, and the Quill, which is commonly two Foot and a half long; is made of a pretty strong Reed, or Cane, adorn'd with Feathers of all Colours, interlac'd with Locks of Womens Hair. They tie to it two Wings of the most curious Birds they find, which makes their Calumet not much unlike Mercury's Wand, or that Staff Ambassadors did formerly carry when they went to treat of Peace. They sheath that Reed into the Neck of Birds they call Huars, which are as big as our Geese, and spotted with Black and White; or else of a sort of Ducks who make their Nests upon Trees, though Water be their ordinary Element, and whose Feathers are of many different Colours. However, every Nation adorns the Calumet as they think fit according to their own Genius and the Birds they have in their Country.

[75] A Pipe, such as I have describ'd it, is a Pass and safe


Conduct amongst all the Allies of the Nation who has given it; and in all Embassies, the Ambassadors carry that Calumet as the Symbol of Peace, which is always respected; for the Savages are generally persuaded, that a great Misfortune would befal 'em, if they violated the Publick Faith of the Calumet. All their Enterprizes, Delarations of War, or Conclusion of Peace, as well as all the rest of their Ceremonies, are sealed, if I may be permitted to say so, with this Calumet. They fill that Pipe with the best Tobacco they have, and then present it to those with whom they have concluded any great Affair, and smoak out of the same after them. I had certainly perish'd in my Voyage, had it not been for this Calumet or Pipe, as the Reader will observe in perusing the following Account.

Our three Men, provided with this Pipe as a Pass, and very well Arm'd, went to the little Village of the Savages, which was about three Leagues from the place where we landed; but they found no body therein; for the Savages having heard that we had refus'd to land at the other Village, thought we were Enemies, and therefore had left their Habitation. Our Men finding no body in their Cabins, took some Indian Corn, and left in stead of it some Goods, to let them see that we were no Robbers, nor their Enemies. However, the Savages, to the number of twenty Men, arm'd with Axes, small Guns, Bows, and a sort of Club, which in their


Language they call Break-heads, advanc'd near the Place where we stood; whereupon M. la Salle, with four Men very well arm'd, went toward them to speak with them, and desir'd them to come near us, for fear, as he said, a Party of our Men, who were gone a Hunting, should meet with them and kill them. They were persuaded to sit down at the foot of the Eminence where we were posted, and M. la [76] Salle spoke to them all the while of the subject: matter of his Voyage, which he had undertaken for their good and advantage, as he told them. This was only to amuse them till our three Men return'd; who appearing with the Calumet of Peace, the Savages made a great Shout, and rose, and began to dance. We made them some Excuse because of our Men having taken some of their Corn, and told them they had left the true Value of it in Goods; which they took so well, that they sent immediately for more, and gave us the next Day as much as we could conveniently carry in our Canou's. They retir'd towards the Evening; and M. la Salle order'd some Trees to be cut down, and laid cross the way, to prevent any Surprize from the Savages.

The next Morning about ten a Clock, the Oldest of them came to us with their Calumet of Peace, and entertain'd us with some wild Goats they had taken. We return'd them our Thanks, and presented them with some Axes, Knives, and several little Toys for their Wives, with which they were very much pleas'd.


Chap. XXV.

A Continuation of our Discovery; with an Account of our Navigation to the farther End of the Lake of the Illinois in our Canous.

WE left that Place the 2d of October, and continu'd our Voyage all along the Coast of the Lake, which is so steep that we could hardly find any Place to land; and the Violence of the Wind oblig'd us to drag our Canou's sometimes to the top of the Rocks, to prevent their being dash'd in pieces by the Waves. The stormy Weather [77] lasted four Days, during which we suffer'd very much; for every time we went a-shoar we were forc'd to step into the Water, and carry our Canou's upon our Shoulders, and to do the like when we embark'd again. The Water being very cold, most of us were sick, and our Provisions fail'd us again; which, together with the Fatigues of Rowing, caus'd old Father Gabriel to faint away in such a manner, that I verily thought he could not live; however, I brought him again to his Senses by means of some Confection of Hyacinth, which I found very useful in our Voyage. We had no other Subsistence but a handful of Indian Corn once every four and twenty Hours, which we roasted, or else boyled in Water;


and yet we row'd almost every Day from Morning 'till Night. Our Men found some Hawthorn-Berries and other wild Fruit, which they ate so greedily, that most of them fell sick, and were thought to be poison'd; yet the more we suffer'd, the more by the Grace of God I was strong and vigorous; so that I could often outrow all our other Canou's.

Being in that distress, He that takes care of the meanest Creatures, afforded us an unexpected Relief; We saw upon the Coast a great many Ravens and Eagles; from whence we conjectur'd that there was some Prey; and having landed on that Place, we found above the half of a fat wild Goat, which the Wolves had strangled. This Provision was very acceptable to us, and the rudest of our Men could not but praise the Divine Providence, who took so particular a care of us.

Having thus refresh'd our selves, we continu'd our Voyage directly to the Southern Parts of the Lake, finding every day the Country finer, and the Weather more temperate. On the 16th of October we met with abundance of Game: Our Savage kill'd several Staggs and wild Goats, and our Men [78] a great many Turkey-Cocks very fat and big, wherewith we provided our selves for several Days, and so embark'd again. On the 18th we came to the farther end of the Lake, where we landed: Our Men were immediately sent to view the Country round about that Place, and found a great quantity of ripe Grapes, each Grain of which was as big as a Damascen : We fell'd several Trees to gather them, and made pretty good Wine, which we kept in Gourds, and


bury'd in Sand to prevent its growing sour. All the Trees in that Country are loaded with Vines, which, if cultivated, would make as good Wine as any in Europe. That Fruit was more relishing to us than Flesh, because we wanted Bread.

Our Men discover'd some fresh Prints of Mens Feet, which oblig'd us to stand upon our Guard, without making any Noise till we had rested some time. That Order was not long observ'd; for one of our Men having espy'd a Bear upon a Tree, shot him down dead, and dragg'd him to our Cabins. M. la Salle was very angry with him, and to avoid any Surprize, put a Sentinal near our Canou's, under which we had put our Goods to shelter 'em from the Rain.

There were sixscore Savages of the Nation of the Outtouagamis inhabiting the Bay of Puans, encamp'd not far from us; who having heard the Noise our Man had made, took the Alarm, and sent some of their Men to discover who we were. These creeping upon their Bellies, and keeping great Silence, came in the Night to our Canou's, and stole away the Coat of M. la Salle's Footman, and part of the Goods that were under it: But the Sentinel having heard some Noise, call'd us, and every body run to his Arms. The Savages being discover'd, and thinking we were more numerous, cry'd, That they were Friends; but we answer'd them, That Friends did not come in so unseasonable Hours; and that [79] they look'd rather like Robbers, who design'd to


murther us: Their Captain reply'd, That having heard the Noise of a Gun, and knowing that none of their Neighbours use Fire-Arms, they thought we were a Party of Iroquese, and were come with a Design to murther them; but that understanding we were some Europeans of Canada, whom they lov'd as their Brethren, they could hardly wait till Day to visit us, and smoak in our Calumet, or large Pipe. This is the usual Compliment of the Savages, and the greatest Mark they can give of their Affection.

We seem'd to be satisfy'd with their Reasons, and gave leave to four of them only to come to us, telling them that we would not suffer a great number because their Youth was addicted to steal, and that our Men could not suffer it. Four old Men came to us, whom we entertain'd till Day, and then they retir'd. After they were gone, we found we had been robb'd; and knowing the Genius of the Savages, and that if we did suffer this Affront, we should be expos'd every Night to their Insults; it was resolv'd to exact Satisfaction from them: Accordingly M. la Salle went abroad with some of our Men, to endeavour to take some of them Prisoners; and having discover'd one of their Hunters, he seiz'd him, and examin'd him concerning the Robbery they had committed: He confess'd the Fact, with all the Circumstances; whereupon he left him to the custody of two Men; and advancing farther into the Country, took another, whom he brought along with him, and having shew'd him his Companion, sent him back to tell their Captain, That he would kill him, unless they return'd what they had robb'd.


Chap. XXVI.

An Account of the Peace made between us and the Outtouagami's.

THE Savages were mightily puzzl'd at the Message sent by M. la Salle; for having cut in pieces the Coat, and other Goods they had stoll'n, and divided the Buttons, they could not make a full Restitution; and therefore they resolv'd to deliver their Man by force; and accordingly the next Morning, October 30, they advanc'd to attack us. The Peninsula where we were encamp'd, was separated from the Forest, where the Savages lay, by a little sandy Plain; and there being near the Wood two or three Eminences, M. la Salle resolv'd to possess himself of the higher, and detach'd five Men for that Service, following himself at a little distance with the rest, every one having roll'd his Covering about the left Arm, to defend themselves against the Arrows of the Savages; for there was not above eight of them who had Fire-Arms.

The Savages seeing our Men advancing up to them, were frighted; and the youngest retir'd behind a great Tree, but their Captains stood their ground, while we possessed our selves of the Eminence I have already mention'd. I left the two Franciscans reading the usual Prayers, and went with our Men to exhort them to their duty; for having seen some Battels and Sieges in Europe, I was very little afraid of the


Savages. I saw two of our Men turning pale; but when I had spoken to them, they seem'd hearty enough; and M. la Salle was mightily pleas'd with my Exhortations. However I consider'd the consequence this Quarrel might have, and how advantageous and Christian-like it would be to prevent [81] the effusion of Blood, and end it in a friendly manner; therefore I advanc'd towards the oldest Savage, who seeing me without any Arms, thought I came with a design to be Mediator, and receiv'd me with Civility; but in the mean time one of our Men having observ'd, that one of the Savages had a piece of the Cloth they had stoll'n about his Head, came up to him, and snatch'd it away. That vigorous Action so much terrify'd the Savages, that though they were near sixscore Men against eleven, they presented me the Pipe or Calumet of Peace, which I receiv'd. M. la Salle having pass'd his Word that they might come safe to him, two old Men told him in a Speech, That they did not approve what their young Men had done: That they would have restor'd the Goods taken, if it had been possible; but that having been cut in pieces, they could do no more but offer to restore what was not spoil'd, and pay for the rest. They presented us at the same time with some Gowns made of Beavers-Skins to appease M. la Salle, who having frown'd a little, told them, That as he design'd to wrong or affront no body, he would neither suffer any wrong or affront to be put upon him; but that seeing they did not approve what their Youth had done, and were willing to make satisfaction for the same, he accepted their Offers, and would be their Friend.


The Conditions were fully perform'd, and the Peace happily concluded without farther Hostility.

The next Day was spent in Dancing, Feasting, and Speeches; and the Chief Captain having taken a particular notice of the Behaviour of the Franciscans,said, These Grey Coats we value very much; they go barefoot as well as we: They scorn our Beaver-Gowns, and refuse all other Presents: They carry no Arms to kill us: They flatter and make much of our Children, and give them Knives and other Toys, without expelling any Reward. Those amongst us who have been in Canada, tell us, That [82] Onnontio (so they call the Governour) loves them very much; and that they have quitted all to come to see us. Therefore be pleas'd, Thou who art Captain of these Men, to leave amongst us one of these Grey Coats, whom we shall bring to our Village, when we have kill'd wild Bulls, and make much of him. Thou art likewise Master of these Warriours, and therefore remain amongst us, instead of going among the Illinois, who have resolv'd to murther thee and all thy Soldiers: And how canst thou resist so great a Nation?

The Captain of the Savages told us, that the Illinois had burnt alive an Iroquese, who confess'd that the War the Iroquese made against them, had been fomented by the Inhabitants of Canada, who hated them. He told us also many other things, which frighted our Men, and made M. la Salle very melancholly; for all the Savages we had already met, had told us almost the same thing. However, knowing how great


was the Malice of our Enemies, and therefore suspecting that these things might have been suggested to the Savages, in order to oblige us to give over our Enterprize; or else that it was a Contrivance of the Neighbours of the Illinois, who were afraid that they should grow too powerful, if we taught them the use of Fire-Arms, we resolv'd to go on with our Voyage, taking in the mean time all necessary Precautions for our Security. We told the Outtouagami's, That we were much oblig'd to them for their kind Offers and Advice; but that we were not afraid of the Illinois; for the Spirits know how to gain the Friendship of any Nation, by Reason or by Force. 'Tis to be observ'd, that the Savages being not able to conceive how the Europeans can have more Wit than they, and admiring some Toys and other Things we bring from Europe, own that they are but Men, but that we are Spirits, and therefore call us so.

[83] The next Day, November 1, we embark'd on the Lake of the Illinois, and came to the Mouth of the River of the Miami's, which runs from the South, and falls into the Lake. We had appointed that Place for our Rendezvous, and expected to meet there the twenty Men we had left at Missilimakinak; who being order'd to come along the other Coast of the Lake, had a much shorter cut than we, and besides their Canou's were not so much loaded as ours. However, we found no body there, nor any Mark whereby it could appear that they had been in that Place. We resolv'd to tell


M. la Salle, that it was not fit to tarry any longer for them, nor expose our selves to the Hardship of the Winter; and that it would be then very difficult to meet with the Illinois, because they divided themselves into Tribes or Families, to subsist more conveniently; that if we were forc'd to remain there during the Winter, and that the Game should come to fail us, all his Men would certainly perish with Hunger; whereas we might expect to find some Indian Corn amongst the Illinois, who would rather supply with Provisions fourteen Men than two and thirty. We told him likewise, that it would be in a manner impossible to continue our Voyage till the Winter was over, if he tarry'd any longer, because the Rivers would be frozen all over, and therefore we could not make use of our Canou's. Notwithstanding these Reasons, M. la Salle told us, that it was necessary to expect the rest of his Men, because we should be then in a Condition to discover our selves to the Illinois, and make an Alliance with them; whereas we should be expos'd to their Mercy and Scorn, if we offer'd to enter their Country with so few Men; but that in the mean time he would endeavour to meet with some of that Nation, and gain them by Presents to learn their Language; concluding, that although all his Men should run away, he would remain alone [84] with our Savage, and find means to maintain the Three Missionaries, meaning I and my two Brethren.

Having therefore call'd his Men together, he told them, That he was resolv'd to expect the rest of their Companions; and propos'd to build a Fort in that Place for securing our


Ship; for we did not know then that it had perish'd; as also to secure our Goods and our selves too, in case of any Disgrace. Our Men seem'd very much dissatisfied; but he us'd so many Reasons, that they told him at last, they would entirely follow his Direction.


Chap. XXVII.

An Account of the Building of a Fort and a House near the River of Miamis.

JUST at the Mouth of the River, there was an Eminence, with a kind of a Platform naturally fortify'd: It was pretty high and steep, of a Triangular Form, defended on two sides by the River, and on the other by a deep Ditch, which the Fall of Waters had made. We fell'd the Trees that were on the top of that Hill, and having clear'd the same from Bushes for about two Musket-shot, we began to build a Redoubt of forty Foot long, and eighty broad, with great square pieces of Timber laid one upon the other; and prepar'd a great Number of Stakes of about twenty five Foot long, to drive into the Ground, to make our Fort the more unaccessible on the River side. We imploy'd the whole Month of November about that Work, which was very hard, though we had no other Food but the Bears-flesh our Savage kill'd. Those Beasts are very common in that place, because of the great quantity of Grapes they find there; but their Flesh [85] being too fat and lushious, our Men began to be weary of it, and desir'd leave to go a hunting, to kill some wild Goats. M. la Salle deny'd them that Liberty, which caus'd some Murmurs amongst them; and it was but


unwillingly that they continu'd their Work. This together with the approach of the Winter, and the apprehension M. la Salle had that his Ship was lost, made him very melancholy, though he conceal'd it as much as he could. We had made a Cabin, wherein we perform'd Divine Service every Sunday, and Father Gabriel and I, who preach'd alternatively, took care to take such Texts as were suitable to our present Circumstances, and fit to inspire us with Courage, Concord, and brotherly Love. Our Exhortations produc'd a very good Effect, and hindred our Men from deserting, as they design'd.

We sounded in the mean time, the Mouth of the River, and having found a Sand on which our Ship might strike, we fix'd two great posts therein, to which we fastned Bear-Skins as so many Buoys to direct the Course of our Ship through the Channel she ought to pass; and for a greater Precaution, two Men were sent back to Missilimakinak, to wait there till the return of our Ship, and serve as Pilots.

The 20th of November M. Tonti arriv'd with two Canou's laden with Stags and Deers, which was a welcom Refreshment to our Men, but he did not bring above half of our Men with him, the rest being left on the other side of the Lake, within three Days Journey from our Fort. M. la Salle was very angry with him upon that Account, being afraid that they would run away.

They told us that our Ship had not put into the Bay of Missilimakinak, as they were order'd, and that they had heard nothing of her since we sail'd, notwithstanding they had enquir'd as much as they could, from the Savages inhabiting


the Coast of the Lake. This confirm'd the Suspicion, or rather the [86] Belief we had that she was cast away: However, M. la Salle continu'd the Building of his Fort, which was at last perfected, and call'd Fort Miamis.

The Winter drawing so nigh, and M. la Salle being afraid that the Ice would stop his Voyage, sent back M. Tonti to fetch the Men he had left, and command them to come to him immediately; but meeting with a violent Storm, their Canou was driven against the Coast, and broke in pieces, whereby they lost their Guns and Equipage, and were oblig'd to return over-land. Few Days after, all our Men arriv'd except two, who deserted; so that we prepar'd our selves to continue our Voyage, the Rains that fell about that time having melted the Ice, and made the Rivers navigable.



A Continuation of our Voyage from Fort Miamis to the River of the Illinois.

WE embark'd on the Third of December, being Three and thirty Men in Eight Canou's, and having left the Lake of the Illinois, went up the River Miamis, which we had sounded before. We made about five and twenty Leagues to the South-West, but cou'd not discover the Place where we were to land, and carry our Canou's and Equipage into the River of the Illinois, which falls into that of Meschasipi; that is, in the Language of the Illinois, the Great River. We had already passed the place of the Portage, but not knowing whereabouts we were, we thought fit to stay there, to expect M. la Salle, who was landed to view the Country: We staid a great while, and seeing he did not come, I went very far into the Woods with two of our Men, who fir'd their Guns to give him notice of the Place [87] where we were; and in the mean time two others went up the River in their Canou, in order to find him out; but all our Endeavours were in vain, so that we return'd towards Evening.

The next Day I went up the River my self, but hearing nothing of him, I came back, and found our Men very much perplex'd, fearing he was lost; but about four a-clock in the


Afternoon he return'd to us, having his Face and Hands as black as Pitch. He brought along with him two Beasts as big as Musk'd Rats, whose Skins was very fine, and like Ermins. He had kill'd them with a Stick, as they hung by their Tails to the Boughs of Trees.

He told us, that the Marshes he had met in his way, had oblig'd him to fetch a great Compass ; and that being much annoy'd by the Snow which fell very thick, it was past Midnight before he could arrive upon the Banks of the River; where he fir'd his Gun twice, and that hearing no answer, he concluded we were gone up higher, and had therefore march'd that way. He added, that after three Hours March, he saw a Fire upon a little Hill, whither he went directly, and hail'd us several Times, but hearing no Answer, he approach'd and found no Body near the Fire, but only some dry Herbs, upon which a Man was a little while afore laid, as he conjectur'd, because they were still warm. He suppos'd that it was a Savage, who lay thereabouts in an Ambuscade, and therefore call'd to him in two or three Languages; but no Body answering, he cry'd as loud as he could, that to shew he was not afraid of him, he was going to lie in his room. However, for fear of any Surprize, he cut several Boughs and Bushes, to embarass the way, and sat down by the Fire, which had made his Hands and Face black, as I have observ'd. Having thus warm'd and rested himself, he lay down upon the dry Herbs the Savage had gather'd under a Tree,


and slept very [88] well, notwithstanding the Frost and Snow. Father Gabriel and I desir'd him to remain with his Men, and not expose himself for the future, because the Success of our Enterprize depended only upon him; and he promis'd us to follow our Advice.

Our Savage, who remain'd behind for hunting, finding none of us at the Place of the Portage, came up higher on the River, and told us, we had mist it; therefore he was sent back with all our Canou's, except one which I kept; for M. la Salle was so weary, that he was oblig'd to lie there that Night. I made a little Cabin with Mats of Marish Rushes, wherein we lay together, but were in great danger of being burnt, for it took fire by an unhappy Accident, while we were fast asleep. The next Morning we joyn'd our Men at the Place of Portage, where Father Gabriel had made the Day before several Crosses upon the Trees, that we might not miss it another time. We found there a great quantity of Horns and Bones of wild Bulls, as also some Canou's the Savages had made with the Skins of Beasts, to cross the River with their Provisions. This Portage lies at the farther End of a large Champion piece of Ground; and at the other End, to the West, lies a Village of the Savages Miami's, Mascouteins, and Oiatinon, who live together. The River of the Illinois has its Source near that Village, and springs out of some


marshy Lands, which are as so many Quagmires, that one can scarcely walk over them. The Head of the River is only a League and half from that of Miamis, and so our Portage was not long. We mark'd the way from Place to Place with some Trees for the convenience of those we expected after us; and left at the Portage, as well as Fort Miamis, Letters hanging down from the Trees, containing M. la Salle's Instructions to our Pilot, and the other five and twenty Men, who were to come with him.


[89] Chap. XXIX.

An Account of our Embarkment at the Head of the River of the Illinois.

THIS River is navigable within a hundred Paces from its Source; I mean for Canou's of Bark of Trees, and not for others; but it increases so much a little way from thence, that it is as deep and broad as the Meuse and the Sambre joyn'd together. It runs through vast Marshes, and though it be rappid enough, it makes so many Turnings and Windings, that after a whole Day's Journey, we found we were hardly two Leagues from the Place we left in the Morning. That Country is nothing but Marshes full of Alder-Trees and Rushes; and we could have hardly found for forty Leagues together, any Place to plant our Cabins, had it not been for the Frost, which made the Earth more firm and solid.

Having past through great Marshes, we found a vast Plain, on which nothing grows but only some Herbs, which were dry at that time, and burnt, because the Miami's set them on fire every Year, in their hunting wild Bulls, as I shall mention anon. We found no manner of Game, which was a great Disappointment to us, our Provisions beginning to fail. Our Men travell'd about sixty Miles without killing any thing else but a lean Stag, a small wild Goat, some few Swans, and two


Bustards, which was no sufficient Maintenance for two and thirty Men. Most of them were so weary of this laborious Life, that they would have run away, if possible, and gone to the Savages, who were not very far from us, as we judg'd by the great Fires we saw in the Plain. There must be an innumerable [90] quantity of wild Bulls in that Country, since the Earth is cover'd with their Horns. The Miami's hunt them towards the latter end of Autumn.

We continu'd our Course upon this River very near the whole Month of December; but toward the latter end of the said Month, 1679, we arriv'd at the Village of the Illinois, which lies near one hundred and thirty Leagues from Fort Miamis, on the Lake of the Illinois. We suffer'd very much in this Passage; for the Savages having set the Herbs of the Plain on fire, the wild Bulls were fled away, and so we could kill but one, and some Turkey-Cocks. God's Providence supported us all the while; and when we thought that the Extremities we were reduc'd to, were past all hopes of Remedy, we found a prodigious big wild Bull, lying fast in the Mud of the River. We kill'd him and had much ado to get him out of the Mud. This was a great Refreshment to our Men, and reviv'd their Courage; for being so timely and unexpectly reliev'd, they concluded that God approv'd our Design.


Chap. XXX.

A Description of the Hunting of the wild Bulls and Cows, by the Savages; Of the bigness of those Beasts; and of the Advantages and Improvements that may be made of the Plain where they Pasture; and of the Woods thereabouts.

WHEN the Savages discover a great Number of those Beasts together, they likewise assemble their whole Tribe to encompass the Bulls, and then set on fire the dry Herbs about them, except in some places, which they leave free; and therein lay themselves in Ambuscade. The Bulls seeing the Flame round about them, run away through those [91] Passages where they see no Fire; and there fall into the Hands of the Savages, who by these Means will kill sometimes above sixscore in a day. They divide these Beasts according to the number of each Family; and send their Wives to slay them, and bring the Flesh to their Cabins. These Women are so lusty and strong, that they carry on their Back two or three hundred weight, besides their Children; and notwithstanding that Burthen, they run as swiftly as any of our Soldiers with their Arms.

Those Bulls have a very fine Coat, more like Wooll than Hair, and their Cows have it longer than the Males; their Horns are almost black, and much thicker, though somewhat


shorter than those of Europe: Their Head is of a prodigious Bigness, as well as their Neck very thick, but at the same time exceeding short: They have a kind of Bump between the two Shoulders: Their Legs are big and short, cover'd with long Wooll; and they have between the two Horns an ugly Bush of Hair, which falls upon their Eyes, and makes them look horrid.

The Flesh of these Beasts is very relishing, and full of Juice, especially in Autumn; for having grazed all the Summer long in those vast Meadows, where the Herbs are as high as they, they are then very fat. There is also amongst them abundance of Stags, Deers, and wild Goats; and that nothing might be wanting in that Country, for the Convenience of those Creatures, there are Forests at certain distances, where they retire to rest, and shelter themselves against the violence of the Sun.

They change their Country according to the Seasons of the Year; for upon the approach of the Winter, they leave the North to go to the Southern Parts. They follow one another, so that you may see a Drove of them for above a League together, and stop all at the same place; and the Ground where they use to lie is cover'd with wild Purslain; which makes [92] me believe, that the Cows Dung is very fit to produce that Herb. Their Ways are as beaten as our great Roads, and no Herb grows therein. They swim over the Rivers they meet in their Way, to go and graze in other Meadows. But the Care of the Cows for their Young Ones, cannot be too much admir'd; for there being in those Meadows a great quantity of Wolves, who might surprize them,


they go to calve in the Islands of the Rivers, from whence they don't stir till the young Calves are able to follow them; for then they can protect them against any Beast whatsoever.

These Bulls being very convenient for the Subsistence of the Savages, they take care not to scare them from their Country; and they pursue only those whom they have wounded with their Arrows : But these Creatures multiply in such a manner, that notwithstanding the great Numbers they kill every Year, they are as numerous as ever.

The Women spin the Wooll of these Bulls, and make Sacks thereof to carry their Flesh in, which they dry in the Sun, or broil upon Gridirons. They have no Salt, and yet they prepare their Flesh so well, that it keeps above four Months without breeding any Corruption; and it looks then so fresh, that one wou'd think it was newly kill'd. They commonly boil it, and drink the Broth of it instead of Water. This is the ordinary Drink of all the Savages of America, who have no Commerce with the Europeans. We follow'd their Example in this particular; and it must be confess'd, that that Broath is very wholsome.

The Skin of one of those Bulls usually weighs about sixscore Pound; but the Savages make use only of the thinnest part, as that of the Belly, which they dress with the Brains of all sorts of Beasts, and thereby make it as soft as our Shamoi's Skins. They paint them with several Colours, and adorn with pieces [93] of Porcupine-Skins, red and white, the


Gowns they make thereof, to appear splendidly at Feasts, and on other solemn Occasions. They make other Gowns against cold Weather, wherewith they cover themselves during the Winter; but these plain Gowns, cover'd with curl'd Wooll, are, in my Opinion, the finest as well as the best.

When they kill any Cows, their young Calves follow them, and lick their Hands. They bring them to their Children, who eat them, after having for some time play'd with them. They keep the Hoofs of those little Creatures, and when they are very dry, they tie them to some Wand, and move them according to the various Postures of those who sing and dance. This is the most ridiculous Musical Instrument that I ever met with.

These young Calves might be easily tam'd, and made use of to plow the Land, which would be very advantageous to the Savages. These Bulls find in all Seasons Forrage to subsist by; for if they are surpriz'd in the Northern Countries by the Snow, before they can reach the Southern Parts, they have the dexterity to remove the Snow, and eat the Grass under it. They bellow like our European Bulls, but not so frequently.

Though these Bulls are taller and bigger than those of Europe, they are however so swift, that no Savage can overtake them: They are so timorous, that they run away from any Man, except when they are wounded; for then they are dangerous, and often kill the Savage who pursues them. 'Tis a diverting Prospect to see near the Banks of the Rivers,


several Droves of those Bulls of about four or five hundred together, grazing in those green Meadows.

There are several other Beasts in that Country, as I observ'd in my Account of Louisiana, as Stags, wild Goats, Beavers, and Otters; there are also Bustards, which have an excellent Taste; Swans, Tortoises, [94] Turkey-Cocks, Parrots, and Partridges. There are also an incredible quantity of Pelicans, whose Bills are of a prodigeous Size; and a great many other sorts of Birds, and other Beasts.

The Rivers are plentifully stock'd with Fish, and the Soil is very fertile. The Forests afford all manner of Timber fit for Building, and especially Oak; which is there much better than in Canada, and would be excellent for building Ships. That Timber might be squar'd, saw'd, and ready prepar'd upon the Spot, and brought over into Europe; which would be very convenient, and give time to the Trees of our Forests to grow, whereas they are in a manner exhausted.

There are in those Forests abundance of Trees bearing good Fruit, and of wild Vines, which produce Bunches of Grapes a foot and a half long, and of which when ripe may be made very good Wine. One may see there also large Countries cover'd with good Hemp, growing naturally six or seven foot in height. In short, by the Experiments I made among the Issati, and the Illinois, I am perswaded that the Soil of that Country would produce all manner of Corn, Fruits, &c. even more plentifully than in any part of Europe, seeing there are two Crops every Year.


The Air is very temperate, clear, and open, and the Country, water'd with several Lakes, Brooks, and Rivers, which are for the most part navigable. The Gnats and other little Flies that are so troublesome in Canada, and some other dangerous Beasts, are unknown in this Country; which in two Years time might supply its Inhabitants, if cultivated, with all things necessary for Life, without wanting any thing from Europe; and the Islands of America, with Wine, Bread, and Flesh. The Bucaniers might kill in that Country a greater number of Bulls than in all the Islands they resort to. There are Mines of [95] Coal, Slate, and Iron; and several Pieces of fine red Copper, which I have found now and then upon the Surface of the Earth, makes me believe that there are Mines of it; and doubtless of other Metals and Minerals, which may be discover'd one time or another. They have already found Allom [alum] in the Country of the Iroquese.


Chap. XXXI.

An Account of our Arrival to the Country of the Illinois, one of the most numerous Nations of the Savages of America.

THIS Word Illinois comes, as it has been already observ'd, from Illini, which in the Language of that Nation signifies A perfect and accomplish'd Man. The Villages of the Illinois are situated in a Marshy Plain, about the Fortieth Degree of Latitude, on the Right side of the River, which is as broad as the Meuse. Their greatest Village may have in it Four or five hundred Cabins, every Cabin five or six Fires, and each Fire one or two Families, who live together in great Concord. Their Cabins are cover'd with Mats of flat Rushes, so closely sew'd together, that no Wind, Rain, or Snow can go thro' it. The Union that reigns amongst that Barbarous People, ought to cover with Shame the Christians; amongst whom we can see no Trace of that brotherly Love, which united the Primitive Professors of Christianity.

When the Savages have gather'd in their Indian Corn, they dig some Holes in the Ground, where they keep it for Summer-time, because Meat does not keep in hot Weather; whereas they have very little occasion for it in Winter; and 'tis then their Custom to leave their Villages, and with their whole Families to go a hunting wild Bulls, Beavers, &c.


carrying [96] with them but a small quantity of their Corn, which however they value so much, that the most sensible Wrong one can do them, in their Opinion, is to take some of their Corn in their absence. We found no Body in the Village, as we had foreseen; for the Illinois had divided themselves, according to their Custom, and were gone a hunting. Their Absence caus'd a great Perplexity amongst us; for we wanted Provisions, and yet durst not meddle with the Indian Corn the Savages had, laid under Ground, for their Subsistence, and to sow their Lands with. However, our Necessity being very great, and it being impossible to continue our Voyage without any Provisions, especially seeing the Bulls and other Beasts had been driven from the Banks of the River, by means of Fire, as I have related in my former Chapter, M. la Salle resolv'd to take about forty Bushels of Corn, in hopes to appease the Savages with some Presents.

We embark'd again with these fresh Provisions, and continu'd to fall down the River, which runs directly to the South. Four Days after, being the First of January, 1680, we said Mass; and having wish'd a happy New-year to M. la Salle, and to all others, I thought fit to make a pathetical Exhortation to our Grumblers, to encourage them to go on chearfully, and inspire them with Union and Concord. Father Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, embrac'd them afterwards; and they promis'd us to continue firm in their Duty. The same Day we went thro' a Lake form'd by the River, about seven Leagues long, and one broad. The Savages call that Place


Pimiteoui ; that is, in their Tongue, A Place where there is abundance of fat Beasts. When the River of the Illinois freezes, which is but seldom, it freezes only to this Lake, and never from thence to the Meschasipi, into which this River falls. M. la Salle observ'd here the Elevation of the Pole, and found that this Lake lies [97] in the Latitude of thirty three Degrees and forty five Minutes.

We had been inform'd that the Illinois were our Enemies; and therefore M. la Salle had resolv'd to use all manner of Precaution when we should meet with them; but we found our selves on a sudden in the middle of their Camp, which took up both sides of the River. M. la Salle order'd immediately his Men to make their Arms ready, and brought his Canou's into a Line, placing himself to the Right, and M. Tonti to the Left; so that we took almost the whole breadth of the River. The Illinois, who had not yet discover'd our Fleet, were very much surpriz'd to see us coming so swiftly upon them; for the Stream was extraordinary rapid in that Place: Some run to their Arms; but most took their Flight, with horrid Cries and Howlings.

The Current brought us in the mean time to their Camp; and M. la Salle went the very first a-shoar, follow'd by his Men; which increas'd the Consternation of the Savages, whom we might have easily defeated; but as it was not our Design, we made a Halt to give them time to recover themselves, and


see that we were no Enemies. M. la Salle might have prevented their Confusion, by shewing his Calumet, or Pipe of Peace; but he was afraid the Savages wou'd impute it to our Weakness.

The Illinois being exceedingly terrify'd, tho' they were several thousand Men, tender'd us the Calumet of Peace; and then we offer'd them ours; which being accepted on both sides, an extraordinary Joy succeeded the terrible Fears they had been under upon our landing. They sent immediately to fetch back those who fled away; and Father Zenobe and I went to their Cabins. We took their Children by the Hand, and express'd our Love for them with all the Signs we cou'd: We did the like to the Old Men, having Compassion of those poor Creatures, who [98] are so miserable as to be ignorant of their Creator and Redeemer.

Most of the Savages, who had run away upon our landing, understanding that we were Friends, return'd; but some others had been so terrifi'd, that they did not come back till three or four Days after, that they were told that we had smoak'd in their Calumet of Peace. In the mean time we had discours'd the Chief of the Illinois by our Interpreter, and told them, that we were Inhabitants of Canada, and their Friends; that we were come to teach them the Knowledge of the Captain of Heaven and Earth, and the Use of Firearms, which were unknown to them; with several other things relating to their advantage. We were forc'd to make use of these metaphorical Expressions, to give them some Idea of the Supreme DEITY. They heard our Discourses with great


attention, and afterwards gave a great Shout for Joy, repeating these Words: Tepatoui-Nika; That is, Well, my Brother, my Friend; thou hast done very well. These Savages have more Humanity than all the others of the Northern America; and understanding the Subject of our Errand, express'd great Gratitude thereupon. They rubb'd our Legs and Feet near the Fire, with Oil of Bears and Wild Bulls Fat, which, after much Travel, is an incomparable Refreshment; and presented us some Flesh to eat, putting the three first Morsels into our Mouth with great Ceremonies. This is a great piece of Civility amongst them.

M. la Salle presented them with some Tobacco from Martinico, and some Axes; and told them, that he had desir'd them to meet to treat about some weighty Matters; but that there was one in particular, which he would discourse them upon before any other. He added, that he knew how necessary their Corn was to them; but that being reduc'd to an unspeakable Necessity when he came to their Village, [99] and seeing no probability to subsist, he had been forc'd to take some Corn from their Habitations without their leave: That he would give 'em Axes, and other things, in lieu of it, if they could spare it; that if they could not, they were free to take it again; concluding, That if they were not able to supply us with Provisions, he design'd to continue his Voyage, and go to their Neighbours, who would heartily give him what was necessary for his Subsistence; but however, to shew them his Kindness, he would leave a Smith among them, to mend their Axes and other Tools we should supply them with. The


Savages having consider'd our Proposals, granted all our Demands, and made Alliance with us.

We were oblig'd to use many Precautions to make our Alliance lasting and solid, because our Enemies did their utmost to prevent it. The very same Day we came to the Camp of the Illinois, one of the Chief Captains of the Mascoutens, whose Name was Monso, arriv'd also with some Miami's, and other young Men, who brought with them some Axes, Knives, Kettles, and other Goods. Our Enemies had chosen him for that Embassie, knowing that the Illinois would rather believe him than the Miamis, because they had never been in War with the Mascoutens. This Savage arriv'd pretty late, and caball'd all the Night long against us: He told them, That M. la Salle was a great Friend of the Iroquese, who were to follow him speedily, with some of the Europeans from Canada, to invade them, and destroy their Nation; and that he was sent by some of the Europeans themselves, who could not approve that Treachery of their Countrymen, to give them notice thereof, that they might not be surpriz'd. He enforc'd his Arguments, by presenting them with all the Goods he had brought along with him; and thinking he had gain'd his Point, went back the same Night, fearing, with much Reason, that M. la Salle would resent [100] that Master-piece of Villany, and punish him for it. The Illinois were assembled in Council all the Night, (for they never treat of any secret Affairs during the Day) and did not know what Measures to take; for tho' they did


not believe all the Stories the Mascouten had made unto them, yet the next Day they appear'd very indifferent, and mistrustful of us. As they seem'd to contrive something against us, we began to be uneasie; but M. la Salle, who suspected that their sudden Alteration towards us was the Effect of a false Report, made such Presents to one of their Chiefs, that he told him all the Particulars of the Embassie and Negotiation of Monso; and thereby enabled him to remove the Jealousie of the Illinois, and confound the wicked Designs of our Enemies.

He manag'd that Point with such Dexterity, that he did not only regain the Friendship of that Nation, but likewise undeceiv'd the Mascouten and Miami's; and was Mediator between the latter and the Illinois, who by his means made an Alliance, which lasted all the while we remain'd in those Countries.


Chap. XXXII.

An Account of what hapned to us while we remain'd among the Illinois, till the Building of a New Fort.

SOME Days after, Nikanape, Brother to Chessagouasse, the most considerable Chief of the Illinois, who was then absent, invited us to a great Feast; and before we sate down to eat, made a long Speech, very different from what the other Captains had told us upon our arrival. He said that he had invited us not so much to give us a Treat, as to endeavour to dissuade us from the Resolution we had taken, to go down to the Sea by the great River Meschasipi. He added, That several had perish'd, having ventur'd [101] upon the same Enterprize, the Banks of that River being inhabited by barbarous and bloody Nations, whom we should be unable to resist, notwithstanding our Valour and the Goodness of our Arms; that that River was full of dangerous Monsters, as Crocodiles, Tritons, (meaning a Sea-monster) and Serpents; that supposing the Barque we design'd to build was big enough to protect us against the Dangers he had mention'd, yet it would avail us nothing against another which was inevitable: For, said he, the River Meschasipi is so full of Rocks and Falls towards its Mouth, that the Rapidity of the Current cannot be master'd, which will carry your Barque into a


horrid Whirlpool, that swallows up every thing that comes near it; and even the River it self, which appears no more, losing it self in that hideous and bottomless Gulf.

He added so many other Circumstances, and appear'd so serious, and so much concern'd for us, that two of our Men, who understood their Language, but not their Politicks, were moved at it, and their Fear appear'd in their Faces. We observ'd it, but could not help it; for it would be an unpardonable Affront to interrupt a Savage; and besides, we had perhaps encreas'd the Alarms of our Men. When Nikanape had made an end of his Discourse, we answer'd him in so calm a manner, that he cou'd not fancy we were surpris'd at his Objections against our Voyage.

Our Interpreter told him, by order of M. la Salle, that we were much oblig'd to him for the Advices he gave us; but that the Difficulties and Dangers he had mention'd, would make our Enterprize still more glorious; that we fear'd the Master of the Life of all Men, who rul'd the Sea, and all the World; and therefore wou'd think it a Happiness to lay down our Lives to make his Name known to all his Creatures. We added, that we believ'd that most of the Dangers he had mention'd were not in being; but that [102] the Friendship he had for us, had put him upon that Invention, to oblige us to remain with them. We thought fit, however, to let him know, that we perceiv'd our Enemies had fomented some Jealousies in their Mind, and that they seem'd to mistrust our Designs; but as we were sincere in our Dealings, we desir'd them to let us know freely, and without


any Disguise, the Grounds of their Suspicions, that we might satisfie them, and clear our selves; concluding, that seeing our Demand was so just and equitable, we expected they would grant it, or else that we should have reason to think that the Joy they had express'd upon our Arrival, and the Friendship they had since shew'd to us, was nothing but a Deceit and Dissimulation. Nikanape was not able to answer us, and therefore chang'd his Discourse, desiring us to eat.

The Dinner being over, our Interpreter reassum'd his Discourse, and told the Company, that we were not surpriz'd at the Envy their Neighbours express'd about our Arrival into their Country, because they knew too well the Advantages of Commerce, and therefore would engross it to themselves, and obstruct by all means our good Correspondence; but that we wonder'd that they wou'd give Ear to the Suggestions of our common Enemies, and conceal any thing from us, since we had so sincerely acquainted them with our Designs.

We did not sleep, Brother, said he, directing his Discourse to Nicanape, when Monso was caballing amongst you in the Night to our Prejudice, endeavouring to make you believe that we were Spies of the Iroquese. The Presents he made to enforce his Lies, are still hidden in this Cabin. But why has he run away immediately after, instead of appearing publickly to justifie his Accusation? Thou art a Witness thy self, that upon our landing we might have kill'd all thy Nephews, and done what our Enemies tell you we design to do, after we have made Alliance with thee,


and settled our selves amongst you. But if it were our Design, [103] why should we defer to put it into execution? And who hinders our Warriours, who are here with me, to kill all of you, whilst your young Men are a hunting? Thou hast been told, that our Valour is terrible to the Iroquese themselves; and therefore we need not their Assistance to wage War with thee, if it were our Design.

But to remove even the least Pretence of Suspicion and Jealousie, send somebody to bring back that malicious Accuser, and we will stay here to confute him in thy Presence: For how can he know us, seeing he never saw us in his Life? And how can he be acquainted with the secret League we have made with the Iroquese, whom he knows only by Name? Consider our Equipage; we have nothing but Tools and Goods, which can never be made use of, but for the Good of thy Nation, and not for its Destruction, as our Enemies would make thee believe.

This Discourse mov'd them very much; and they sent after Monso to bring him back; but the Snow which fell that Night spoil'd the Tract [sc. Track], and so he could not be over-taken. He had remain'd for some Days not far from us, to know what would be the success of his Embassie. However, some of our Men lay under such terrible Apprehensions, that we could never recover their Courage, nor remove their Fears; so that six of them who had the Guard that Night (amongst which were two Sawers, the most necessary of our Workmen for building our Ship) run away, taking with them what they thought necessary; but considering the


Country through which they were to travel, and the Season of the year, we may say, that for avoiding an uncertain Peril, they expos'd themselves to a most certain Danger.

M. la Salle seeing that those six Men were gone, and fearing that this Desertion would make a disadvantageous Impression upon the Savages, he order'd his Men to tell the Illinois, that he had resolv'd to send after them to punish them as they deserv'd; but that the Season being so hard, he was loth to expose [104] his Men; and that those Deserters would be severely punish'd in Canada. In the mean time we exhorted the rest to continue firm in their Duty, assuring them, That if any were afraid of venturing themselves upon the River Meschasipi, because of the Dangers Nikanape had mention'd, M. la Salle would give them leave to return next Spring to Canada, and allow them a Canou to make their Voyage; whereas they could not venture to return home at this time of the Year, without exposing themselves to perish with Hunger, Cold, or the Hands of the Savages.

They promis'd Wonders; but M. la Salle knowing their Inconstancy, and dissembling the Vexation their want of Courage and Resolution caus'd him, resolv'd to prevent any farther Subornation, and to leave the Camp of the Illinois; but left his Men should not consent to it, he call'd them together and told them we were not safe among the Illinois, and that perhaps the Iroquese would come in a little time to attack them; and that these being not able to resist, they were like to run away, and betake themselves to the Woods, and leave us expos'd to the Mercy of the Iroquese, whose


Cruelty was sufficiently known to us; therefore he knew no other Remedy but to fortifie a Post, where we might defend our selves both against the Illinois and Iroquese, as occasion should require. These Reasons, with some other Arguments which I added to the same purpose, proved powerful enough to engage them to approve M. la Salle's Design; and so it was resolv'd to build a Fort in a very advantageous Place on the River, four Day's Journey below the great Village of the Illinois.


[105] Chap. XXXIII.

Reflections upon the Temper and Manners of the Illinois, and the little Disposition they have to embrace Christianity.

BEFORE I speak in particular of the Illinois, I think fit to observe here, that there is a Nation of the Miami's, who inhabit the Banks of a fine River, within fifteen Leagues from the Lake, in the Latitude of 41 Degrees. The Maskoutens and Outtouagami's live more Northward on the River Mellioki [Milwaukee], which runs into the Lake in the Latitude of 43 Degrees. To the West of it live the Kikapous and Ainoves, who have two Villages; and to the West of these there is the Village of the Illinois Cascaschia, situated towards the Source of the River Checagoumenans [Chicago]. The Authoutantas and Maskoutens-Nadouessians live within one hundred and thirty Leagues of the Illinois, in three great Villages, on the Banks of a fine River which discharges it self into the great River


Meschasipi. We shall have occasion to talk of these and several other Nations.

Most of these Savages, and especially the Illinois, make their Cabins of flat Rushes, which they sew together, and line them with the same; so that no Rain can go through it. They are tall, strong, and manage their Bows and Arrows with great dexterity; for they did not know the use of Fire Arms before we came into their Country. They are Lazy, Vagabonds, Timorous, Pettish, Thieves, and so fond of their Liberty, that they have no great Respect for their Chiefs.

Their Villages are open, and not enclos'd with Palisado's, as in some other Places, because they have not Courage enough to defend them, for they fly [106] away as soon as they hear their Enemies approach. Besides their Arrows, they use two other Weapons, a kind of a Pike, and a Club of Wood. Their Country is so fertile, that it supplies them with all Necessaries for Life, and especially since we taught them the use of Iron Tools to cultivate it.

Hermaphrodites are very common amongst them, which is so much the more surprizing, because I have not observ'd any such thing amongst the other Nations of the Northern America. Poligamy is allow'd amongst them; and they generally marry several Sisters, thinking they agree better than Strangers. They are exceedingly jealous, and cut the Noses of their Wives upon the least suspicion. Notwithstanding they have several Wives, they are so lascivious as to be guilty of Sodomy, and keep Boys whom they cloath with Womens Apparel, because they make of them that abominable Use.


These Boys live in their Families amongst Women, without going either to their Wars or Hunting. As to their Religion I observ'd that they are very superstitious; but I cou'd never discover that they had any Worship, nor any Reason for their Superstition. They are great Gamesters, as well as all the other Savages that I have known in America.

As there are some stony Places in this Country, where there is a great quantity of Serpents, very trou[ble]some to the Illinois, they know several Herbs which are a quicker and surer Remedy against their Venom, than our Treacle or Orvietan. They rub themselves with these Herbs, after which they play with those dangerous Serpents, without receiving any hurt. They take the young ones and put them sometimes into their Mouth. They go stark naked in Summer-time, wearing only a kind of Shooes made of the Skins of Bulls; but the Winter being pretty severe in their Country, tho' very short, they wear Gowns made of the Skins of Wild Beasts, or of Bulls, which [107] they dress and paint most curiously, as I have already observ'd.

The Illinois, as most of the Savages of America, being brutish, wild, and stupid, and their Manners being so opposite to the Morals of the Gospel, their Conversion is to be despair'd of, till Time and Commerce with the Europeans has remov'd their natural Fierceness and Ignorance, and thereby made 'em more apt to be sensible of the Charms of Christianity.


I have met with some who were more teachable; and Father Zenobe told me, that he Baptiz'd two or three of them at the point of Death, because they desir'd it; and shew'd some good Disposition to induce him to grant that Demand. They will readily suffer us to baptize their Children, and would not refuse it themselves; but they are incapable of any previous Instruction concerning the Truth of the Gospel, and the Efficacy of the Sacraments. Would I follow the Example of some other Missionaries, I could have boasted of many Conversions; for I might have easily baptiz'd all those Nations, and then say, as I am afraid they do without any ground, That I had converted them.

Father Zenobe had met with two Savages, who had promis'd to follow him every where, whom he instructed and baptiz'd; but tho' they were more tractable than the rest, they would not leave their Country; and he understood afterwards, that one of them, whose Name was Chassagouache, was dead in the hands of the Junglers, and consequently in the Superstitions of his Country-Men; so that his Baptism serv'd only to make him duplo Filius Gehennć.


[108] Chap. XXXIV.

An Account of the Building of a New Fort on the River of the Illinois, named by the Savages Checagou, and by us Fort Crevecœur; as also a Barque to go down the River Meschasipi.

I MUST observe here, that the hardest Winter lasts not above two Months in this charming Country; so that on the 15th of January there came a sudden Thaw, which made the Rivers navigable, and the Weather so mild as it is with us in the middle of the Spring. M. la Salle improving this fair Season, desir'd me to go down the River with him to choose a Place fit to build our Fort. After having view'd the Country we pitch'd upon an Eminence on the Bank of the River, defended on that side by the River, and on two others by two Ditches the Rains had made very deep by succession of Time; so that it was accessible only by one way; therefore we cast a Line to joyn those two natural Ditches, and made the Eminence steep on every side, supporting the Earth with great pieces of Timber. We made a hasty Lodgment thereupon, to be ready to defend us in case the Savages would obstruct the building of our Fort; but no body offering to disturb us, we went on diligently with our work. Fathers Gabriel, Zenobe, and I, made in the mean time a Cabin of Planks, wherein our Workmen came to Prayers


every Morning and Evening; but having no Wine, we could not say Mass. The Fort being half finish'd, M. la Salle lodg'd himself in the middle with M. Tonti; and every body took his Post. We plac'd our Forge along the Courtin on the side of the Wood, and laid in a great quantity of Coals for that use.

In the mean time our thoughts were always bent [109] towards our Discovery, and M. la Salle and I had frequent Conferences about it: But our greatest difficulty was to build a Barque; for our Sawers being gone, we did not know what to do. However, as the Timber was cheap enough, we told our Men, that if any of them would undertake to saw Boards for Building the said Barque, we might surmount all other Difficulties. Two Men undertook it; and though they had never try'd it before, they succeeded very well, so that we began to build a Barque, the Keel whereof was forty two Foot long. Our Men went on so briskly with the Work, that on the first of March our Barque was half built, and all the Timber ready prepar'd for the finishing of it. Our Fort was also very near finish'd; and we nam'd it the Fort of Crevecœur, because the desertion of our Men, and the other Difficulties we labour'd under, had almost broke our Hearts.

Though the Winter is not harder nor longer in the Country of the Illinois, than in Provence, the Snow remain'd upon the Earth, in the Year 1680, for twenty days together,


which had not been seen in the Memory of Man. This made the Savages mightily concern'd, and brought upon us a World of inconveniencies, besides the many others we suffer'd. In the mean time we perfected our Fort; and our Barque was in such a forwardness, that we might have expected to be in a condition to sail in a very short time, had we been provided with all other Necessaries; but hearing nothing of our Ship, and therefore wanting the Rigging and other Tackle for our Barque, we found our selves in great perplexity, and did not know what to do in this sad Juncture, being above five hundred Leagues from Fort Frontenac, whither it was almost impossible to return at that time, because the Snow made the travelling very dangerous by Land, and the Ice made it impracticable to our Canou's.

[110] M. la Salle did not doubt then but his belov'd Griffin was lost ; but neither this nor the other Difficulties dejected him; his great Courage buoy'd him up, and he resolv'd to return to Fort Frontenac by Land, notwithstanding the Snow, and the unspeakable Dangers attending so great a Voyage. We had a long Conference about it in private, wherein having examin'd all things, it was resolv'd, that he should return to Fort Frontenac with three Men, to bring along with him the necessary things to proceed on our Discovery, while I with two Men should go in a Canou to the River Meschasipi, and endeavour to get the Friendship of those Nations inhabiting the Banks of that River. Our Resolution was certainly very great and bold; but there was this essential


difference, that the Inhabitants of the Countries through which M. la Salle was to travel, knew the Europeans; whereas those Savages, whom I design'd to visit, had never heard of us in their Life; and had been represented by the Illinois, as the most barbarous Nations in the World. However, M. la Salle and I had Courage enough to undertake our difficult Task; but we had much ado to perswade five of our Men to follow us, or to engage to expect our Return at Fort Crevecœur.


Chap. XXXV.

Containing an Account of what was transacted at Fort Crevecœur before M. la Salle's return to Fort Frontenac; and the Instructions we receiv'd from a Savage concerning the River Meschasipi.

BEFORE M. la Salle and I parted, we found means to undeceive our Men, and remov'd the groundless Fears they had conceiv'd from what the Illinois, through the Suggestions of Monso, had told us concerning [111] the Dangers, or rather the Impossibility of Sailing upon the River Meschasfipi. Some Savages inhabiting beyond that River, came to the Camp of the Illinois, and gave us an Account of it, very different from what Nikanape had told us; some other Savages own'd that it was navigable, and not interrupted by Rocks and Falls, as the Illinois would make us believe; and one of the Illinois themselves, being gain'd by some small Presents, told us in great secresie, that the Account their Chief had given us, was a downright Forgery, contriv'd on purpose to oblige us to give over our Enterprize. This reviv'd somewhat our Men; but yet they were still wavering and irresolute; and therefore M. la Salle said, that he would fully convince them, that the Illinois had resolv'd in their


Council to forge that Account, in order to stop our Voyage; and few days after we met with a favourable opportunity for it.

The Illinois had made an Excursion South-ward; as they were returning with some Prisoners, one of their Warriours came before their Comrades, and visited us at our Fort; we entertain'd him as well as we could, and ask'd him several Questions touching the River Meschasipi, from whence he came, and where he had been oftentimes, giving him to understand that some other Savage had given us an Account of it. He took a piece of Charcoal, and drew a Map of the Course of that River, which I found afterwards pretty exact; and told us, that he had been in a Pyrogue; that is, a Canou made of the Trunk of a Tree, from the Mouth of this River, very near the Place where the Meschasipi falls into the great Lake; for so they call the Sea: That there was neither Falls, nor rapid Currents, as we had been told; that it was very broad towards the great Lake, and interrupted with Banks of Sand; but that there were large Canals betwixt them, deep enough for any Pyrogue. He told [112] us also the Name of several Nations inhabiting the Banks of Meschasipi, and of several Rivers that fall into it. I set down in my Journal all that he told us, of which I shall perhaps give a larger Account in another place. We made him a small Present, to thank him for his Kindness, in discovering a Truth, which the Chief of his Nation had so carefully conceal'd. He desir'd us to hold our tongue, and never to mention him, which we promis'd;


and gave him an Axe, wherewith we shut his mouth, according to the Custom of the Savages, when they recommend a Secret.

The next day, after Prayers, we went to the Village of the Illinois; whom we found in the Cabin of one of their Chiefs; who entertain'd them with a Bear, whose Flesh is much valu'd among them. They desir'd us to sit down upon a fine Mat of Rushes: And some time after our Interpreter told them, that we were come to acquaint them, that the Maker of all Things, and the Master of the Lives of Men, took a particular Care of us, and had been pleas'd to let us have a true Account of the River Meschasipi; the Navigation whereof they had represented to us as impracticable. We added all the Particulars we had learn'd, but in such Terms, that it was impossible they should suspect any of their Men.

The Savages were much surpriz'd, and did not doubt but we had that Account by some extraordinary Way; therefore they shut their Mouths with their Hands; which is their usual Custom to express their Admiration by. They told us frankly afterwards, that the great desire they had to stop amongst them our Captain, and the Grey-Coats or Barefoot, as they call the Franciscans, had oblig'd them to forge the Stories they had told us, and to conceal the Truth; but since we had come to the Knowledge of it by another way, they would tell us all that they knew; and confirm'd every Particular their Warriour had [113] told us. This Confession remov'd the Fears of our Men, who were few days after still more fully perswaded that the Illinois had only design'd to frighten us


from our Discovery: For several Savages of the Nations of Osages, Cikaga, and Akansa, came to see us, and brought fine Furrs to barter for our Axes. They told us that the Meschasipi was navigable almost from its Source to the Sea; and gave us great Encouragement to go on with our Design, assuring us, that all the Nations inhabiting along the River, from the Mouth of that of the Illinois, to the Sea, would come to meet us, and dance the Calumet of Peace, as they express it, and make an Alliance with us.

The Miami's arriv'd much about that time, and danc'd the Calumet with the Illinois, making an Alliance with them against the Iroquese, their implacable Enemies. We were Witnesses to their Treaty; and M. la Salle made them some Presents, the better to oblige both Parties to the Observation of their League.

We were three Missionaries for that handful of Europeans, at Fort Crevecœur; and therefore we thought fit to divide our


selves: Father Gabriel being very old, was to continue with our Men; and Father Zenobe among the Illinois, having desir'd it himself, in hopes to convert that numerous Nation: And I, as I have already related, was to go on with our Discovery. Father Zenobe liv'd already among the Illinois, but the rude Manners of that People made him soon weary of it. His Landlord, whose Name was Omahouha, that is to say Wolf, was the Head of a Tribe, and took a special Care of Father Zenobe, especially after M. la Salle had made him some Presents: He lov'd him as his Child; but however, I perceiv'd in the Visits he made us, (for he liv'd but within half a League of our Fort) that he was not satisfi'd to live amongst that brutish Nation, though he had already learn'd their Tongue. This oblig'd me to offer him [114] to take his place, provided he would supply mine, and go on with our Discovery amongst several Nations, whose Language we did not understand, and who had never heard of us; but Father Zenobe foreseeing the Danger and Fatigue I was like to be expos'd to, chose to remain with the Illinois, whose Temper he knew, and with whom he was able to converse.

M. la Salle left M. Tonti to command in Fort Crevecœur, and order'd our Carpenter to prepare some thick Planks of Oak, to fence the Deck of our Barque in the nature of a Parapet, to cover it against the Arrows of the Savages, in case they design'd to shoot at us from the Shoar. Then calling his Men together, he desir'd them to obey M. Tonti's Orders in his Absence, to live in a Christian Union and Charity; to be courageous and firm in their Design; and


above all, to give no credit to the false Reports that the Savages might make unto them, either of him, or of their Comrades that were going with me. He assur'd them, that he would return with all the speed imaginable, and bring along with him a fresh Supply of Men, Ammunition, and Rigging for our Barque; and that in the mean time he left them Arms, and other things necessary for a vigorous Defence, in case their Enemies should attack them before his Return.

He told me afterwards, that he expected I should depart without any farther Delay; but I told him, that tho' I had promis'd him to do it, yet a Defluxion I had on my Gums a Year since, as he knew very well, oblig'd me to return to Canada, to be cur'd; and that I would then come back with him. He was very much surpriz'd, and told me, he would write to my Superiours, that I had obstructed the good Success of our Minion, and desir'd Father Gabriel to perswade me to the contrary. That good Man had been my Master, during my Novitiate in [115] our Convent of Bethune, in the Province of Artois; and therefore I had so great a Respect for him, that I yielded to his Advice; and consider'd, that since a Man of his Age had ventur'd to come along with me in so dangerous a Mission, it would look as Pusilanimity in me to return and leave him. That Father had left a very good Estate, being Heir of a Noble Family of the Province of Burgundy; and I must own, that his Example reviv'd my Courage upon several Occasions.

M. la Salle was mightily pleas'd when I told him I was


resolv'd to go, notwithstanding my Indisposition: He embrac'd me, and gave me a Calumet of Peace; and two Men to manage our Canou, whose Names were Anthony Auguel, sirnam'd the Picard du Gay; and Mitchel Ako, of the Province of Poictou, to whom he gave some Commodities to the value of about 1000 Livres, to trade with the Savages, or make Presents. He gave to me in particular, and for my own use, ten Knives, twelve Shooe-maker's Auls or Bodkins, a small Roll of Tobacco from Martinico, about two Pounds of Rassade ; that is to say, Little Pearls or Rings of colour'd Glass, wherewith the Savages make Bracelets, and other Works, and a small Parcel of Needles to give to the Savages; telling me, that he would have given me a greater quantity, if it had been in his Power.

The Reader may judge by these Particulars, of the rest of my Equipage for so great an Undertaking; however, relying my self on the Providence of God, I took my leave of M. la Salle, and embrac'd all our Men, receiving the Blessing of Father Gabriel, who told me several things, to inspire me with Courage; concluding his Exhortation by these Words of the Scripture, Viriliter age, & confortetur Cor tuum.


M. la Salle set out a few days after for Canada, with three Men, without any Provisions, but what they kill'd in their Journey, during which they suffer'd [116] very much, by reason of the Snow, Hunger and cold Weather.


Chap. XXXVI.

The Author sets out from Fort Crevecœur, to continue his Voyage.

WHOSOEVER will consider the Dangers to which I was going to expose my self, in an unknown Country, where no European had travell'd before, and amongst some Savages, whose Language I did not understand, will not blame the Reluctancy I expressed against that Voyage: I had such an Idea of it, that neither the fair Words, or Threats of M. la Salle, would have been able to engage me to venture my Life so rashly, had I not felt within my self a secret but strong Assurance, if I may use that Word, that God would help and prosper my Undertaking.

We set out from Fort Crevecœur on the 29th of February, 1680, and as we fell down the River, we met with several Companies of Savages, who return'd to their Habitations, with their Pirogues or Wooden-Canou's, loaded with the Bulls they had kill'd: they would fain persuade us to return with them, and the two Men who were with me, were very willing to follow their Advice; telling me that M. la Salle had as good to have murther'd us: But I oppos'd their Design, and told them that the rest of our Men wou'd stop them as they shou'd come by the Fort, if they offer'd to return, and so we continu'd our Voyage. They confess'd to me the next


Day, that they had resolv'd to leave me with the Savages, and make their Escape with the Canou and Commodities, thinking that there was no Sin in that, since M. la Salle was indebted to them in a great deal more than their Value; and that I had been very safe. This was the [117] first Discouragement I met with, and the Forerunner of a great many others.

The River of the Illinois is very near as deep and broad as the Meuse and Sambre before Namur; but we found some Places where 'tis about a quarter of a League broad. The Banks of the River are not even, but interrupted with Hills, dispos'd almost at an equal distance, and cover'd with fine Trees. The Valley between them is a Marshey Ground, which is overflow'd after great Rains, especially in the Autumn and the Spring. We had the Curiosity to go up one of those Hills, from whence we discover'd vast Meadows, with Forests, such as we had seen before we arriv'd at the Village of the Illinois. The River flows so softly, that the Current is hardly perceptible, except when it swells: But it will carry at all times great Barques for above 100 Leagues; that is, from the said Village to its Mouth. It runs directly to the South-west. On the 7th of March we met, within two Leagues from the River Meschasipi, a Nation of the Savages call'd Tamaroa or Maroa, consisting of about 200 Families. They design'd to bring us along with them to their Village, which lies to the


West of Meschasipi, about seven Leagues from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; but my Men follow'd my Advice, and wou'd not stop, in hopes to exchange their Commodities with more Advantage in a more remote Place. Our Resolution was very good; for I don't question but they would have robb'd us; for seeing we had some Arms, they thought we were going to carry them to their Enemies. They pursu'd us in their Pyrogues or Wooden-Canows; but ours being made of Bark of Birch-Trees, and consequently ten times lighter than theirs, and better fram'd, we laught at their Endeavours, and got clear of them. They had sent a Party of their Warriours to lie in Ambuscade on a Neck of Land advancing into the River, where they thought we should pass that Evening or the next Morning; [118] but having discover'd some Smoak on that Point, we spoil'd their Design, and therefore cross'd the River, and landed in a small Island near the other side, where we lay all the Night, leaving our Canou in the Water, under the Guard of a little Dog; who doubtless wou'd have awak'd us, if any body had offer'd to come near him; as we expected the Savages might attempt it, swimming over in the Night; but no body came to disturb us. Having thus avoided those Savages, we came to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, distant from their great Village about 100 Leagues, and 50 from Fort Crevecœur. It falls into the Meschasipi between 35 and 36 Degrees of Latitude, and within 120 or 130 Leagues from the Gulph of Mexico, according to our Conjecture, without including the


Turnings and Windings of the Meschasipi, from thence to the Sea.

The Angle between the two Rivers on the South-side, is a steep Rock of forty Foot high, and flat on the Top, and consequently a fit Place to build a Fort; and on the other side of the River, the Ground appears blackish, from whence I judge that it would prove fertile, and afford two Crops every Year, for the subsistence of a Colony. The Soil looks as if it had been already manur'd.

The Ice which came down from the Source of the Meschasipi, stopp'd us in that Place till the 12th of March; for we were afraid of our Canou: But when we saw the Danger over, we continu'd our Course, founding the River, to know whether it was navigable. There are three small Islands over-against the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, which stop the Trees and Pieces of Timber that come down the River; which by succession of time, has form'd some Banks: But the Canals are deep enough for the greatest Barques; and I judge that in the driest Summer, there is Water enough for flat-bottom-Boats.

[119] The Meschasipi runs to the South-South-West, between two Ridges of Mountains, which follow the great Windings of the River. They are near the Banks, at the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, and are not very high; but in other Places, they are some Leagues distant; and the Meadows between the River and the Foot of those Hills, are cover'd with an infinite number of wild Bulls. The


Country beyond those Hills is so fine and pleasant, that according to the Account I have had, one might justly call it the Delight of America.

The Meschasipi is in some places a League broad, and half a League where it is narrowest. The Rapidity in its Current is somewhat abated, by a great number of Islands, cover'd with fine Trees interlac'd with Vines. It receives but two Rivers from the west Side, one whereof is call'd Otontenta; and the other discharges it self into it near the Fall of St. Anthony of Padoua, as we shall observe hereafter ; But so many others run into the Meschasipi from the North, that it swells very much toward its Mouth.

I am resolv'd to give here an Account of the Course of that River; which I have hither to conceal'd, for the Sake of M. la Salle, who wou'd ascribe to himself alone the Glory, and the most secret Part of this Discovery. He was so fond of it, that he has expos'd to visible danger several Persons, that they might not publish what they had seen, and thereby prejudice his secret Designs.


[120] Chap. XXXVII.

The Course of the River Meschasipi from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, to the Sea; which the Author did not think fit to publish in his Louisiana; with an Account of the Reasons be had to undertake that Discovery.

THERE is no Man but remembers with Pleasure the great Dangers he has escap'd; and I must confess, that when I call to mind the great Difficulties I was under at the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, and the Perils I was expos'd to in the Discovery of the Course of the Meschasipi, my Joy and Satisfaction cannot be express'd. I was as good as sure that M. la Salle wou'd slander me, and represent me to my Superiors as a wilful and obstinate Man, if I presum'd to go down the Meschasipi instead of going up to the North, as I was desir'd, and as we had conserted together; and therefore I was very loath to undertake it: But on the other Hand, I was expos'd to starve, and threatned by my two Men, that if I oppos'd their Resolution of going down the River, they would leave me a-shoar during the Night, and carry away the Canou where-ever they pleased; so that I thought it was reasonable to prefer my own Preservation to the Ambition of M. la Salle; and so I agreed to follow my


Men; who seeing me in that good Disposition, promis'd that they would be faithful to me.

We shook Hands, to seal these Promises; and after Prayers, imbark'd in our Canou the 8th of March, 1680. The Ice which came down from the North, gave us a great deal of trouble; but we were so careful, that our Canou receiv'd no hurt; and after six Hours rowing, we came to a River of a Nation call'd Osages, who live toward the Messorites. That [121] River comes from the Westward, and seems as big as the Meschasipi; but the Water is so muddy, that 'tis almost impossible to drink of it.

The Issati, who inhabit toward the Source of the Meschasipi, make sometimes Excursions as far as the Place where I was then; and I understood afterwards from them, having learn'd their Language, that this River of the Osages and Messorites, is form'd from several other Rivers, which spring from a Mountain about twelve Day's Journey from its Mouth. They told me farther, that from that Mountain


one might see the Sea, and now and then some great Ships; that the Banks of that River are inhabited by several Nations; and that they have abundance of wild Bulls and Beavers.

Tho' this River is very big, the Meschasipi does not visibly swell by the accession of it; but its Waters continue muddy to its Mouth, albeit seven other Rivers fall into it, which are near as big as the Meschasipi, and whose Waters are extraordinary clear.

We lay every Night in Islands, at least if it were possible, for our greater Security; and as soon as we had roasted or boyl'd our Indian Corn, we were very careful to put out our Fire; for in these Countries they smell Fire at two or three Leagues distance, according to the Wind. The Savages take a particular notice of it, to discover where their Enemies are, and endeavour to surprize them.

The 9th we continu'd our Voyage, and six Leagues from the River of the Osages, discover'd on the South-side of the Meschasipi, a Village, which we thought to be inhabited by the Tamaroa, who had pursu'd us, as I have related. Seeing no body appear, we landed, and went into their Cabins, wherein we found Indian Corn, of which we took some Bushels, leaving in lieu of it six Knives, and a small quantity of little Glass-Beads. This was good luck for us; for we [122] durst not leave the River, and go a hunting for fear of falling into the Hands of the Savages.

The next Day, being the Tenth of March, we came to a River within Forty Leagues of Tamaroa; near which, as the Illinois inform'd us, there is a Nation of Savages call'd


Ouadebache. We remain'd there till the Fourteenth, because one of our Men kill'd a wild Cow, as she was swimming over the River, whose Flesh we were oblig'd to dry with Smoak, to preserve it from putrifying. Being thus provided with Indian Corn and Flesh, we left that Place the Fourteenth, and saw nothing worth Observation. The Banks of the River are so muddy, and so full of Rushes and Reeds, that we had much ado to find a Place to go ashore.

The Fifteenth we discover'd three Savages, who came from Hunting, or from some Expedition. As we were able to make head against them, we landed, and march'd up to them; whereupon they run away; but after some Signs, one return'd, and presented us the Calumet of Peace, which we receiv'd; and the others came back. We did not understand a Word of what they said; nor they, I suppose, what we told them: Tho' having nam'd them two or three different Nations, one answer'd three times Chikacha, or Sikacha, which was likely the Name of his Nation. They gave us some Pelicans they had kill'd with their Arrows; and we presented them with part of our Meat. Our Canou being too little to take them in, they continu'd their way, making several Signs with their Hands, to follow them along the Shore; but we quickly lost the Sight of them.

Two days after, we saw a great number of Savages near


the River-side; and heard immediately after a certain Noise, as of a Drum; and as we came near the Shore, the Savages cry'd aloud Sasacouest; that is to say, Who goes there? as I have been inform'd. We were unwilling to land; but they sent us a Pirogue [123] or heavy Wooden Canou, made of the Trunk of a Tree, which they make hollow with Fire; and we discover'd amongst them the three Savages we had met two Days before. We presented our Calumet of Peace, which they receiv'd; but gave us to understand by Signs, that we must go to the Akansa; for they repeated so often that Word, pointing at the Savages a-shore, that I believe this is the right Name of their Nation. We cou'd not avoid it; and as soon as we were landed, the three Chikacha took our Canou upon their Shoulders, and carry'd it to the Village. The Savages receiv'd us very kindly, and gave us a Cabin for our selves alone; and presented us with Beans, Indian Corn, and Flesh to eat. We made them also some Presents of our European Commodities, which they admir'd: They put their Fingers upon their Mouth, especially when they saw our Guns; and I think this way of expressing their Surprize, is common to all the Savages of the Northern America.

These Savages are very different from those of the North, who are commonly sad, pensive, and severe; whereas these appear'd jovial, civil, and free. Their Youth are so modest,


that they dare not speak before Old Men, unless they are ask'd any Question. I observed they have tame Poultry, as Hens, Turkey-Cocks, and Bustards, which are as tame as our Geese. Their Trees began to shew their Fruit, as Peaches, and the like; which must be a great deal bigger than ours. Our Men lik'd very well the Manner of these People; and if they had found any Furrs and Skins to barter for their Commodities, they would have left me amongst them; but I told them, that our Discovery was more important to them than their Trade; and advis'd them to hide their Commodities under-ground, which they might take again upon our return, and exchange them with the Savages of the North. They approv'd my Advice, and were [124] sensible that they should prevent many Dangers; for Men are covetous in all Countries.

The Eighteenth we embark'd again, after having been entertain'd with Dancing and Feasting; and carry'd away our Commodities, tho' the Savages were very loth to part with them; but having accepted our Calumet of Peace, they did not presume to stop us by Force.



A Continuation of our Voyage on the River Meschasipi.

AS we fell down the River, we look'd for a fit Place to hide our Commodities, and at last pitch'd upon one between two Eminences near a Wood. We took up the green Sodds, lay'd them by, and digg'd a Hole in the Earth, where we put our Goods, and cover'd them with Pieces of Timber and Earth, and then put on again the green Turf; so that 'twas impossible to suspect that any Hole had been digg'd under it, for we flung the Earth into the River. We tore afterwards the Bark of three Oaks and of a large Cotton-tree, and ingrav'd thereon four Crosses, that we might not miss the Place at our Return. We embark'd again with all speed, and past by another Village of Savages about six Leagues from Akansa, and then landed at another two Leagues lower, where we were kindly entertain'd. Men, Women, and Children came to meet us; which makes me believe that the first Akansa had given notice of our arrival, to all the Villages of their Nation. We made them some Presents of little Value, which they thought very considerable. Presents are the Symbols of Peace in all those Countries.

The Twenty first those Savages carry'd us in a Pyrogue to see a Nation farther off into the Country, [125] which they


call Taensa; for they repeated often that Word, so that we could not but remember it. Those Savages inhabit the Banks of a Lake form'd by the Meschasipi; but I had not time enough to make any particular Observation concerning several of the Villages which I saw.

These Savages receiv'd us with much more Ceremonies than the Akansa; for their Chief came in great Solemnity to the Shore to meet us. He had a kind of a white Gown on, made of Cloth of Bark of Trees, which their Women spun ; and two Men carry'd before him a thin Plate of Copper, as shining as Gold. We presented our Calumet of Peace, which he receiv'd with Joy and much Gravity. The Men, Women, and Children, who attended him, express'd a great Respect for me, and kiss'd the Sleeves of the Habit of St. Francis; which made me believe that they had seen some Spanish Franciscans from New Mexico, it being usual there to kiss the Habit of our Order: But this is a meer Conjecture; tho' I observ'd they did not pay that Respect to the two Men that were with me.

The Taensa conducted us into a fine Cabin of flat Rushes and shining Reeds, and entertain'd us as well as their Country


could afford; and then Men and Women, who are half cover'd in that Country, danc'd together before us. Their way of Dancing is much more difficult than ours, but perhaps as pleasant, were it not for their Musick, which is very disagreeable. Women repeat every Word the Men have sung.

That Country is full of Palm-trees, wild Laurels, Plumtrees, Mulbery-trees, Peach-trees, Apple-trees, and Walnut trees of five or six kinds, whose Nuts are a great deal bigger than ours. They have also several sorts of Fruit-trees unknown in Europe, but I could not discern the Fruit, because of the Season of the Year.

[126] The Manners and Temper of that Nation is very different from that of the Iroquese, Hurons, and Illinois. These are Civil, Easie, Tractable, and capable of Instructions; whereas the others are meer Brutes, as fierce and cruel as any wild Beasts. We lay that Night in their Village, and were entertain'd as civilly as we could have wish'd for; and we did likewise our utmost to oblige them: We shew'd them the Effect of our Fire-Arms, and a Pistol which shot four Bullets one after another, without needing to be new charg'd. Our Men took their best Cloth, which pleas'd them very much; and they seem'd well satisfy'd with us, as they express'd by many Signs and Demonstrations. They sent overnight to the Koroa, who are their Allies, to give them notice of our Arrival; and their Chief came next Morning in great


Ceremony to see us. They seem'd transported with Joy, and 'tis great pity we could not understand what they told us, to know what Opinion they entertain'd of us, and from what Part of the World they fansied we came. I order'd my Men to square a Tree, and having made a Cross, we planted it near the Cabin where we lay.

The Twenty second we left that obliging People, and the Chief of the Koroa attended us to his Village, which is situated about ten Leagues lower, upon the River, in a fertile Soil, which produces abundance of Indian Corn, and other things necessary for Life. We presented them with three Axes, six Knives, seven Yards of good Tobacco, several Awls and Needles. They receiv'd our Presents with great Shouts, and their Chief presented us with a Calumet of Peace of red Marble, the Quill whereof was adorn'd with Feathers of five or six sorts of Birds.

They gave us also a Noble Treat according to their own way, which I lik'd very well; and after we had din'd, the Chief of that Nation understanding by our Signs which way we were bound, took a Stick, and [127] made such Demonstrations, that we understood that we had not above seven Days Journey to the Sea, which he represented as a great Lake with large wooden Canou's. The next Day we prepar'd to continue our Voyage; but they made such Signs to oblige us to stay a Day or two longer, that I was almost perswaded to do it; but seeing the Weather so favourable for our Journey, we embark'd again. The Chief of that Nation, seeing we were resolv'd to be gone, sent several Men


in two Pyrogues, to attend us to the Mouth of the River with Provisions; but when I saw that the three Chikacha, of whom I have spoken, follow'd us every where, I bid my Men to have care of them, and observe their Motions upon our landing, for fear of any Surprize. It was then Easter-day, which we kept with great Devotion, tho' we could not say Mass for want of Wine; but we spent all the Day in Prayers in sight of the Savages, who wonder'd much at it.

The Meschasipi divides it self into two Channels, and thereby forms a large Island, which to our thinking was very long, and might be about fixty Leagues broad. The Koroa oblig'd us to follow the Canal to the Westward, tho' the Chikacha, who were in their Pyrogues, endeavour'd to perswade me to take the other: But as we had some suspicion of them, we refus'd to follow, their Advice; tho' I was afterwards convinc'd, that they design'd only to have the Honour to bring us to several Nations on the other Side of the River, whom we visited in our return.

We lost quickly the Company of our Savages; for the Stream being very rapid in this Place, they could not follow us in their Pyrogues, which are very heavy. We made that Day near forty Leagues, and landed in the Evening upon the Island, where we pitch'd our Cabin.

The Twenty fourth we continu'd our Voyage; and about five and thirty Leagues below the Place [128] we had lain, we discover'd two Fishermen, who immediately ran away. We heard some time after a great Cry, and the Noise of a Drum; but as we suspected the Chikacha, we kept in the


middle of the River, rowing as fast as we could. This was the Nation of Quinipissa, as we understood since. We landed that Night in a Village belonging to the Nation of Tangibao, as we have been inform'd; but the Inhabitants had been surpriz'd by their Enemies, for we found ten of them murther'd in their Cabins; which oblig'd us to embark again, and cross the River, where we landed, and having made a Fire, roasted our Indian Corn.

The Twenty fifth we left the Place early in the Morning; and after having row'd the best part of the Day, came to a Point where the Meschasipi divides it self into three Chanels: We took the middle one, which is very broad and deep. The Water began there to taste brackish, but four Leagues lower it was as salt as the Sea. We rowed about four Leagues farther, and discover'd the Sea, which oblig'd us to go a-shore to the Eastward of the River.


Chap. XXXIX.

Reasons which oblig'd us to return towards the Source of the River Meschasipi, without going any farther toward the Sea.

MY two Men were very much afraid of the Spaniards of New Mexico, who inhabit to the Westward of this River; and they were perpetually telling me, that if they were taken, the Spaniards would never spare their Lives, or at least give them the Liberty to return into Europe. I knew their Fears were not altogether unreasonable; and therefore I resolv'd to go no farther, tho' I had no reason to be [129] afraid for my self, our Order being so numerous in New Mexico, that, on the contrary, I might expect to have had in that Country a peaceable and easie Life.

I don't pretend to be a Mathematician, but having learn'd to take the Elevation of the Pole, and make use of the Astrolabe, I might have made some exact Observations, had M. la Salle trusted me with that Instrument: However, I observ'd that the Meschasipi falls into the Gulph of Mexico, between the 27th and 28th Degrees of Latitude, where, as I believe, our Maps mark a River call'd Rio Escondido, the Hidden River. The Magdalen River runs between this


River and the Mines of St. Barbe that are in New Mexico. The Mouth of the Meschasipi may be about thirty Leagues from Rio Bravo, sixty from Palmas, and eighty or a hundred from Rio Panuco, the nearest Habitation of the Spaniards; and according to these Observations, the Bay di Spirito Sancto lies to the North-East of the Meschasipi, which from the Mouth of the River of the Illinois to the Sea, runs directly to the South, or South-West, except in its Windings and Turnings, which are so great, that by our Computation there are about 340 Leagues from the River of the Illinois to the Sea, whereas there are not above 150 in a direct Line. The Meschasipi is very deep, without being interrupted by any Sands, so that the biggest Ships may come into it. Its Course from its Source to the Sea, may be 800 Leagues, including Windings and Turnings, as I shall observe anon, having travell'd from its Mouth to its Head.

My Men were very glad of this Discovery, and to have escap'd so many Dangers; but, on the other hand, they ex-press'd a great deal of dissatisfaction to have been at such trouble, without making any Profit, having found no Furrs to exchange for their Commodities. They were so impatient to return, that they would never suffer me to build a Cabin upon [130] the Shoar, and continue there for some days, the better to observe where we were. They squar'd a Tree of twelve foot high, and made a Cross thereof, which we erected


in that Place, leaving there a Letter sign'd by me and my two Men, containing an Account of our Voyage, of our Country, and Profession. We kneel'd then near the Cross, and having sung the Vexilla Regis, and some other Hymns, embark'd again on the first of April to return towards the Source of the River.

We saw no body while we continu'd there, and therefore cannot tell whether any Natives inhabit that Coast. We lay, during the time we remain'd a-shoar, under our Canou's, supported with four Forks; and the better to protect us against the Rain, we had some Rolls of Birch-Bark, wherewith we made a kind of Curtains about our Canou, hanging from the top down to the ground. 'Tis observable, that during the whole Course of our Sailing, God protected us against the Crocodiles, which are very numerous in that River, and especially towards the Mouth: They look'd dreadful, and would have attack'd us, had we not been very careful to avoid them. We were very good Husbands of our Indian Corn; for the Banks of the River being full of Reeds, it was almost impossible to land to endeavour to kill some Beasts for our Subsistence.

Our Canou being loaded only with three Men and our Provisions, did not draw three Inches Water, and therefore we could row very near the Shoar, and avoid the Current of the River; and besides, my Men had such a desire to return to the North, that that very day we came to Tangibao; but because the Savages we had found murther'd in their Cabins, made us believe, that that Place was not safe, we continu'd


our Voyage all the Night long, after having supp'd, lighting a great Match to fright the Crocodiles away for they fear nothing so much as Fire.

[131] The next day, April 2. we saw towards break of Day a great Smoak not far from us, and a little while after we discover'd four Savage Women loaded with Wood, and marching as fast as they could to get to their Village before us; but we prov'd too nimble for them at first. However, some Bustards coming near us, one of my Men could not forbear to shoot at them; which so much frighted these Women, that they left their Load of Wood, and run away to their Village, where they arriv'd before us. The Savages having heard the Noise, were in as great fear as their Wives, and left the Village upon our approach; but I landed immediately, and advanc'd alone with the Calumet of Peace; whereupon they return'd, and receiv'd us with all the Respect and Civility imaginable. They brought us into a great Cabin, and gave us several things to eat, sending notice in the mean time to their Allies, that we were arriv'd there; so that a great number of People crowded about to see us. They admir'd our Guns, and lifting up their Hands to Heaven, made us conceive they compar'd them to Thunder and Lightning; but seeing us shoot Birds at a great distance, they were so amaz'd that they could not speak a word. Our Men were so kindly entertain'd, that had it not been for the Commodities they had hid under-ground, they would have remain'd amongst that Nation; and truly it was chiefly to prevent any such thing, that I order'd them to do it; judging from the


Civility of those Savages, that they were like to be tempted to remain with them. This Nation call'd themselves Quinipissa.

We made them some small Presents, to shew our Gratitude for their kind Entertainment, and left that Place, April 4. and row'd with such diligence, that we arriv'd the same day at Koroa. That Nation was not frighted as at the first time, but receiv'd us with all imaginable Demonstrations of Joy, carrying our [132] Canou upon their Shoulders in a triumphant manner, and twelve Men dancing before us with fine Feathers in their hands. The Women follow'd us with their Children, who held me by my Gown and Girdle, expressing much the same Kindness to my two Men. They conducted me in that manner to the Cabin they had prepar'd for us, made of fine Mats of painted Rushes, and adorn'd with white Coverings made of the Bark of Trees, spun as finely as our Linen-Cloth; and after we had refresh'd our selves, with the Victuals they had prepar'd for us, they left us alone, to give us time to rest our selves, which we did all the Night long. The next Morning I was surpriz'd to see their Indian Corn, which we left very green, grown already to Maturity; but I have learn'd since, that that Corn is ripe sixty days after it is sown. I observ'd there also another sort of Corn; but for want of understanding their Language, I was not able to know its Use and Name.


Chap. XL.

An Account of our Departure from Koroa, to continue our Voyage.

I LEFT Koroa the next day, April 5. with a design to visit several Nations inhabiting the Coast of the Meschasipi, but my Men would never consent thereunto, telling me that they had no Business there, and they were oblig'd to make all the haste they could towards the North, to exchange their Commodities for Furrs. I told them, that the Publick Good was to be preferr'd to Private Interest; but I could not perswade them to any such thing; and they told me that every one ought to be free; that they were resolv'd to go towards the Source of the River, but that I might remain amongst those Nations, if I thought fit. In short, I found my self oblig'd to submit to [133] their Will, though they had receiv'd Orders to obey my Direction. We arriv'd the 7th in the Habitation of the Taensa's, who had already been inform'd of our return from the Sea, and were prepar'd to receive us; having for that end sent for their Allies inhabiting the inland Country to the West-ward of the River. They us'd all possible endeavours to oblige us to remain with them, and offer'd us a great many things; but our Men would not stay one single day; though I confess the Civility of that People, and the good Disposition I observ'd in them, wou'd have


stopp'd me amongst them, had I been provided with things necessary for the Function of my Ministry.

We parted the 8th, and the Taensa's follow'd us several Leagues in their lightest Pyrogues, but were at last oblig'd to quit us, being not able to keep pace with our Canou. One of our Men shot three Wild-Ducks at once, which they admir'd above all things, it being impossible to do so with their Arrows. We gave them some Tobacco, and parted from them, our Men rowing with all their Strength, to let them see we had kept company with them out of meer Civility.

The 9th, we came to the Place where our Men had hidden their Commodities; but when my Men saw that the Savages had burnt the Trees which we had mark'd, they were so afraid, that they were near sounding away, and did not doubt but their Goods were lost. We went a-shoar; and while I was mending our Canou, they went to look for their Treasure, which they found in good condition. They were so transported with Joy, that Picard came immediately to tell me that all was well. In the mean time, the Akansa's having receiv'd advice of our Return, came down in great numbers along the River to meet us; and lest they should see our Men taking again their Goods from under the Ground, I advanced to meet them with the Calumet of Peace, and [134] stopt them to smoak, it being a sacred Law amongst them to smoak in such a Juncture; and whosoever would refuse, most run the danger of being murther'd by the Savages, who have an extraordinary Veneration for the Calumet.


Whilst I stopt them, my Men put their Commodities into their Canou, and came to take me into it. The Savages saw nothing of it, of which I was very glad; for though they were our own, perhaps they might claim part of them upon some Pretence or other. I made several signs upon the Sand, to make them apprehend what I thought; but with what Success I don't know, for I could not understand a word of what they said, their Language having no affinity with those of their Neighbours I have convers'd withal, both since and after my Voyage to the Mouth of the Meschasipi.

I got into the Canou, and went by Water to the Village of the Akansa's, while they went by Land; but our Men row'd so fast, that they could hardly keep pace with us. One of them, who was a good Runner, arriv'd at the Village before us, and came to the Shoar with the Women and Children to receive us, which they did even with more Civility than they had express'd the first time. Our Men suspected that this was only to get our Commodities, which they admir'd; but they are certainly a good sort of People; and instead of deserving the Name of a Barbarous Nation, as the Europeans call all the Natives of America, I think they have more Humanity than many Natives of Europe, who pretend to be very civil and affable to Strangers.

It would be needless to give here an exact Account of the Feasts and Dances that were made for our Entertainment, or of the Melancholy they express'd upon our Departure. I must own, that I had much a-do to leave them, but my two Men would not give me leave to tarry a day, seeing these


Nations, having [135] had no Commerce with the Europeans, did not know the Value of Beavers Skins, or other Furrs, whereas they thought that the Savages inhabiting about the Source of the Meschasipi, might have been inform'd thereof by the Inhabitants of the Banks of the upper or Great Lake, which we found to be true, as we shall observe anon. We left the Akansa's upon the 24th of April, having presented them with several little Toys, which they receiv'd with an extraordinary Joy; and during sixty Leagues, saw no Savage neither of the Nation of Chikacha, or Messorite, which made us believe they were gone a hunting with their Families, or else fled away, for fear of the Savages of Tintonba, that is to say, such as inhabit the Meadows, who are their irreconcileable Enemies.

This made our Voyage the more easie, for our Men landed several times to kill some Fowl and other Game, with which the Banks of the Meschasipi are plentifully flock'd; however, before we came to the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, we discover'd several of the Messorites, who came down all along the River; but as they had no Pyrogues with them, we cross'd to the other side; and to avoid any Surprize during the Night, we made no fire; and thereby the Savages could not discover whereabout we were; for doubtless they would have murther'd us, thinking we were their Enemies.

I had quite forgot to relate, that the Illinois had told us, that towards the Cape, which I have call'd in my Map St. Anthony near the Nation of the Messorites, there were some


Tritons, and other Sea-Monsters painted, which the boldest Men durst not look upon, there being some Enchantment in their Faces. I thought this was a Story; but when we came near the Place they had mention'd, we saw instead of these Monsters, a Horse and some other Beasts painted upon the Rock with red Colours by the Savages. The Illinois had told us likewise, that the Rock on which [136] these dreadful Monsters stood, was so steep that no Man could climb up to it; but had we not been afraid of the Savages more than of the Monsters, we had certainly got up to them. There is a common Tradition amongst that People, That a great number of Miami's were drown'd in that Place, being pursu'd by the Savages of Matsigamea ; and since that time, the Savages going by the Rock, use to smoak, and offer Tobacco to those Beasts, to appease, as they say, the Manitou, that is, in the Language of the Algonquins and Accadians, an evil Spirit, which the Iroquese call Otkon; but the Name is the only thing they know of him.


While I was at Quebec, I understood that M. Jolliet had been upon the Meschasipi, and oblig'd to return without going down that River, because of the Monsters I have spoken of, who had frighted him, as also because he was afraid to be taken by the Spaniards; and having an Opportunity to know the Truth of that Story from M. Jolliet himself, with whom I had often travell'd upon the River St. Lawrence, I ask'd him whether he had been as far as the Akansa's? That Gentleman answer'd me, That the Outtaouats had often spoke to him of those Monsters; but that he had never gone farther than the Hurons and Outtaouats, with whom we had remain'd to exchange our European Commodities with their Furrs. He added, that the Savages had told him, that it was not safe to go down the River, because of the Spaniards. But notwithstanding this Report, I have found no-where upon that River any Mark, as Crosses, and the like, that could persuade me that the Spaniards had been there; and the Savages inhabiting the Meschasipi would not have express'd such Admiration as they did when they saw us, if they had seen any Europeans before. I'll examine this Question more at large in my Second Volume.


[137] Chap. XLI.

A particular Account of the River Meschasipi; Of the Country thro' which it flows; and of the Mines of Copper, Lead, and Coals we discover'd in our Voyage.

FROM thirty Leagues below Maroa, down to the Sea, the Banks of the Meschasipi are full of Reeds or Canes; but we observ'd about forty places, where one may land with great facility. The River overflows its Banks now and then; but the Inundation is not very considerable, because of the little Hills which stop its Waters. The Country beyond those Hills is the finest that ever I saw, it being a Plain, whose Bounds I don't know, adorn'd now and then with some Hills and Eminences cover'd with fine Trees, making the rarest Prospect in the World. The Banks of the small Rivers flowing through the Plain, are planted with Trees, which look as if they had been disposed into that curious Order by the Art of Men; and they are plentifully stock'd with Fish, as well as the Meschasipi. The Crocodiles are very dangerous upon this great River, as I have already observ'd; and they devour a Man if they can surprize him; but 'tis easie to avoid them, for they don't swim after Men, nor follow them a-shoar.

The Country affords all sorts of Game, as Turkey-Cocks,


Partridges, Quails, Parrots, Wood-Cocks, Turtle-Doves, and Wood-Pidgeons; and abundance of wild Bulls, wild Goats, Stags, Beavers, Otters, Martins, and wild Cats: But as we approach'd nearer the Sea, we saw no Beavers. I design to give a particular Account of these Creatures in another place; in the mean time we shall take notice of two others, who are unknown in Europe.

[138] I have already mention'd a little Animal, like a Musk'd-Rat, that M. la Salle kill'd as we came from Fort Miamis to the Illinois, which deserves a particular Description. It looks like a Rat as to the Shape of its Body, but it is as big as a Cat: His Skin looks Silver-like, with some fair black Hair, which makes the Colour the more admirable. His Tail is without any Hair, as big as a Man's Finger, and about a Foot long, wherewith he hangs himfelf to the Boughs of Trees. That Creature has under the Belly a kind of a Bag, wherein they put their young ones when they are pursu'd; which is one of the most wonderful things of the World, and a clear Demonstration of the Providence and Goodness of the Almighty, who takes so particular a Care of the meanest of his Creatures.

There is no fierce Beast in all that Country that dares attack Men; for the Mechibichi, the most terrible of all, and who devours all other Beasts whatsoever, runs away upon the approach of a Savage. The Head of that Creature is very like that of the spotted Lynx, but somewhat bigger: his Body is long, and as large as a wild Goat, but his Legs are shorter; his Paws are like a Cat's-Foot; but the Claws are


so long and strong, that no other Beast can resist them. When they have kill'd any Beast, they eat part of it, and carry the rest upon their Back, to hide it in the Woods; and I have been told that no other Beast dare meddle with it. Their Skin is much like that of a Lion, as well as their Tail; but their Head is much bigger.

The Savages gave us to understand that to the Westward of their Habitation, there are some Beasts who carry Men upon their Backs, and shew'd us the Hoof and part of the Leg of one, which was certainly the Hoof of a Horse; and surely Horses must not be utterly unknown in the Northern America: for then how cou'd the Savages have drawn [139] upon the Rock I have mention'd, the Figure of that Animal?

They have in that Country all sorts of Trees we have in Europe, and a great many other unknown to us. There are the finest Cedars in the World; and another sort of Tree, from which drops a most fragrant Gum, which in my opinion exceeds our best Perfumes. The Cotton-Trees are of a prodigious height; the Savages make them hollow with Fire, to make their Pyrogues of them; and we have seen some of them all of a-piece, above an hundred Foot long. The Oak is so good, that I believe it exceeds ours for building Ships. I have observ'd that Hemp grows naturally in that Country, and that they make Tarr and Pitch toward the Sea-Coasts;


and as I don't question but that there are some Iron-Mines, the Building of Men of War wou'd be very cheap in the River Meschasipi.

I took notice in my Description of Louisiana, that there are vast Meadows, which need not to be grubb'd up, but are ready for the Plow and Seed; and certainly the Soil must be very fruitful, since Beans grow naturally, without any Culture. Their Stalks subsist several Years, bearing Fruit in the proper Seasons: They are as big as one's Arm, and climb up the highest Trees, just as Ivy does. The Peach-Trees are like ours, and so fruitful, that they wou'd break if they were not supported. Their Forests are full of Mulberry-Trees and Plum-Trees, whose Fruit is bemusk'd. They have also plenty of Pomegranate-Trees and Chestnut-Trees: And 'tis observable, that all these Trees are cover'd with Vines, whose Grapes are very big and sweet.

They have three or four Crops of Indian Corn in one Year; for they have no other Winter than some Rains. We had not time enough to look for Mines; but we found in several Places some Pit-Coal; and the Savages shew'd us great Mines of Lead and Copper. [140] They have also Quarries of Freestone; and of black, white, and Jasper-like Marble, of which they make their Calumets.

These Savages are good-natur'd Men, affable, civil, and obliging; but I design to make a particular Tract concerning their Manners, in my Second Volume. It seems they have no Sentiments of Religion; though one may judge from their


Actions that they have a kind of Veneration for the Sun, which they acknowledge, as it seems, for the Maker and Preserver of all things.

When the Nadouessians and Issati take Tobacco, they look upon the Sun, which they call in their Language Louis; and as soon as they have lighted their Pipe, they present it to the Sun with these Words, Tchendiouba Louis, that is to say, Smoak Sun; which I took for a kind of Adoration. I was glad when I heard that this only Deity was call'd Louis, because it was also my Name. They call the Moon Louis Basatsche, that is to say, The Sun of the Night; so that the Moon and Sun have the same Name, except that the Moon is distinguish'd by the Word Basatsche.

They offer also to the Sun the best Part of the Beast they kill, which they carry to the Cabin of their Chief, who makes his Profit thereof, and mumbles some Words as it raises. They offer also the first Smoak of their Calumets, and then blow the Smoak towards the four Corners of the World. This is all I have observ'd concerning their Religion; which makes me believe that they have a religious Veneration for the Sun.


[141] Chap. XLII.

An Account of the various Languages of the Nations inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi; of their Submission to their Chief; of the Difference of their Manners from the Savages of Canada; and of the Difficulties, or rather Impossibilities attending their Conversion.

'TIS very strange that every Nation of the Savages of the Northern America should have a peculiar Language; for though some of them live not ten Leagues one from another, they must use an Interpreter to talk together, there being no universal Language amongst them; as one may call the Lingua Franca, which is understood upon all the Coast of the Mediterranean-Sea; or the Latin Tongue, common to all the Learned Men of Europe. However, those who live so near one another, understand some Words us'd amongst their Neighbours, but not well enough to treat together without an Interpreter; and therefore they us'd to send one of their Men to each of their Allies, to learn their Language, and remain with them as their Resident, and take Care of their Concerns.

These Savages differ from those of Canada both in their Manners, Customs, Temper, Inclinations, and even in the


Shape of their Heads; those of the Meschasipi having their Heads very flat. They have large Places in their Villages, where they meet together upon any publick Rejoicings; and where they have publick Games at certain Seasons of the Year. They are lively and active, having nothing of that Morosity and Pensiveness of the Iroquese and others. Their Chiefs have a more absolute Authority than those of the other Savages, which Power is very narrow; and those who live the nearest to the Mouth of the River, have such a Deference for their [142] Chief, that they dare not pass between him and a Flambeau, which is always carry'd before him in all Ceremonies. These Chiefs have Servants and Officers to wait upon them: They distribute Rewards and Presents as they think fit. In short, they have amongst them a Form of Political Government; and I must own they make a tolerable use of their Reason.

They were altogether ignorant of Fire-Arms, and all other Instruments and Tools of Iron and Steel, their Knives and Axes being made of Flint, and other sharp Stones: And whereas we were told that the Spaniards of New Mexico liv'd not above forty Leagues from them, and supply'd them with all the Tools, and other Commodities of Europe; we found nothing among them that might be suspected to come from the Europeans, unless it be some little pieces of Glass strung upon a Thread, with which their Women use to adorn their Heads. They wear Bracelets and Ear-Rings of fine Pearls, which they spoil, having nothing to boar them with, but with


Fire. They made us to understand that they have them in exchange for their Calumets, from some Nations inhabiting the Coast of the great Lake to the South-ward, which I take to be the Gulph of Florida.

I'll say nothing here, or at least very little, concerning their Conversion, reserving to discourse fully upon that Subject, in another Volume, wherein I promise my self to undeceive many People about the false Opinions they entertain on this Matter. Where-ever the Apostles appear'd, they converted so great a number of People, that the Gospel was known and believ'd in a short time, thro' most part of the then known World. But our Modern Missions are not attended with that Grace and Power, and therefore we are not to expect those miraculous Conversions. I have imparted to them, as well as I cou'd, the chief and general Truths of the Christian Religion: But, as [143] I have observ'd already, the Languages of those Nations having little or no Affinity one with another, I cannot say that my Endeavours have been very successful, tho' I learn'd the Language of the Issati or Nadoussians, and understood indifferently well that of the Illinois: But the Truths of Christianity are so sublime, that I fear, neither my Words nor Signs and Actions have been able to give them an Idea of what I preach'd unto them. GOD alone, who knows the Hearts of Men, knows also what Success my Endeavours have had. The Baptism I have administer'd to several Children, of whose Death I was morally assur'd, is the only certain Fruit of my Mission. But


after all, I have only discover'd the Way for other Missionaries, and shall be ready at all times to return thither, thinking my self very happy if I can spend the rest of my Days in endeavouring my own and other Mens Salvation; and especially in favour of those poor Nations, who have been hitherto ignorant of their Creator and Redeemer. But lest I shou'd tire the Reader, I reassume the Thread of my Discourse.


Chap. XLIII.

An Account of the Fishery of the Sturgeons; and of the Course we took, for fear of meeting some of our Men from Fort Crevecœur.

WE embarqu'd the Twenty fourth of April, as I have already said; and our Provisions being spent some Days after, we had nothing to live upon, but the Game we kill'd, or the Fish we cou'd catch. Stags, wild Goats, and even wild Bulls are pretty scarce toward the Mouth of the River of the Illinois; for this Nation comes as far as the Meschasipi to hunt them; but by good chance we found a great quantity [144] of Sturgeons, with long Bills, as we call'd them, from the shape of their Head. It was then the Season that these Fishes spawn; and they come as near the Shore as they can; so that we kill'd as many as we wou'd with our Axes and Swords, without spending our Powder and Shot. They were so numerous, that we took nothing but the Belly, and other dainty Parts, throwing off the rest.

As we came near the Mouth of the River of the Illinois, my Men begun to be very afraid to meet with their Comrades of Fort Crevecœur; for having not yet exchang'd their Commodities, as they were order'd, and refus'd to go Northward


at first, as I desir'd them, they had great reason to fear that they wou'd stop them, and punish them for not having follow'd my Directions. I was likewise afraid that by these Means our Voyage towards the Sea wou'd be discover'd, (there being some Reasons to keep it secret, as I shall observe in another place) and our farther Discovery stopt; and therefore to prevent any such thing, I advis'd them to row all the Night, and to rest our selves during the Day in the Islands, which are so numerous in that River. The Trees and Vines wherewith those Islands are cover'd, are so thick, that one can hardly land; and so we might lie there very safe, it being impossible to discover us. This Advice was approv'd, and thereby we avoided any Rencounter; for I did not doubt but our Men came now and then from Fort Crevecœur, to observe the Meschasipi, and get Intelligence of us. But when we found our selves pretty far from the River of the Illinois, we travell'd in the Day-time, as we used to do, in order to make our Observations, and view the Country; which does not appear so fertil, nor cover'd with so fine Trees above the River of the Illinois, as it is below, down the Meschasipi to the Sea.


[145] Chap. XLIV.

A short Account of the Rivers that fall into the Meschasipi; of the Lake of Tears; of the Fall of St. Anthony; of the wild Oats of that Country; and federal other Circumstances of our Voyage.

NO Rivers, as I have already said, run into the Meschasipi between the River of the Illinois and the Fall of St. Anthony, from the Westward, but the River Ottenta, and another which discharges it self into it within eight Leagues of the said Fall: But on the Eastward we met with a pretty large River, call'd Ouisconsin, or Misconsin [Wisconsin], which comes from the Northward. This River is near as large as that of the Illinois; but I cannot give an exact Account of the length of its Course, for we left it about sixty Leagues from its Mouth, to make a Portage into another River, which runs into the Bay of Puans, as I shall observe when I come to speak of our return from Issati into Canada. This River Ouisconsin runs into the Meschasipi about an hundred Leagues above that of the Illinois.

Within five and twenty Leagues after, we met another River coming from the Eastward, nam'd by the Issati and Nadoussians, Chebadeba, that is, The Black River. I can say very little of it, having observ'd only its Mouth; but I judge


from that, that it is not very considerable. About thirty Leagues higher we found the Lake of Tears, which we nam'd so because the Savages, who took us, as it will be hereafter related, consulted in this Place what they should do with their Prisoners; and those who were for murthering us, cry'd all the Night upon us, to oblige, by their Tears, their Companions to consent to our Death. This Lake is form'd by the Meschasipi, and may be [146] seven Leagues long, and five broad. Its Waters are almost stagnant, the Stream being hardly perceptible in the middle. We met, within a League above the Lake, another River, call'd, The River of the Wild Bulls, because of the great number of those Beasts grazing upon its Banks. It falls with a great rapidity into the Meschasipi; but some Leagues above its Mouth, the Stream is very gentle and moderate. There is an infinite number of large Tortoises in that River, which are very relishing. A Row of Mountains fence its Banks in some places.

There is another River, which falls forty Leagues above this last, into the Meschasipi; thro' which one may go into the Upper Lake, by making a Portage from it into the River Nissipikouet, which runs into the same Lake. It is full of Rocks and rapid Streams. We nam'd it The River of the Grave, or Mausolćum, because the Savages bury'd there one of their Men, who was bitten by a Rattle-Snake. They us'd


great Ceremonies in his Funeral, which I shall describe in another place; and I put upon his Corps a white Covering; for which the Savages return'd me their publick Thanks, and made a great Feast, to which above an hundred Men were invited.

The Navigation of the Meschasipi is interrupted ten Leagues above this River of the Grave, by a Fall of fifty or sixty Foot, which we call'd The Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, whom we had taken for the Protector of our Discovery. There is a Rock of a Pyramidal Figure, just in the middle of the Fall of the River.

The Row of Mountains fencing the Banks of the Meschasipi, ends at the Mouth of the River of Ouisconsin; and there we likewise observ'd, that that River, which runs from thence to the Sea almost directly North and South, runs then from the Westward or the North-West. The Misfortune we had of being taken Prisoners, hindred us from going as far as its [147] Source, which we cou'd never learn from the Savages, who told us only, that about twenty or thirty Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony, there is another Fall; near which a Nation of Savages inhabit at certain Seasons of the Year. They call those Nations Tintonha, that is, The Inhabitants of the Meadows.

Eight Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony, we met with the River of the Issati or Nadoussians, which is very narrow at the Mouth. It comes out from the Lake of the Issati, lying about seventy Leagues from its Mouth. We call'd this


River The River of St. Francis ; and it was in this Place that we were made Slaves by the Issati.

The Course of the Meschasipi, according to our best Computation, is about Eight hundred Leagues long, from Tintonha to the Sea, including its Windings and Turnings; which are very great, and may be navigable from the Fall of St. Anthony, for flat-bottom'd Boats, provided the Islands were clear'd from Trees, and especially from Vines; which having ty'd the Trees together, wou'd stop a Boat in many Places.

The Country about the Lake Issati is a Marshy Ground, wherein grows abundance of wild Oats, which grow without any Culture or Sowing, in Lakes, provided they are not above three Foot deep. That Corn is somewhat like our Oats, but much better; and its Stalks are a great deal longer when it is ripe. The Savages gather it, and live thereupon several Months of the Year, making a kind of Broath thereof. The Savage Women are oblig'd to tie several Stalks together with White Bark of Trees, to fright away the Ducks, Teals, or Swans, which otherwise wou'd spoil it before it be ripe.

This Lake of Issati lies within sixty Leagues to the Westward of the Upper Lake; but 'tis impossible to travel by Land from one to the other, unless it be in [148] a hard Frost, because of the Marshy Grounds, which otherwise sink under a Man; but, as I have already said, they may use their


Canou's, tho' it be very troublesom, because of the many Portages, and the length of the Way, which, by Reason of the Windings of the River, is about a hundred and fifty Leagues. The shortest way is by the River of the Grave [St. Croix], thro' which we went in our return. We found nothing but the Bones of the Savage we had bury'd there, the Bears having pull'd out with their Paws the great Stakes the Savages had beat deep into the Ground round about the Corps; which is their usual Way of Burying their Dead. We found near the Grave a Calumet or Pipe of War, and a Pot, in which the Savages had left some fat Meat of Wild Bulls, for the Use of their dead Friend, during his Voyage into the Country of Souls; which sheweth that they believe their Immortality.

There are many other Lakes near the River Issati, from which several Rivers spring. The Banks of those Rivers are inhabited by the Issati, the Nadoussians, the Tintonha or Inhabitants of Meadows, the Ouadebathon or Men of Rivers, the Chongasketon or Nation of the Wolf or the Dog, for Chonga signifies either of these Creatures. There are also several other Nations, which we include under the general Denomination of Nadoussians . These Savages may bring into the


Field eight or nine thousand Men: They are Brave, Bold, great Runners, and good Marksmen with their Arrows. It was a Party of these Savages that took us Prisoners, and carry'd us to the Issati, as I am going to relate in the following Chapter.


[149] Chap. XLV.

The Author and his Canou-Men are taken by the Savages, who, after several Attempts upon their Lives, carry them away with them into their Country above the River Meschasipi.

WE used to go to Prayers thrice a Day, as I have elsewhere observ'd; and my constant Request to God was, That when we shou'd first meet the Savages, it might happen to be by Day. Their Custom is, to kill as Enemies all they meet by Night, to enrich themselves with their Spoils, which are nothing but a parcel of Hatchets, Knives, and such like Trifles; which yet they value more than we do Gold or Silver. They make no scruple to assassinate even their own Allies, when they think they can handsomly conceal the Murder; for by such Exploits it is they hope to gain the Reputation of being great Soldiers, and to pass for Men of Courage and Resolution.

'Twas with a great deal of Satisfaction that we survey'd the Pleasures of the River Meschasipi, all along our Passage up it, which had been since the first of April. Nothing as yet had interrupted our Observations, whether it were navigable above or below. In our way we kill'd seven or eight Bustards or Wild Turkeys, which in these Countries encrease mightily, as well as all other Wild Creatures. We had also


plenty of Bulls, Deers, Castors [Beavers], Fish, and Bears Flesh; which last we kill'd as they were swimming over the River.

And here I cannot forbear seriously reflecting on that secret Pleasure and Satisfaction of Mind, which is to be found in Prayer, and the real Advantages which may be drawn from thence, when I consider how [150] effectually my own were heard: For the same Day, being the Twelfth of April, as our two Men were boiling one of the Bustards, and my self refitting our Canou on the Banks of the River, I perceiv'd all of a sudden, about Two in the Afternoon, no less than fifty Canou's, which were made of Bark, and mann'd with a hundred and twenty Savages, who were stark naked, and came down the River with an extraordinary Swiftness, to surprize the Miami's, Illinois, and Marohans [Tamaroas], their Enemies.

We threw away the Broath which was a preparing, and getting aboard as fast as we cou'd, made towards them, crying out thrice, Mistigouche and Diatchez, which in the Language of the Iroquese and Algonquins, is as much as to say, Comrades, we are Men of Wooden Canou's; for so they call those that sail in great Vessels. This had no effect, for the Barbarians understood not what we said; so that they surrounded us immediately, and began to let fly their Arrows at a distance, till the Eldest amongst them perceiving that I had a Calumet or Pipe of Peace in my hand, came up to us, and prevented our being murdered by their Warriours.

These Men who are more brutal than those of the lower


River, fell a jumping out of their Canou's, some upon Land, others into the Water; surrounding us on all Sides with Shrieks and Out-cries that were indeed very terrifying. 'Twas to no purpose to resist, being but three to so great a number. One of them snatch'd the Pipe of Peace out of my Hand, as our Canou and theirs were fastned together on the Bank of the River. We presented them with some small Pieces of Martinico Tobacco, because it was better than what they had. As they receiv'd it, the Elders of them cry'd out Miahima, Miahima; but what they meant by it, we knew not. However, we made Signs with our Oars upon the Sand, that the Miami's their Enemies, whom they were in search of, had [151] pass'd the River, and were upon their Flight to join the Illinois.

When they saw themselves discover'd, and consequently out of all hopes of surprizing their Enemies, three or four of the eldest of them laid their hands on my Head, and began to weep bitterly, accompanying their Tears with such mournful Accents as can hardly be express'd; till with a sorry Handkerchief of Armenian Cloth, which I had left, I made a Shift to dry up their Tears: However, to very little purpose; for refusing to smoak in our Calumet or Pipe of Peace, they thereby gave us to understand, that their design was still to murder us. Hereupon with an horrid Out-cry, which they set up all at once, to make it yet the more terrible, they hurry'd us cross the River, forcing us to redouble the Stroaks of our Oar, to make the more speed; and entertaining us all the while with such dismal Howlings, as were


capable of striking Terrour into the most resolute and daring Souls. Being come a-shoar on the other side, we unloaded our Canou, and landed our Things, part of which they had robb'd us of already. Some time after our Landing, we made a fire a second time, to make an end of boiling our Bustard. Two others we presented the Barbarians, who having consulted together what they should do with us, two of their Leaders came up to us, and made us to understand by Signs, that their Warriours were resolv'd upon our Death. This oblig'd me, whilst one of our Canou-Men look'd after our Things, to go with the other, and apply my self to their Chiefs. Six Hatchets, fifteen Knives, some pieces of Tobacco, was the Present that I made them. After which, bending my Neck, and pointing to a Hatchet, I signifi'd to them by that Submission, that we threw our selves on their Mercy.

The Present had the good effect to soften some of them, who, according to their Custom, gave us [152] some Flesh of Beaver to eat, themselves putting the three first Bits in our Mouths; having first blown upon it, because the Meat was hot. After this they set their Platter before us, which was made of the Bark of a Tree, leaving us at liberty to feed after our own fashion. These Civilities did not hinder us from passing the Night very uneasily, because in the Evening before they went to sleep, they had return'd us our Calumet of Peace. The two Canou-Men resolv'd to sell their Lives as dear as they could, and to defend themselves like Men to the last, in case they shou'd attack us, For my part, I told


them I resolv'd to suffer my self to be slain without the least Resistance, in Imitation of our Saviour, who resign'd himself up voluntarily into the hand of his Executioner. However, we watch'd all Night by turns, that we might not be surpriz'd in our Sleep.


Chap. XLVI.

The Resolution which the Barbarians took to carry the Author and his two Men along with them up into their Country, above the River Meschasipi.

THE 13th of April, very early in the Morning, one of their Captains, whose Name was Narrhetoba, being one of those who had been for killing us, and whose Body was painted all over, came and demanded my Pipe of Peace. It being deliver'd him, he fill'd it with Tobacco of their own growth, and made those of his own Band smoak in it first; then all the rest that had been for putting us to death. After this he made Signs, that we must go with them into their Country, whither they were then about to return. This Proposal did not startle me much, for having caus'd the Enterprize which they had [153] fram'd against their Enemies to miscarry, I was not unwilling to embrace any opportunity of making farther Discoveries amongst these barbarous Nations. That which perplex'd me most, was the Difficulty I had of saying my Office, and performing the rest of my Devotions, in the presence of these Wretches. Many of them observing my Lips to move, told me in a harsh and severe Tone, Ouackanche; from whence, because we understood not a word of their Language, we concluded them to be very angry.


Michael Ako, one of the Canou-Men, told me with a frightful Air, that if I continu'd to say my Breviary, we should infallibly be murther'd by them. Picard du Gay desir'd me at least to say my Prayers in private, for fear of enraging them too far. The last Advice seem'd the best; but the more I endeavour'd to conceal my self, the more of them had I at my Heels. If at any time I retir'd into the Woods, they immediately concluded 'twas to hide something: So that I knew not which way to turn me for the performance of my Duty; for they would never suffer me a moment out of their Sight.

This compell'd me at last to acquaint the two Canou-Men, that I cou'd no longer dispense with my self in omitting the Duty of my Office: That if they shou'd murder us on this Account, I shou'd indeed be the innocent Cause of their Death as well as my own; that therefore I ran the same Risque as they, but that no Danger was great enough to justisie me in the dispensing with my Duty. In fine, the Barbarians understood by the Word Ouackanche, that the Book in which I read, was an evil Spirit, as I afterwards understood by being amongst them. However, I then knew by their Gestures, that they had an aversion for it. Wherefore to use them to it by degrees, I was wont to sing the Litanies, as we were upon the Way, holding the Book in my Hand. They [154] fondly believ'd my Breviary was a Spirit, which taught me to sing thus for their Diversion. All these People naturally love Singing.


Chap. XLVII.

The many Outrages done us by the Savages, before we arriv'd in their Country. They frequently design against our Lives.

THE many Outrages which were done us by these Barbarians, through the whole Course of our Voyage, are not to be imagin'd. Our Canou was both bigger and heavier laden than theirs. They seldom carry any thing but a Quiver full of Arrows, a Bow, and some sorry Skin or other, which usually serves two of them for a Coverlet. The Nights were sharp as yet for the Season, by reason of our advancing still Northwards; so that at Night 'twas necessary to keep our selves as warm as we could.

Our Conductors observing that we did not make so much way as themselves, order'd three of their Warriours to go aboard us. One seated himself on my Left, the other two behind the Men, to help them to row, that we might make the more haste. The Barbarians sometimes row no less than thirty Leagues a day, when they are in haste to take the Field, and design to surprize their Enemies. Those who took us were of divers Villages, and as much divided in their Sentiments, in regard of us. Every Evening 'twas our peculiar Care to plant our Cabin near the young Chief, who had


taken Tobacco in our Pipe of Peace; Signifying to him thereby, that we put our selves under his Protection.

This we did, by reason of the Divisions which reign'd amongst the Savages. Aquipaguetin, one of their Chiefs, who had a Son kill'd by the Miami's, [155] finding he could not revenge himself of that Nation, thought of venting his Passion upon us. Every Night would he bewail his Son, whom he had lost in the War, thinking thereby to stir up those of his Band to revenge his Death, by killing us, seizing our Effects, and after that pursuing the Miami's. But the other Savages, who were very fond of European Commodities, thought it more adviseable to protect us, that other Europeans might be encourag'd to come amongst them. They chiefly desir'd Guns, upon which they set the highest Value, having seen the use of them upon one of our Canou-Men's killing three or four Bustards or wild Turkies, at one single Discharge of his Fusil; whereas they could not kill above one at a time with their Bows.

We have understood by them since, that the Words Manza Ouackanche signifie Iron possess'd by an Evil Spirit. So they call the Fusil, which breaks a Man's Bones; whereas their Arrows glide only between the Flesh and the Muscles, which they pierce without breaking the Bone at all, or very seldom at least. For which reason it is, that these People do much easier cure the Wounds which are made by the Arrow or Dart, than those of the Fusil.

When we were first taken by the Barbarians, we were got about an hundred and fifty Leagues up the River, from that


of the Illinois. We row'd afterwards in their Company for nineteen Days together, sometimes North, sometimes North East, as we judg'd by the Quarters from whence the Wind blew, and according to the best Observations we cou'd make by our Compass. So that after these Barbarians had forc'd us to follow them, we made more than two hundred and fifty Leagues upon that same River. The Savages are of an extraordinary Force in a Canou. They'll row from Morning to Night without resting, or hardly allowing themselves so much time as to eat their Victuals.

[156] To oblige us to follow them the faster, there were usually four or five of their Men a-board us; for our Canou was larger, and deeper loaden than theirs, so that we had need of their Assistance, to be able to keep 'em company. When it rain'd, we set up our Tilts; but when 'twas fair, the Heavens were our Canopy. By this means we had leisure to take our Observations from the Moon and the Stars when it was clear. Notwithstanding the fatigue of the Day, the youngest of the Warriours went at Night and danc'd the Reed before four or five of their Captains till Midnight. The Captain to whose Quarter they went, sent with a deal of Ceremony to those that danc'd, a Warriour of his own Family, to make them smoak one after another in his own Reed of War, which is distinguish'd from that of Peace by its Feathers.

This sort of Ceremony is always concluded by the two


Youngest of those who have had any Relations kill'd in the Wars. These take several Arrows, and laying them a-cross at the point, present them in that manner to their Captains, weeping very bitterly; who, notwithstanding the excess of their Sorrow, return them back to be kiss'd. In short, neither the Fatigues of the Day, nor Watchings, are sufficient to prevail with the Elders so much as to shut their Eyes, most of them watching till almost Break of Day, for fear of being surpriz'd by their Enemies. As soon as the Morning appears, one of them sets up the ordinary Cry, when in a moment the Warriours are all in their Canou's. Some are sent to encompass the Islands, and to see what Game they can meet with; whilst others that are more swift, go by Land to discover by the Smoak the Place where the Enemies lie.


[157] Chap. XLVIII.

The Advantages which the Savages of the North have over those of the South, in relation to the War: As also the Ceremony which was performed by one of our Captains, having caus'd us to halt at Noon.

WHEN the Savages of the North are at War, 'tis their Custom to post themselves upon the point of some one of those many Islands, of which this River is full, where they look upon themselves to be always safe. Those of the South, who are their Enemies, having nothing but Pyrogues, or Canou's of Wood, with which they cannot go very fast, because of their weight. None but the Northern Nations have Birch to make Canou's of their Bark. The People of the South are depriv'd of this Advantage, whereas those of the North can with an admirable facility pass from Lake to Lake, and River to River, to attack their Enemy. Nay, when they are discover'd, they value it not, provided they have time to recover their Canou's; for 'tis impossible for those who pursue them either by Land, or in the Pyrogues, to do it with any Success.

As to what relates to Ambuscades, no Nation in the World comes near those Northern Savages, being patient of Hunger, and the utmost Severities of the Weather, beyond


belief. 'Tis their sure Game; and they never fail being succour'd by three or four of their Comrades, whenever their Enemies attack 'em. So that they always bring their Designs about this way, at least, if not over power'd so by Numbers, as not to be able to recover their Canou's, and save themselves by flight.

One of the nineteen Days of our most tiresome Voyage, a Captain call'd Aquipaguetin, who afterwards [158] adopted me for his Son, as we shall see anon, thought it advisable to halt about Noon in a fine large Meadow, situate on the West of the River Meschasipi. This Chief had kill'd a large fat Bear, to which he invited the principal Captains of the Warriours. After the Repast, these Savages having all of them certain Marks in the Face, and their Bodies painted with the Figure of some Beast, such as every one fancy'd best, their Hair being also anointed with the Oil of Bears, and stuck all over with red and white Feathers, and their Heads cover'd with the Down of Birds, began to dance with their Hands all upon their Hip, and striking the Soles of their Feet with that violence against the Earth, that the very Marks appear'd. During the Dance, one of the Sons of the Master of the Ceremonies, made 'em all smoak in the Pipe of War, himself shedding abundance of Tears during the whole Action. And the Father, who marshall'd the whole melancholy Scene, accompany'd him with a Voice so lamentable and broken, with so many riling Sighs, as were capable of melting the most obdurate Heart, bathing himself all the while in his Tears: Sometimes would he address himself to


the Warriour, sometimes to me, laying his Hands on my Head, as he did also on my Mens. Sometimes would he lift up his Eyes to Heaven, repeating the Word Louis, which in their Speech signifies the Sun, appealing to him for Justice on the Murderers of his Son, and hoping to engage his Followers to avenge his Death.

As for us, as far as we could judge, all this Grimace boded us no good: And indeed we afterwards understood, that this Barbarian meant nothing less than our Destruction by it, as well now as at other times. But finding the opposition he was like to meet with from the other Chiefs, who were of a contrary Opinion, he was content to suffer us to re-embark, resolving however to make use of some other [159] Stratagem to get into his own Hands by little and little the rest of our Things. To take them from us openly by force, tho' he easily could, he durst not, for fear of those of his own Nation, who for such an Action would have accus'd him of a Baseness of Spirit, which even the most barbarous disdain.


Chap. XLIX.

What Tricks and Artifices were us'd by Aquipaguetin to cheat us handsomely of our Goods; with many other Accidents that hapned in our Voyage.

BY what has been said, it plainly appears that Aquipaguetin was a crafty designing Knave. He had with him the Bones of one of his deceas'd Friends, which he kept very choicely in the Skin of a Beast, adorn'd with several red and black Lifts of a Porcupine's. He would be from time to time assembling his Followers to make them smoak; and then would he send for us one after another, and oblige us to cover the Bones of their Deceas'd with some of our European Merchandise, in order to dry up the Tears which he had shed for him and his Son, who had been kill'd by the Miami's.

To appease the crafty old Savage, we strew'd on the Bones of the Deceas'd several Pieces of Martinico-Tobacco, Hatchets, Knives, Beads, and some Bracelets of black and white Porcelain. Thus you see how we were drain'd by such Methods and Pretences, as we could not easily gainsay. He gave us to understand, That what he had thus demanded of us, was not for himself but the Dead, and to give the Warriours that he brought with him; and indeed he distributed amongst them whatever he took from us. He would have


had us understood by this, That [160] as a Captain he would take nothing himself but what we should freely present him with.

All this while we lay at the point of the Lake of Tears; we nam'd it so by reason of the Tears which this Chief did shed here every Night. When he was weary of Weeping, he made one of his Sons come and supply his Place. His Design in this was to excite the Compassion of the Warriors, and to prevail with them to kill us, and after that to pursue their Enemies; and so revenge the Death of his Son which he had lost.

Sometimes they sent the swiftest amongst them by Land to seek for prey, who would drive whole Droves of wild Bulls before them, and force them to swim the River. Of these they sometimes kill'd forty or fifty, but took only the Tongues, and some other of the best Pieces: The rest they left, not to burden themselves, that they might make the more haste home.

'Tis true, we had Provisions plenty and good; but then we had neither Bread nor Wine, nor Salt, nor indeed any thing else to season it; and this lasted during the Four last Years of the almost Twelve that I liv'd in America. In our last Voyage, we liv'd much after the same manner, sometimes abounding, and at other times again reduc'd to the last Extremity; so that we have not eat a bit for four and twenty hours together, and sometimes longer. The reason is, because in small Canou's of Bark, one can stow but little: So that whatever Precaution a Man may use, he will often find himself


destitute of all things necessary for Life. Did the Religious of Europe undergo half the Fatigues, or did they but observe the Fasts that we have kept for so long a time together in America, there would need no Proofs to Canonize them. But then it must be own'd, that what destroys the Merits of our Fasts, was, that if we did suffer on such occasions, our Sufferings proceeded [161] not from our Choice; but, as the proverbial Saying is, our Virtue was our Necessity.


Chap. L.

The Elders weep for us during the Night. New Outrages done us by Aquipaguetin. The manner how the Savages make Fire by Friction.

MANY Nights together some or other of the Elders came and wept over us. They rubb'd our Arms and Bodies very often with their Hands, which they afterwards laid on our Heads. These Tears gave us many uneasie Thoughts; 'twas impossible to sleep for them; and yet we had need enough of Rest, after the great Fatigues of the Day. Nor was I easier by Day: I knew not what to think; sometimes I fansied that they bewail'd us, as knowing some of the Warriors had resolv'd to kill us; and other times again I flatter'd my self, that their Tears were the effect of their Compassion, for the evil Treatment they made us undergo. However it were, I am sure these Tears affected me more than those that shed them.

About this time, Aquipaguetin had another opportunity of persecuting us afresh: He had so dexterously manag'd the Matter with the Warriors of his Party, that it was one Day impracticable for us to encamp near the young Chief Narhetoba, who protected us, but were forc'd to go and place


our selves, with our Canou and Effects at the end of the Camp. Then it was that these Barbarians gave us to understand, that the aforesaid Captain was fully resolv'd to have our Heads. This oblig'd us to have recourse once more to our Chest, and to take out twenty Knives and some Tobacco, which we distributed among [162] them with an Air that sufficiently testify'd our Discontent.

The unreasonable Wretch look'd earnestly upon his Followers one after another, as if he were in doubt what to do, and consequently to demand their Advice, whether he ought to receive our Present or refuse it. But whilst we were inclining our Necks, and delivering him the Ax, the young Commander, who seem'd to be our Protector (and it may be really was) came and snatch'd us by the Arm, and all in a rage hurry'd us away to his Cabin. His Brother too taking up some Arrows, broke 'em in our fight, to assure us by that Action, that he would protect our Lives at the hazard of his own.

The next Day they left us alone in our Canou, without putting any of their Men a-board to assist us, as they had hitherto done: However, they kept all in the reer of us. After rowing four or five Leagues, another of their Captains came up to us, and made us land. As soon as we got on shoar, he fell to cutting of Grass, which he made into three little Heaps, and bade us sit down upon them: Then he took a piece of Cedar, which was full of little round Holes, into one of which he thrust a Stick of a harder Substance than the


Cedar, and began to rub it about pretty fast between the Palms of his Hands, till at length it took fire. The use he put it to was to light the Tobacco in his great Pipe; and after he had wept some time over us, and laid his Hands on our Heads, he made me smoak in a Calumet, or Pipe of Peace; and then acquainted us by Signs, that within sixteen Days we should be at home.


[163] Chap. LI.

Ceremonies us'd by the Savages when they share their Prisoners. Continuation of our Journey by Land.

HAVING thus travell'd nineteen Days in our Canou by Water, we arriv'd at length within five or six Leagues of the Fall, to which we had formerly given the Name of St. Anthony, as we came to understand afterwards. Here the Barbarians order'd us to land in a Creek of the River Meschasipi; after which, they held an Assembly, to consult what they were to do with us. In short, they separated, and gave us to three of their Chiefs, instead of three of their Sons which had been kill'd in the War: Then they seiz'd our Canou, and took away all our Equipage. The Canou they pull'd to pieces, for fear it might assist us to return to their Enemies: Their own they hid amongst the Alders, to use again when they should have occasion to hunt that way. So that tho' we might have gone conveniently enough quite up into their Country by Water, yet were we oblig'd, by their Conduct, to travel no less than sixty Leagues a-foot.

Our ordinary Marches were from break of Day till ten at Night: And when we met with any Rivers, we swam them, themselves (who for the Most part are of an extraordinary size) carrying our Clothes and Equipage on their Heads,


and the Canou-Men, who were less than me, upon their Shoulders, because they could not swim. As I us'd to come out of the Water, which was often full of Ice, for we travell'd still North, I was hardly able to stand upon my Legs. In these Parts the Frosts continue all Night even at this time of the Year; so [164] that our Legs were all over Blood, being cut by the Ice, which we broke by degrees in our Passage as we waded o'er the Lakes and Rivers. We never eat but once in four and twenty Hours, and then nothing but a few Scraps of Meat dry'd in Smoak after their Fashion, which they afforded us with abundance of regret.

I was so weak that I often laid me down, resolving rather to die than follow these Savages any farther, who travell'd at a rate so extraordinary, as far surpasses the Strength of any European. However, to hasten us, they sometimes set fire to the dry Grass in the Meadows through which we pass'd; so that our Choice was march or burn. I had a Hat which I had taken with me, to fence me from the Sun during the Heats of the Summer. This would often fall from my Head into the Fire, because it was not over-fit, and the Fire so very near. The Barbarians would snatch it out again, and lend me a hand to save me from the Flames, which they had kindled, as well as to hasten our March, as I have said, as to give notice to their People of their return. I must here acknowledge, that had it not been for du Gay, who did all he could to encourage me, through the whole Course of this tiresome March, I had certainly sunk under the Fatigues of it, having neither Spirits nor Strength left to support me.


[165] Chap. LII.

A great Contest arises amongst the Savages, about dividing our Merchandise and Equipage; as also my Sacerdotal Ornaments and little Chest.

AFTER having travell'd about sixty Leagues a-foot, and undergone all the Fatigues of Hunger, Thirst, and Cold, besides a thousand Outrages daily done us in our Persons, after we had march'd Night and Day without ceasing, wading through Lakes and Rivers, and sometimes swam. As we now began to approach the Habitations of the Barbarians, which are situated in Morasses inaccessible to their Enemies, they thought it a proper time to divide the Merchandise which they had taken from us. Here they had like to have fallen out and cut one another's Throats, about the Roll of Martinico-Tobacco, which might still weigh about fifty Pound. These People value this Commodity far beyond what we do Silver or Gold. They have very good of their own growth; but this was so well dress'd, and made up into such beautiful Rings, that they were perfectly charm'd with it. The most reasonable amongst them made us understand by Signs, that they would give their [sc. our] Canou-Men several Castor Skins in return for what they had taken: But others looking upon us as Slaves, because they said we had furnish'd Arms


to their Enemies, maintain'd that they were no ways oblig'd to make any return for the Things they had taken.

The reason why they divided the Spoil here, was, because this Band was compos'd of two or three different People: So that those that liv'd at a distance, were apprehensive lest the others, who were just at home, might detain all the Merchandise which they [166] had taken, in the first Villages they should come at; and therefore were resolv'd to play a sure Game, and have their Share aforehand. Nor had they any greater Respect: for what belong'd to me, than for the Merchandise which they took from the Canou-men; for they seiz'd my Brocard Chasuble, and all the Ornaments of my portable Chapel, except the Chalice, which they durst not touch. They observ'd that this Vessel, which was of Silver gilt, cast a glittering Light, so that as often as they chanc'd to look towurds it, they would shut their Eyes: The reason was, as we understood afterwards, because they believ'd it to be a Spirit which would kill them. I had a little Chest, which I kept lock'd; they made me understand by Signs, that if I did not open it, or break the Lock, they would do it for me, against some sharp Stones which they shew'd me. The reason why they threatned me thus, was, because they had not been able to open it all the way, though they attempted it several times, to see what was in it. These People understand nothing of Locks and Keys: Besides, their Design was not to cumber themselves with the Box it self, but only to take out the Things that were in it. After I had open'd it, and they saw there was little or nothing in it but Books and Papers, they left it me untouch'd.


Chap. LIII.

The Troop approaches the Village. A Grand Consult amongst the Savages, whether they should kill us, or save and adopt us for their Sons. The Reception which we had from them; and the use they made of my Chasuble.

AFTER five hard Days travel, without so much as resting, except a little by Night in the open Air, we perceiv'd at last abundance of Women and [167] Children coming out to meet our little Army: All the Elders of the Nation were assembled upon this Occasion. We observ'd several Cabins, near the Posts of which lay several Trusses of Straw and dry'd Weeds, where these Barbarians are wont to fallen and burn the Slaves which they bring home with them from their Wars. Here they order'd Picard du Gay to sing, who all the time rattled a hollow Gourd full of little round Stones, which he held in his Hand. I observ'd moreover, that his Hair and Face were painted with different Colours, and that they had fastned a Tuft of white Feathers to his Head. These Ceremonies renew'd our Fears; and we thought we had more reason than ever to believe, that they had still a Design to put us to death. Nor were our Fears groundless, since these, with many others, are the Ceremonies which they use at the burning of their Enemies.

The worst was, we could not make our selves be understood


However, after many Vows and secret Prayers which we offer'd up to God on this Occasion, the Barbarians at last gave us some wild Oats to eat, of which I have spoken elsewhere. They gave them us in great Dishes made of Birch-trees; and the Savage Women season'd them with Bluez. This is a sort of Black Grain, which they dry in the Sun in the Summer, and are as good as Corrans: The Dutch call them Clake-besien.

All the while the Feast lasted, which was the best Meal that we had made ever since we had been taken, there was a high Dispute between Aquipaguetin and the others, about the Distribution they were to make of the two Canou-men and my self. At last Aquipaguetin, as Head of the Party, carry'd it; who turning from one of the principal Captains towards me, presented me to smoak in his Calumet of Peace, receiving from me at the same time that which we had brought, as a certain Pledge of the Union which [168] was to be for the future 'twixt them and us. After this, he adopted me for his Son, in the room of him that he had lost in the War.

Narhetoba and another Captain did the same by the two Canou-men. This Separation was very grievous to us, tho' somewhat allay'd by the Satisfaction we had to find that our Lives were safe. Du Gay took me aside to confess him, being sensible of the uncertain Condition his Life was in, amongst so barbarous a People. This oblig'd him to embrace me very heartily, and to beg my Pardon for what was past,


having first made the same Request to God. I should have been overjoy'd to have seen Michael Ako as well dispos'd: However, I did not omit to shew both the one and the other all the Marks of a most tender Affection.

In short, the Savages having parted us, led us away each to his own Village. Our Way lay over a Morass, where we march'd half way the Leg in Water for a League together, at the end of which we were met by five of Aquipaguetin's Wives, who receiv'd me in one of the three Canou's of Bark which they had brought with them, and then carry'd me a little League farther into a small Island, where their Cabins were.


Chap. LIV.

The Authors Reception by the Relations of Aquipaguetin. They make him sweat to recover him of his Fatigues. The use they make of his Chasuble and other Ornaments.

I ARRIV'D at this Place in the Month of May, 1680. the Day I cannot precisely tell; for I was so harass'd by the Savages on the Way, that I could not make all the little Observations which otherwise I would have done: Besides, there is some seven or [169] eight Hours difference between the Days and Nights of Europe, and those of North-America, because of the Retrogradation of the Sun. The Cape was always to West of us from Rochel [La Rochelle] to Quebec; but to South-west from thence, till we came to Meschasipi, which made a considerable Variation in the Needle.

This Variation was occasion'd by the unconstant motion of the Needle, which in certain Latitudes would encline to the North, or North-East; whereas in others 'twould turn from the North to the North-west. We never could be so well assur'd of our Computations in our long Voyages, as to know exactly the way our Canou's made in a Day, or what was the Variation of the Needle in each Latitude. But we


found there were many Minutes of Variation, according to the Point the Wind was in. To say the truth, able Men might have lost the Memory of many things under the same Circumstances with my self.

At the entry of the Captain's Cabin who had adopted me, one of the Barbarians, who seem'd to be very old, presented me with a great Pipe to smoak in, and weeping over me all the while with abundance of Tears, rubb'd both my Arms and my Head. This was to shew how concern'd he was to see me so harass'd and fatigu'd: And indeed I had often need enough of two Men to support me when I was up, or raise me when I was down. There was a Bears-Skin before the Fire, upon which the youngest Boy of the Cabin caus'd me to lie down, and then with the Grease of wild Cats anointed my Thighs, Legs, and Soles of my Feet.

Aquipaguetin's Son, who call'd me Brother, had got my Brocard Chasuble, and was strutting up and down with it upon his naked Back. He had wrapp'd up in it the Bones of a Man who had been very considerable amongst them, for whose Memory they had still a wonderful Respect. The Priest's Girdle, which [170] was made of red and white Wooll, with two Loops at the end, serv'd him to fasten it, whilst he carry'd it up and down in Triumph, calling it Louis Chinnen, which signifies, as I since understand, the Robe of him, who is nam'd the Sun. After they had for some time us'd my Chasuble as an Ornament to cover the Bones of their Dead, at the celebrating their most solemn Rites, they made a Present of it to a People in Alliance with them, who


liv'd 4 or 500 Leagues distant towards the West, but were come in Embassie, and had danc'd the Calumet.

The Day after my Arrival, Aquipaguetin, who was Head of a Great Family, put me on a Robe which was made of the Skins of the Bellies of wild Bulls: He gave me a second, made of ten large Castor-Skins. Then he shew'd me six or seven of his Wives, (for Poligamy is in fashion here;) he told them, as I afterwards understood, That they were to esteem me as one of their Sons. After this, he set a Bark-Dish before me, in which were Bremes, and other white Fish, to regale me withal. He gave Orders to those about him, to give me the Title that was due to the Rank which I was to hold amongst my new Kindred.

Farther; this new Father of mine observing that I could not well rise without two or three to help me, order'd a Stove to be made, into which he caus'd me to enter stark-naked with four Savages; who before they began to sweat, ty'd their Prepuces about with certain Strings made of the Bark of a white Wood. This Stove was cover'd with the Skins of wild Bulls, and in it they put Flints and other Stones red hot. They order'd me by Signs to hold my Breath, time after time, as long as I could, which I did, as well as those that were with me. As for the Privy Parts, I had only a Handkerchief to cover me.

[171] As soon as the Savages that were with me had let go their Breath, which they did with a great force, Aquipaguetin began to sing with a loud and thundring Voice; the others seconded him; and laying their Hands on my Body,


began to rub it, and at the same time to weep bitterly. I was like to fall into a Swoon, and so was forc'd to quit the Stove. At my coming out, I was scarce able to take up my Habit of St. Francis to cover me withal, I was so weak: However, they continu'd to make we sweat thrice a Week, which at last restor'd me to my pristine Vigour, so that I found my self as well as ever.


Chap. LV.

The Author like to be famish'd. They admire his Compass, and an Iron Pot which he had. He makes a Dictionary, and instructs them in Points of Religion, in relation to Poligamy and Celibacy.

MANY a melancholy Day did I pass amongst these Savages. Aquipaguetin, who adopted me, gave me nothing to eat but a few wild Oats five or fix times a Week, and the Roes of dry'd Fish. All this Trash the Women boil'd up in an Earthen Pot: Besides, he sent me into a Neighbouring Isle, with his Wives, Children, and Servants, where I was to hough and dig with a Pick-axe and Shovel, which I had recover'd from those that robb'd us. Here we planted Tobacco, and some European Pulse, which I brought from thence, and were highly priz'd by Aquipaguetin.

This Man, to make himself the more considerable amongst those of his Tribe, would often assemble the Ancients of his Village, and in presence of them, send for my Compass, which I had still by me. Upon my turning the Needle with a Key, he took occasion [172] to tell them, and with Truth enough, That by the Guidance of that Machine it was, that we Europeans travell'd the whole World. Nay, being an able Spokesman, he possess'd them farther, That we were Spirits;


and that we were capable of bringing things to pass that were altogether out of their power. At the end of his Discourse, which was very pathetick, all the Elders wept over me, admiring in me what they could not comprehend.

I had an Iron Pot about three foot round, which had the Figure of a Lion on it, which during our Voyage serv'd us to bake our Victuals in. This Vessel was not so apt to break as our ordinary Kettles, which are more brittle; for which reason it was, not being likely to meet with Braziers to furnish us with new upon occasion, that we took this with us. This Pot the Barbarians durst never so much as touch, without covering their Hands first in something of Castor-Skin. And so great a Terrour was it to the Women, that they had it hung abroad upon the Bough of a Tree; for they durst not come or sleep in the Cabin when it was there.

We would have made a Present of it to some of their Chiefs; but none of them would either accept or make use of it, because they thought that there was a Spirit hid within, that would certainly kill them. These People are all of them subject to the like Superstition. Their Jugglers impose whatever they think fit upon their Belief. 'Twas some time I spent amongst 'em, before I could make my self be understood. But Hunger beginning to press me hard, I set about making a Dictionary in their Tongue, the which I did by means of their Children, with whom I made my self as familiar as possible, to inform my self by their Prattle.

When once I had got the Word Tahetchiaben, which signifies in their Language, How call you this? I began to


be soon able to talk of such things as are [173] most familiar. This difficulty was hard to surmount at first, because there was no Interpreter that understood both Tongues. For Example; If I had a mind to know what to run was in their Tongue, I was forc'd to mend my pace, and indeed actually run from one end of the Cabin to t'other, till they understood what I meant, and had told me the Word; which I presently set down in my Dictionary. The Principal of them observing the great Inclination I had to learn their Language, would often tell me, Vatchison e'gagahé, Spirit, thou takest a great deal of Pains. Put Black to White. One day they told me the Names of all the Parts of a Man's Body. However, I forbore setting down several immodest Terms, which these People scruple not to use every foot. Observing it, they would often cry e'gagahé e'gagahé Spirit, Spirit, set down that Word as well as the rest.

Thus would they divert themselves with me, and often say to one another, When we ask Father Louis any thing, (for they had heard our Canou-Men call me so) he does not answer us. But when he has lookt upon the White, (for they have no word for Paper) he then talks, and makes us understand his Thoughts. This White thing, wou'd they add, must needs be a Spirit, which teaches him to understand all we say. Hence they concluded, that neither of the Canou-Men had so much Wit as my self, because they could not work upon that which was White. So that this Qualification in me, made them fondly imagine that I could do any thing else.

One day, seeing the Rain fall in such abundance, that they


fear'd 'twould spoil their hunting, they order'd me to bid it cease. I told them, pointing with my Finger to the Clouds, That He, who was the Great Captain of Heaven, was the sole Master of the Rain and Sunshine; That He was the Great Disposer of all the Events that happen to Mortals, or the Universe in general; That what they bid me do, depended not on me, but the First Mover, who had sent me thither, to teach them to acknowledge him for their Creatour and Redeemer.

[174] Observing me distinguish'd from the Canou-Men by my Habit, and having no Notion of Celibacy, they would often ask what Age I was, and what Wives and Children I had. Their way of reck'ning their Years is by Winters. These Wretches, void of Light and Instruction, were strangely surpriz'd at the Answer I made them. I told them, pointing to the two Canou-Men, whom I was come three Leagues to visit, That with us, one Man might marry but one Wife, and that nothing cou'd separate him again from that One, but Death: That for my self, I had promis'd the Great Master of Life never to marry any; but to come and dwell amongst them, and instruct them in the Commands of the Great Master of Heaven and Earth, and to live poorly amongst them, far from my own Country, where all good Things did abound.

'Tis true, says one of them, here is little or no Hunting in these Parts, and thou sufferest much: But have but patience till Summer, we shall then go into the hot Countries, where we shall kill Bulls enough, and then thou wilt make thy self sufficient amends for the time thou hast spent here. I had been well content, had they let me eat as their Children did; but they hid the


Victuals from me, and wou'd rise to eat in the Night, when I knew nothing of it. And although Women have usually more Compassion than Men, yet they kept the little Fish that they had, all for their Children. They consider'd me as a Slave whom their Warriours had taken in their Enemy's Country; and preferr'd the Lives of their Children before any Consideration they had for me; as indeed it was but reasonable they shou'd.

However, some of the Elders would come often, and mourn over me in a very doleful manner. One wou'd call me Grandson, another Nephew; and all would say to me, I am strangely afflicted to see thee so long without eating, and to understand thou hast been so ill treated in thy Journey. Those were young Warriours without Courage, who wou'd have kill'd thee, and who robb'd thee of what [175] thou hadst. If thou wou'dst have had Robes of Castors, or wild Bulls, to dry thy Tears, we wou'd have given 'em thee; but thou wouldst accept of nothing we have presented thee.


Chap. LVI.

The most considerable Captain of the Issati and Nadouessians upbraid those that took us. The Author baptizes the Daughter of Mamenisi.

OUASICOUDE, that is to say, The Pierc'd Pine, the wisest and most considerable of all the Chiefs of the Issati and Nadouessians, made it publickly appear, that he was highly incens'd against the Warriors that had us'd us so very ill. He said once in a full Council, That those who had robb'd us of our Things, were to be compar'd to famish'd Dogs, which having stole a piece of Flesh out of a Dish, sneak away with it when they have done: That they that had acted much after the same rate in regard of us, ought to be look'd upon as Dogs, who cou'd put such unworthy Affronts upon Men, who brought them Iron, and other Merchandizes, which they had no knowledge of, though they were found to be so useful: That for Himself, he shou'd one day have an opportunity of being reveng'd on him, who had been Author of all our Sufferings. This Reprimand was worthy the Character of a Person of Ouasicoude's Authority: And the Generality of the Action redounded since to the Benefit of the whole Nation, as we shall see anon.

Going one day, as I often did, to visit the Cabins, I


found the Infant-Child of one call'd Mamenisi, very sick. Having a little examin'd the Symptoms of its Distemper, I found the Child past hopes of Recovery. I desir'd our two Canou-Men to give me their [176] Opinions, telling them, I thought my self oblig'd in Conscience to baptize it. Michael Ako cou'd not be prevail'd with to enter the Cabin where the Infant lay. He said in excuse, That I could not forget what a Risque we had run once already, of being murder'd by the Savages through my Obstinacy, in persisting to say my Breviary; whence 'twas to be fear'd, that what I was now going to do, might expose us again to the same Danger.

The Wretch had rather comply with certain Superstitions of the Barbarians, than assist me in so pious a Design. Being follow'd then by none but Picard du Gay, who assisted as God-father, or rather Witness of the Baptism, I christen'd the Child, and nam'd it Antonetta, from St. Anthony of Padua; and the rather, because the said Peter du Gay's Name was Anthony Auguelle, Native of Amiens, and Nephew of Monsieur du Canroi, Proctor-General of the Premonstres, and since Abbot of Beaulieu, to whom I presented him safe at our Return from Canada. But to proceed; for want of more proper Utensils, I took a wooden Dish, and having put some common ordinary Water into it, sprinkled it upon the Head of the little


Savage, pronouncing the following Words, Creature of God, I baptize thee in the Name of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Then I took half my Altar-Cloth, which I had snatch'd out of the Hands of a Savage, who had stole it from me, and spread it o'er the Body of the Infant.

The Baptism was accompany'd with no other Ceremony, because I was no longer in a Condition to say Mass, my Sacerdotal Robes being all taken from me. I believ'd the Linen could not serve to a more proper End than a Winding-Sheet to the first Infant of the Country, that had the Happiness to be baptized. I know not how far its Pains might be asswag'd by Virtue of the Linen, or what Alterations it might feel. I am sure I saw it laughing the next Day in [177] its Mother's Arms, who believ'd I had cur'd her Child. However it dy'd some time after, which affected me more with Joy than Grief.

Had this Child recover'd, 'twas much to be fear'd 'twou'd have trod in the Steps of its Fore-fathers, and been overgrown with their infamous Superstitions, for want of a Preacher to instruct it. For indeed, if those of its Nation dwelling in Darkness and Ignorance, continue to sin without Law, they shall also perish without Law, as we are told by the Apostle. Upon these Considerations I was glad it had pleas'd God to take this little Christian out of the World, lest it might have fall'n into Temptations, had it recover'd, which might have engag'd it in Errour and Superstition. I have often attributed my Preservation amidst the greatest Dangers which I have since run, to the Care I took for its Baptism.


Chap. LVII.

An Embassy sent to the Issati by the Savages that inhabit to the West of them. Whence it appears that there is no such thing as the Streights of Anian; and that Japan is on the same Continent as Louisiana.

UNDER the Reign of the Emperour Charles V. the Fathers Recluse of our Order were the first that were sent by his Command into New-Mexico; since which time there have been of them beyond the Vermilion-Sea. The most Remarkable Epoque of the Streights of Anian, commences from the time of that most excellent Religious of our Order, Martin de Valencia, who was the First Bishop of the great City of Mexico. We have spoke of him elsewhere.

In process of time 'twas believ'd that the said Streights were only imaginary: Many Persons noted for great Learning, are of this Opinion; and to [178] evince the Truth of it, I will here subjoin one evident Proof, to those which are already produc'd by them: and it is this. During my stay amongst the Issati and Nadoussians, there arriv'd four Savages in Embassie to these People. They had come above five hundred Leagues from the West; and told us by the Interpreters of the Issati, that they were four Moons upon the


Way; for so it is they call their Months. They added, that their Country was to the West, and that we lay to the East in respect of them; that they had march'd the whole time without resting, except to sleep, or kill Game for their Subsistence. They assur'd us there was no such thing as the Streights of Anian; and that in their whole Journey they had neither met with, nor passed over any Great Lake; by which Phrase they always mean the Sea, nor any Arm of it.

They farther inform'd us, that the Nation of the Assenipoulacs, whose Lake is down in the Map, and who lie North East of the Issati, was not above six or seven Days Journey from us: That none of the Nations within their Knowledge, who lie to the West and North-West of them, had any great Lake about their Countries, which were very large, but only Rivers, which coming from the North, run cross the Countries of their Neighbouring Nations, which border on their Confines on the side of the Great Lake, which in the Language of the Savages is the same as Sea: That Spirits, and Pigmies, or Men of little Stature, did inhabit there, as they had been inform'd by the People that liv'd farther up than themselves; and that all the Nations which lie beyond their Country, and


those which are next to them, do dwell in Meadows and large Fields, where are many wild Bulls and Castors, which are greyer than those of the North, and have their Coat more inclining to Black; with many other wild Beasts, which yield very fine Furrs.

[179] The four Savages of the said Embassy assur'd us farther, that there were very few Forests in the Countries through which they pass'd in their way hither; insomuch that now and then they were so put to it for Fuel, that they were forc'd to make Fires of Bull's Dung, to boil their Victuals with in Earthen-Pots, which they make use of, as neither having, nor knowing of any better.

All these Circumstances which I have here inserted, make it appear, that there is no such thing as the Streights of Anian, as we usually see them set down in Maps. To assert the Truth of what I say, I here frankly offer my self to return into these Parts, with such Ships as His Britannick Majesty, or their High and Mightinesses, the States General, shall think


fit to send thither, in order to a full Discovery; in which I have no other Aim but the Glory of God, the Propagation of the Gospel, Instruction of those blind and ignorant People, who have been neglected for so many Ages, Improvement of Trade, which, the better 'tis understood, the more will it daily encrease between the Subjects of the King of Spain my Master, and those of His Britannick Majesty and States General: And lastly, That Correspondence and Union so necessary to be maintain'd amongst them, that they may live and labour together for the Common Good. I declare, I have no other Design; that my Intentions are sincere and upright, and that my Desire is to be serviceable to all Europe; Respect being first had, as I am in Duty bound, to my Natural Prince, the King of England, and the States; to whom I am singularly engag'd, for the good Reception they were pleas'd to honour me with. Others perhaps would have us'd me ill, in return of all my Services, and the many dangerous Voyages I have made, with no other Design, but to contribute what in me lay, to the Glory of God, the Salvation of Souls, and the Good of all Christendom. I know [180] well what I say. But to return: Whatever Efforts have been made for many Years past, by the English and Dutch, the two Nations of the World, who are the greatest Navigators, to find out a Passage to China and Japan, thro' the Frozen-Sea, they have not as yet been able to effect it. But by the help of my Discovery, and the Assistance of God, I doubt not to let all Europe see that a Passage may still be found thither, and that an easie one


too. For Example; One may be transported into the Pacifick-Sea by Rivers, which are large, and capable of carrying great Vessels, and from thence 'tis easie to go to China and Japan, without crossing the Equinoctial Line. Those that read my Relation, and will never so little examine the Maps which are annext to it, will soon acknowledge the Truth of what I say.


Chap. LVIII.

The Issati assemble to hunt the Wild-Bull. Refusal of the two Canow-Men to take the Author into their Canow, in order to go down the River of St. Francis.

AFTER three Months or thereabouts, spent very ill amongst the Issati and Nadouessians, these Nations assembl'd to hunt the Wild-Bull; and their Captains having assign'd them their Stations, that they might not fall in with one another, they separated themselves into many Bands.

Aquipaguetin, the Chief, that had adopted me for his Son, wou'd have carry'd me to the West with about 200 Families. But remembering the Reproaches which the great Captain Ouasicoude had made him, upon the Score of our ill usage, I was apprehensive lest he shou'd lay hold of this Opportunity to avenge himself on me. I told him therefore, I expected some Spirits, which in their Language is as much as [181] to say Europeans, at the River Ouisconsin, which discharges it self into the River Meschasipi; that according to the Promise made me by the Sieur de la Salle, they wou'd meet me there with Iron, and other Commodities, which as yet they were unacquainted with; and that if he would think of turning his Expedition that way, I shou'd be very glad to accompany


him. He heard my Proposal, and was willing to embrace it; but those of his Band wou'd not let him.

In the beginning of July, 1680, we began to descend towards the South, with the great Captain Ouasicoude, and about 80 Cabins, containing 130 Families and 250 Warriors. The Savages who had nothing but old Canou's, cou'd not make me room; so that they went four Days Journey lower, to get some Birchen-Bark, to make more new ones. I made a hole in the Ground, in which I hid my gilt Chalice, with my Books and Papers, till we should return from hunting; and took nothing with me but my Breviary, that I might not cumber my self.

I Plac'd my self upon the Brink of the Lake which forms the River of St. Francis, where I held out my Hands to the Canou-Men, as they past very swiftly by, to desire them to take me in. Our two Europeans were in a Canow, which had been given them by the Savages. However, I cou'd not prevail with them to receive me. Michael Ako told me very brutishly, he had carry'd me long enough. This rough and unhandsome Answer made me very melancholy, when I saw my self forsaken by those of my own Country and Religion, whom I had always endeavour'd to oblige, as themselves had often acknowledg'd before Persons of the first Quality, where I was us'd to be receiv'd with all the Marks of Distinction, while themselves were suffer'd to stand and cool their Heels at the Door.

[182] But God, who of his Mercy never forsook me throughout all my Adventures, inspir'd two of the Savages


with so much Companion, as to take me with them into their Canou, though it were less than that of the Europeans. Here I was continually employ'd in laving out Water, which soak'd in again as fast as 'twas thrown out, through abundance of little Chinks. This Work was uneasie enough; besides that, I could not keep my self from being thoroughly wet. However, 'twas necessary to have Patience. It might have been properly said of this little Vessel, that when a Man was in it, he was in his Coffin; so crazy was it, and ready to break. This sort of Canou's seldom weigh above 50 Pounds, and the least Motion of the Body oversets them, at least if you have not been long acquainted with this sort of Navigation.

At Evening when we landed, Picard began to excuse himself, pretending their Canow was a very rotten one, that it would certainly have burst, had we been all three in it, and that we must needs have been left by the way. Notwithstanding these Excuses, I told them, that being Christians, they had not done well to use me as they did, especially considering among whom we were: That they had forsaken me very unseasonably, having left me all alone at above 800 Leagues distance from Canada, allowing for the Reaches we were to make, before we cou'd get thither: That if they had receiv'd any good Usage from the Savages, 'twas owing to my Ingenuity more than their own, having been capable of letting several of them Blood, and otherwise assisting 'em in their Sickness by my Orvietan, and some other Medicines which I carefully kept by me.

To this I added, that by the same means I had cur'd


others of them that had been bitten by Rattle-Snakes, of which I shall speak in my Second Volume. That I shav'd the Crowns of their Children's Heads, [183] (on which they wear the Hair till eighteen or twenty) which was no small matter, considering they cou'd not do it themselves, without putting them to great Pain, by burning off the Hair with flat Stones, which they heat red-hot in the Fire: That hitherto indeed, I had made but little advance in order to their Salvation, by reason of their natural Stupidity; but that the best way to take the Soul was to begin with the Body: That, in short I had gain'd their Friendship by my Services, and that they would have certainly kill'd us at the time they us'd us so ill, but that they knew I had certain Remedies about me proper to restore Health to the Sick; which they thought was a Treasure never to be valu'd as it ought.

None was with me during this Harangue, but Picard du Gay, who, as he was going to his Cabin, desir'd me to pardon him. But the great Captain Ouasicoude having heard of this barbarous Action of the two Canow-Men, order'd them to appear before the Council, and told them, that for the future he wou'd take care to remove me out of the reach, not only of Aquipaguetin, who had so often attempted my Life, and yet adopted me for his Son, but likewise from their Company, who, like two Villains, as they were, had so basely deserted me. Had I not luckily bethought my self to break three Arrows in the presence of this brave Chief, the Canow-Men being yet by, he had infallibly caus'd them to have been put


to death that very Minute. I shall never forget the Humanity of this great Captain, who treated me so favourably on all Occasions. The two Canow-Men were surpriz'd at what had happen'd, and promis'd me an entire Obedience for the future.


[184]Chap. LIX.

The Savages halt above the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua. They are streighten'd for Provisions. The Author, with Picard, returns to the River Ouisconsin. The Adventures of the Voyage.

FOUR Days after our Departure to hunt the wild Bulls, the Barbarians made a Halt some eight Leagues above the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, upon an Eminence, over against the River of St. Francis. The Savage Women prepar'd little Docks to build the new Canou's in, against: the return of those who were gone for Bark. The Youth in the mean time went out to hunt the Stag, the wild Goat and the Castor; but with so little Success, that the Prey they brought home was so disproportionable to the Number that were to feed on't, that we had hardly every one a Mouthful. Happy the Man that once in four and twenty Hours cou'd get so much as a Sup of Broath.

This put Picard and my self upon hunting after Gooseberries, and other wild Fruits, which often did us more harm than good. And I am confident, that had it not been for my Orvietan-Powder, which in a great measure corrected the bad Nutriment which we took in, our Lives had been in great Danger. This extreme Want, made us take a Resolution,


upon Michael Ako's refusing to accompany us, to venture our selves in a little sorry Canou as far as the River Ouisconsin, which was at no less distance from us than 130 Leagues, to see if the Sieur de Salle had kept his Word with us: For he had promis'd us positively to send Men with Powder, and Lead, and other Merchandizes, to the place which I have already mention'd: And of this he assured me [185] more than once, before his departure from the Illinois.

The Savages wou'd never have suffer'd us to have made this Voyage, without one of the three being left with them: And my self was the Man they pitch'd upon to stay, by the Advice of the great Captain Ouasicoude, whilst the two Canou Men were at liberty to proceed on their Voyage. But Michael Ako, who was apprehensive of the many Hardships he was like to meet with in this Expedition, could never be prevail'd upon to consent to it: So that seeing he began to relish the Barbarians way of living, I desir'd their Chief, that I might have leave to accompany Picard in his stead; who accordingly granted my Request.

Our whole Equipage consisted of fifteen or twenty Charges of Powder, a Fusil, a little sorry Earthen Pot, which the Barbarians gave us, a Knife between us both, and a Garment of Castor. Thus were we equipt for a Voyage of 250 Leagues; but our greatest Trust was in Providence. As we were carrying our little Canou to the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, we perceiv'd five or six Savages, who were got there before us. One of them was got up into an Oak over against the great Fall of Water, where he was weeping most


bitterly, having fasten'd to one of the Branches of the Tree, a Robe of Castor, which was white within-side, and garnish'd with Porcupine.

The poor Wretch had offer'd it in Sacrifice to the Fall; which, indeed, of it self is terrible, and hath something in it very astonishing: However, it doth not come near that of Niagara. I could hear him say, as he was addressing himself to the Cascade, with Tears in his Eyes; Thou art a Spirit, grant that Those of my Nation may pass here without any Disaster; That we may meet with a great many wild Bulls; and that we may be so happy as to vanquish our Enemy, and take a great many Slaves, whom, when we have made [168, i. e. 186] them suffer according to their Merits, we will bring hither, and slay in thy Presence. The Messenacks ('tis so they call the Nation of the Outtouagami's) have slain some of our Kindred: Grant we may be able to revenge our selves upon 'em for that Affront.

The last part of his Request hapned to be fulfill'd sooner, I believe, than he expected: For as they return'd from hunting the wild Bulls, they attack'd their Enemy, kill'd a good many of them, and carry'd off several Slaves, whom they put to death before the Fall, after the most barbarous and inhumane manner in the World, as we shall see in the Second Volume. Now if after such a barbarous Ceremony as I have been describing, it happen but once that the Success answers the Request, 'tis sufficient to render them obstinate in their superstitious Custom, tho' it miscarry a hundred times for once that it hits. As for the Castor-Robe, which


was thus offer'd as a sort of Sacrifice, one of our Europeans made bold with it at his return, and wou'd have been glad of having more frequent Opportunities of profiting by their Devotions.

When we had got about a League below the Fall, Picard miss'd his Powder-Horn, and remembring he had left it there, was forc'd to go back and fetch it. At his Return I shew'd him a huge Serpent, as big as a Man's Leg, and seven or eight Foot long. She was working her self insensibly up a steep craggy Rock, to get at the Swallows Nests which are there in great Numbers: And at the Bottom of the Mountain we saw the Feathers of those she had already devour'd. We pelted her so long with Stones, till at length she fell into the River. Her Tongue which was in form of a Lance, was of an extraordinary length. Her Hiss might be heard a great way, and the Noise of it seiz'd us with Horror. Poor Picard dreamt of her at Night, and was in a great Agony [187] all the while. He told me, I had done him a sensible Kindness in waking him; for though he was a Man intrepid enough, yet he was all in a sweat with the fright of his Dream. I have likewise my self been often disturb'd in my Sleep with the Image of her; so great an Impression did the fight of this Monster make upon our Spirits.

As we were falling down the River Meschasipi with extraordinary Swiftness, because the Current is very rapid in this place, by reason 'tis so near the Fall, we found some of the Savages of our Band, in the Islands of the River, where they had set up their Cabins, and were well provided with Bulls


Flesh. They offer'd us very freely of what they had. But about two Hours after our landing, we thought we should have been all murder'd: Fifteen or sixteen Savages came into the middle of the Place where we were, with their great Clubs in their Hands. The first thing they did was to over-set the Cabin of those that had invited us. Then they took away all their Victuals, and what Bears-Oil they could find in their Bladders, or elsewhere, with which they rubb'd themselves all over from Head to Foot.

We took them at first for Enemies; and Picard was very near flicking the first that came in with his Sword. At the first surprize, I began to lay hold of the two Pocket-Pistols that du Gay had left me; but by good luck I contain'd my self, or otherwise, without doubt, there had been an end of us; for their Companions would not have fail'd to have reveng'd upon us the Death of those we had kill'd.

We knew not what these Savages were at first; but it appear'd they were some of those that we had left above at the Fall of St. Anthony. One of them, who call'd himself my Uncle, told me, that those who had given us Victuals, had done basely to go and forestal the others in the Chase; and that according to the Laws and Customs of their [188] Country, 'twas lawful for them to plunder them, since they had been the cause that the Bulls were all run away, before the Nation could get together, which was a great Injury to the Publick; For when they are all met, they make a great Slaughter amongst the Bulls; for they surround them so on every side, that 'tis impossible for them to escape.


Chap. LX.

The Hunting of the Tortoise. The Author's Canow is carry'd off by a sudden blast of Wind, which was like to have reduc'd him and his Companion to great Streights.

IN about threescore Leagues rowing, we had kill'd but one wild-Goat, which we did as she was crossing the River. The Heats were now grown so excessive, that our Provisions would be spoil'd in twenty four Hours. This put us upon Hunting the Tortoise; but 'twas with much difficulty that we could take any; for being very quick of hearing, they would throw themselves into the Water upon the least noise. However, we took one at last, which was much larger than any we had seen: His Shell was thin, and the Flesh very fat. Whilst I was contriving to cut off his Head, he had like to have been before-hand with me, by snapping of my Finger with his Teeth, which are very sharp.

Whilst we were managing this Affair, we had hailed our Canou a-shoar; but it seems a sudden and violent Blast of Wind had carry'd her off again into the middle of the River. Picard was gone into the Meadows, to see if he could kill a wild Bull; so that I was left alone with the Canou. This oblig'd me to throw my Habit as fast as I could over the Tortoise, which I had turn'd, for fear he should get [189]


away. I likewise laid several Stones upon my Clothes, the better to secure him. When I had done, I fell a swimming after our Canow, which went very fast down the River, being carry'd by a very quick Stream, because 'twas just at the turning of a Point. After I had recover'd it with a great deal of difficulty, I durst not get into it, for fear of being overset, and wetting the Woollen Coverlet that was in it, which I us'd to sleep on, and the rest of our little Equipage: For which reason I was forc'd to push it sometimes before me, and sometimes tug it after me, till by little and little I gain'd the Shoar, a small half quarter of a League below the Place where I had left the Tortoise.

Picard returning from the Chace, where he had kill'd nothing; and finding only my Habit upon the Tortoise, but no Canow, had reason to think that some Savage or other having found me alone, had kill'd me. In great suspence, he return'd into the Meadows, to look about if he could see any body. In the mean time, I had made what haste I cou'd up the River with my Canow; and had no sooner, taken up my Clothes, but I 'spy'd a Drove of sixty Bulls and Cows, with their Calves, crossing the River, towards the Land on the South-side. I pursu'd them in my Canow, and set up as great a Cry as I could, to give Picard notice of it. He made up to the Noise, and had time enough to get into the Canow, whilst a Dog which we had with us, by his Barking, had drove them to a Bay in the Isles of the River. When we were prepared, the Dog drove them from thence; and as they pass'd by us, Picard kill'd one of them with his Fusil, having lodg'd


the Bullet in his Head. Having dragg'd it to the side of the River, it prov'd to be a Cow, that weigh'd about five or six hundred weight. The Bulls have more Flesh, and weigh heavier; but because we could not get it quite to Land, we contented our [190] selves with cutting the best Pieces, and left the rest in the Water.

'Twas almost now eight and forty Hours since we eat last; so that we fell a kindling a Fire as fast as we could, which we made of the Wood the River had thrown upon the Sands; and as fast as Picard skinn'd it, I put the Pieces of Flesh into our little earthen Pot to boil. We eat of it with that greediness, that both of us were sick; so that we were oblig'd to hide our selves in an Island, where we rested two Days for the recovery of our Health by the help of my Orvietan, which was a great Benefit to us during the whole Voyage. Whilst I was fetching the Pieces of Flesh which Picard gave me, I went backward and forward very often close by a Rattle Snake, seven or eight Foot long, without perceiving him, as he lay wrapt asleep in the Sun. I told Picard of it, who came and kill'd him with our Oar, and afterwards threw him into the River.

To be short, we could not charge our selves with much Provisions, because of the smallness of our Canow; besides that, the excessive Heat tainted it presently, so that 'twou'd swarm with Worms in an instant. For these Reasons we were soon in the same condition; and when we embark'd in the Morning, we knew not whether we shou'd have any thing to eat at Night. Never had we more reason to admire the


Goodness of Providence, than during this Voyage. 'Twas not every Day we met with any Game, nor when we did, were we sure to kill it.

The Eagles, which are to be seen in abundance in these vast Countries, will sometimes drop a Breme, a large Carp, or some other Fish, as they are carrying them to their Nests in their Talons, to feed their young. One day we 'spy'd an Otter, which was feeding on a great Fish upon the Bank of the River; which Fish had upon its Head a sort of [191] Beak about five Inches broad, and a Foot and a half long. As soon as Picard 'spy'd it, he cry'd out he saw the Devil between the Claws of the Otter. This Surprize was not so great, but that we made bold to feed heartily upon it. The Flesh of it was good; and we nam'd it the Sturgeon with the long Beak.


Chap. LXI.

We continue our Course in search of the River Ouisconsin. Aquipaguetin finds us, and gets thither before us. We subsist meerly by Providence.

NOTWITHSTANDING we had row'd so many Leagues, yet cou'd we not find the River of Ouisconsin: This made us believe that it was still at a great distance from us; when behold Aquipaguetin, whom we believ'd to be above 200 Leagues off, appear'd all on a sudden, with ten Warriors with him, towards the middle of July, 1680. We thought at first he came to kill us, because we had quitted him, though 'twere by the consent of the other Savages: But he gave us some wild Oats, with a Piece of good Bull's Flesh; and ask'd us if we had found the Europeans who were to meet us with their Merchandise. Our Answer not satisfying him, he was resolv'd to go to Ouisconsin himself; but when he came there, found no body. He return'd at the end of three Days, as we were still pursuing our Voyage, being resolv'd to acquit our selves fully of the Promise which we had made the Sieur de Salle, to come thither and meet those that he should send.

When Aquipaguetin first appear'd at his return, Picard was gone to Hunt in the Meads, and my self remain'd alone in a little Cabin, which [192] we had set up under our Coverlet,


which one of the Savages had return'd me, to shade us from the Sun-beams, which were very scorching at this Season. Aquipaguetin seeing me alone, came up to me with his Club in his Hand: I immediately laid hold of my two Pocket Pistols and a Knife, which Picard had recover'd out of the Hands of the Barbarians. I had no mind to kill the Man that had adopted me, but only frighten him, and keep him from murdering me, in case that were his intent.

Aquipaguetin began to reprimand me for exposing my self in the manner I did to the Insults of their Enemies; and that at least I ought to have kept the other side of the River. He would have carry'd me with him, telling me, that he had 300 Hunters with him, who kill'd more Game than those that I was engag'd with. And probably it had been more adviseable for me to have follow'd his Advice, than to prosecute my Voyage any farther. However, our Resolution then was, to continue our course towards the River Ouisconsin; where when we came, we found none of the Men the Sieur de la Salle had promis'd to send us. Picard and my self had like to have perish'd on a thousand different Occasions, as we came down the River: And now we found our selves oblig'd to go up it again, which could not be done without repeating the same Hazards, and other Difficulties not to be imagin'd.


[193] Chap. LXII.

The great Streights which the Author and his Companion are reduc'd to in their Voyage. They at last meet again with the Savages at their return from Hunting.

PICARD, who had been very ill us'd by the Savages, had rather venture all than go up the River with Aquipaguetin. Six Charges of Powder was all that we had left, which oblig'd us to husband it as well as we could; wherefore we divided it into twenty, to shoot only for the future at Turtles or Wild Pigeons. When these also were spent, we had recourse to three Hooks, which we baited with some stinking Barbel that an Eagle hapned to drop. We took nothing the two first Days, and were destitute of all means of subsistence, This made us, you must think, betake our selves to Prayers with greater fervency than ever. And yet Picard, 'midst all our Misfortunes, could not forbear telling me, that he should pray to God with a much better Heart if his Belly were full.

I comforted both him and my self as well as I could, and desir'd him to row with all the force he had left, to see if we could catch a Tortoise. The next Morning, having row'd the best part of the Night, we found a Tortoise, which was no bigger than an ordinary Plate. We went to boiling him the same Minute on the Fire that we had kindled. We


devour'd it so hastily, that I did not observe that I cut the Gall, which made my Mouth as bitter as it self; but I ran immediately and gargled my Throat, and so fell to't again, with the same eagerness as before.

Notwithstanding our famish'd Condition, we got at last to the River of Bulls [Buffalo River]: Here we cast our Hooks, which we baited with a white Fish that an Eagle [194] had let fall. God, who never abandons those that trust in him, succour'd us very visibly on this occasion; for we had scarce finish'd our Prayers towards ten at Night, when Picard, who heard the Noise, quitted his Devotion, and ran to the Hooks, where he found two Barbels hung, which were so large, that I was forc'd to help him to get them out of the Water. We did not stand to study what Sauce we should make for these monstrous Fish, which weigh'd above twenty five pound both; but having cut them to pieces, broil'd 'em on the Coals. Boil them we could not, our little Earthen Pot being unhappily broke some time before.

When we had satisfy'd our Appetite, and return'd our Thanks to Him, whose Providence had so seasonably reliev'd us, we heard a noise about two in the Morning, upon the Bank of the River of Bulls, where we then were. After the Who-goes-there? we heard the Answer was, Tepatoni Nika, and the Word Nikanagi; which is as much as to say, Friends, all is well. I told Picard, that by the Language I believ'd them to be Illinois, or Outouagamis, who are Enemies of the Issati, or Nadouessans. But the Moon shining very bright, and the Day beginning to appear, I perceiv'd 'twas the Savage


Mamenisi, whose Infant-Daughter I Baptiz'd, when Picard assisted as Godfather, or Witness. He knew us again presently; and being just come from Hunting, where they had had plenty of Game, he gave us what Victuals we pleas'd; and inform'd us, that all those of his Nation were coming down the River of Bulls, which discharges it self into the Meschasipi, having their Wives and Children with them.

What he said was true; for the Savages, with whom Michael Ako had staid behind, were all descending the River of Bulls with their Fleet of Canow's well stor'd with Provisions. Aquipaguetin by the way had acquainted those of his Nation, how [195] Picard and my self had expos'd our selves in our Voyage to Ouisconsin, and what great Hazards we had ran. The Chiefs of the Savages gave us to understand, that they were very well satisfi'd with what we had done: But allof them reproach'd Michael Ako for a Base Fellow, who had refus'd to accompany us for fear of being famish'd by the way. Picard too, but that I did what I could to hinder it, would have us'd him ill before all the Company, so incens'd was he against him, for his want of Courage and Affection.


Chap. LXIII.

The Savage Women hide their Provisions up-and-down in private Holes. They go down the River again a second time. Address of the Savages. Bravery of one of the Savages.

THE Savage Women being come to the Mouth of the River of Bulls, hid their Provisions up-and-down the little Islands that are there, and in hollow Places under-ground. These People have a way to preserve their Meat thus, without Salt, as we shall see hereafter. We fell down the River a second time, in company of a multitude of Canow's, of which I have already spoke, Hunting all the way as we went, and were got a matter of fourscore Leagues. The Savages from time to time hid their Canows in the little Mand, or in the Reeds upon the Bank of the River, and went seven or eight Leagues up the Country into the Meadows beyond the Mountains, where at several times they kill'd between an hundred and sixscore Cows and Bulls. Whilst they are at the Chase, they always leave some Old Men on the top of the Mountains, to see if they can discover the Enemy.

All this while I had a Savage under my Cure, who usually call'd me Brother: He had run a [196] Thorn very deep into his Foot, and I was then putting a Plaster on it, when on a sudden the Alarm was taken in our Camp. Two hundred


Archers immediately ran to see what was the matter; and the generous Savage, whose Foot I had laid open, in order to get out the Thorn, which was very deep, sprung likewise from me on a sudden, and ran as fast as the best, that he might not lose his share in the Action. But instead of the Enemy, they could see nothing but about an hundred Stags, which were running away as fast as they could. My poor Patient had much ado to recover the Camp. All the while the Alarm lasted, the Women and Maids kept singing in a very sad and melancholy Tone.

Picard being gone to his Host, I was left alone with one Otchimbi; but after the second Hunting, I was forc'd to carry an Old Woman with me in my Canow, who was above fourscore: For all that, she help'd me to row, and with her Oar would now-and-then pat two or three little Children, that lay and disturb'd us in the middle of our Canow. The Men were very kind to me; but for all that, 'twas necessary to make a Court to the Women; for the Victuals were all in their Custody, who deliver'd every one his Mess. This I did by shaving now-and-then the Crowns of their Children's Heads, who wear their Hair shorn not unlike our Monks. They let it grow till they are fifteen, sixteen, or eighteen Years old, as well on the top of the Head, as elsewhere; but at that Age, their Parents take it off, by burning it with flat stones made red-hot in the Fire: So that the Women thought themselves mightily beholding to me for shaving their Children, because I took off the Hair without pain.

We had again another Alarm in our Camp: The Old


Men, who had their Station on the top of the Mountains, sent to give notice that they had descry'd some Warriors from afar. The Archers [197] ran as hard as they could drive, towards the Place where the Enemy was said to appear, every one endeavouring to be first in the Action. But after all this Noise, they brought nothing back with them but two Women of their own Nation, who were come to acquaint them that one of their Parties being gone a Hunting, towards the end of the Upper Lake, had light upon five Spirits, by which Name it is they call the Europeans. They added, That these Spirits had talk'd to 'em, by means of some of their Nation who had seen us, and had been Slaves amongst the Outouagamis and Iroquese, whose Language they understood: That they had also desir'd them to conduct them to the Place where we were, because they should be very glad to know whether we were English, Dutch, Spaniards, or Canadians: And farther, That they could not imagine how we had been able to penetrate so far up into the Country amongst these People.

I must observe hereupon, that there are certain Persons at Canada, who have got the Management of all Affairs there into their hands, as I have elsewhere said. These People being very angry, that we had been aforehand with them in our Discoveries, had sent Men after us to share in the Glory of the Action: For they hoped by our Means to get a Knowledge of the Nations which we had seen, in order to Trade thither, as soon as they should have a Pretence of sending us back to Europe.


[198] Chap. LXIV.

Arrival of the Sieur Du Luth in our Camp. He desires us to return with him and his Followers to the Country of the Issati and Nadouessians. The Author cast my Coverlet over a dead Man. The Savages are pleas'd at it.

THE 28th of July, 1680, we began to ascend the River Meschasipi the third time. The Savages, who had made a grand Hunt with good Success, were resolv'd to return home to their own Villages, and press'd us to go with them; promising to conduct us as far as the Nations that inhabited at the End of the Upper-Lake [Lake Superior]. They said they had a design to make an Alliance with those People through our Means. The Sieur du Luth was arriv'd there from Canada, accompany'd with five Men, whose Equipage was half Soldier, half Merchant.

They came up to us in company with the two Savage Women an hundred and twenty Leagues, or thereabouts, from the Country of the Barbarians, that had taken us.


They desir'd us, because we had some knowledge of the Language of the Issati, to accompany them back to the Villages of those People. I readily agreed to their request, especially when I understood that they had not receiv'd the Sacraments in the whole two Years and a half that they had been out upon their Voyage. The Sieur du Luth, who pass'd for their Captain, was overjoy'd to see me, and told me as a Secret, that those who had sent him, wou'd miss of their aim, as he wou'd let me know more at leisure. And observing how I shav'd the Crowns of the Young Savages, he order'd them to be told I was his eldest Brother.

[199] All this made the Savages treat me better than ever, and furnish me very plentifully with provisions. I apply'd my self also more than ever to the means of their Salvation; and 'tis true they hearken'd to me attentively enough. But then, to make any progress, one must live whole Years amongst them, they are so ignorant, and grounded in Superstition.

The Sieur du Luth was charm'd at the fight of the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, which was the Name we had given it, and in all appearance will remain with it. I also shew'd him the craggy Rock, where the monstrous Serpent was climbing up to devour the young Swallows in their Nests; and


recounted to him the Horror that seiz'd Picard, at the Image his Fancy fram'd of that terrible Animal in his Dream.

I must here observe, that seeing my self at Liberty to say my Office after the Arrival of the Sieur du Luth, to be more exact in the Service, I thought I wou'd ask him the Day of the Month: He told me as freely, he cou'd not satisfy me in that Point, for he had no Notion of it left. Upon this I recounted to him the ill usage which we receiv'd at the Hands of the Barbarians, at their first taking us, which proceeded many times so far as to threaten our Lives; that therefore he ought not to be surpriz'd, if through the Terrors and Apprehensions which I had lain so long under, I had forgot even the Day of the Week.

We arriv'd at the Villages of the Issati on the 14th of August, 1680, where I found my Chalice very safe, with the Books and Papers which I had hid under-ground, in presence of the Savages themselves. These Wretches had never had so much as a thought to meddle with them, being fearful and superstitious in relation to Spirits, and believing there is Witchcraft in everything they cannot apprehend. [200] The Tobacco which I planted before our Departure, was half choak'd with Grass. But the Cabbage, and other things which I had sown, were of a prodigious growth. The Stalks of the Purslain were as big as Reeds: But the Savages were afraid so much as to taste them.

A little after our return, the Savages invited us to a great Feast after their own fashion. There were above an hundred and twenty Men at it naked. Ouasicoude, the first Captain of


the Nation, and Kinsman of the Deceas'd, whose dead Body I cover'd when they brought him back to the Village in a Canow, brought me some dry'd Flesh and wild Oats in a dish of Bark, which he set before me upon a Bull's Hide, whiten'd, and garnish'd with Porcupine Skins on the one side, and curl'd Wooll on the other.

After I had eat, this Chief put the same Robe on my Head, and cover'd my Face with it, saying with a loud Voice before all that were present, He whose dead Body thou didst cover, covers thine while alive. He has carry'd the Tydings of it to the Country of Souls, (for these People believe the Transmigration of Souls:) What thou didst in respect of the Dead, is highly to be esteem'd: All the Nation applauds and thanks thee for it.

After this he gently reproach'd the Sieur du Luth, that he did not cover the Dead, as I had done. To which the Sieur desir'd me to answer, That he never cover'd the Bodies of any but such Captains as himself. To which the Savage answer'd, Father Louis (for so he heard the Europeans call me) is a greater Captain than thou: His Robe (speaking of my Brocard Chasuble, which they had taken from me, and was afterwards sent as a Present to our Allies who liv'd three Moons distance from this Country) was finer than what thou wearest.

When these Savages speak of a Journey of three or more Moons, they mean Months. They march well, and will travel fifteen Leagues a Day. By [201] which the Reader may judge what an extent of Ground they can go in three Month.


Chap. LXV.

The Author takes his leave of the Savages to return to Canada. A Savage is slain by his Chief, for advising to kill us. Dispute between the Sieur du Luth and the Author, about the Sacrifice of Barbarians.

TOWARDS the end of September, seeing we had no Tools proper to build a House to dwell in during the Winter, amongst these People; and considering that we were destitute of Provisions necessary to subsist there, as our Design was at first to have done, we resolv'd to let them understand, that to procure them Iron, and other Merchandizes, which were useful for them, 'twas convenient that we shou'd return to Canada, and that at a certain time which we shou'd agree upon between us, they shou'd come half the way with their Furrs, and we the other half with our European Commodities: That they might let two of their Warriors go with us, whom we wou'd carry into our Country, and likewise bring back again the next Year to the place appointed for meeting, from whence they might proceed to acquaint them of our return, in order to their meeting us with their Effects.

Upon this they held a great Council, to consider whether they shou'd send some of their Nation with us or no. Two there were who were for it, and offer'd themselves to be the


Men: But they alter'd their Opinion the Day of our Departure, alledging for a Reason, That we were obliged to pass through many Nations who were their sworn Enemies, and wou'd be sure to seize their Men, and take them out of our Hands, either to burn them, or put them [202] otherwise to Death by exquisite Torments, and that without our being able to hinder it, being so few in Number as we were.

I answer'd, That all those People, whom they were afraid of, were our Friends and Allies, and that in consideration of us, they wou'd forbear to injure any of their Nation that were with us. These Barbarians want no Wit; on the contrary, their Natural Parts are extraordinary. They told us in return, that since we were to pass through these People, who were their sworn Enemies, we shou'd do well to destroy them, at whose Hands they had receiv'd so many Injuries; that then their Men shou'd go and return with us to fetch them Iron, and other Commodities which they wanted, and wou'd gladly treat with us about. From whence we may gather, that these Barbarians are full of Resentment, and Thoughts of Revenge, Dispositions not altogether so well prepar'd, to receive the meek Doctrine of the Gospel.

In fine, Ouasicoude their Chief Captain, having consented to our Return, in a full Council, gave us some Bushels of Wild-Oats, for our Subsistence by the way, having first regal'd us in the best manner he cou'd, after their fashion. We have already observ'd, that these Oats are better and more wholsome than Rice. After this, with a Pencil, he mark'd down on a Sheet of Paper, which I had left, the Course that we were


to keep for four hundred Leagues together. In short, this natural Geographer describ'd our Way so exactly, that this Chart serv'd us as well as my Compass cou'd have done. For by observing it punctually, we arriv'd at the Place which we design'd, without losing our way in the least.

All things being ready, we dispos'd our selves to depart, being eight Europeans of us in all. We put [203] our selves into two Canows, and took our leaves of our Friends, with a Volly of our Men's Fusils, which put them into a terrible Fright. We fell down the River of St. Francis, and then that of the Meschasipi. Two of our Men, without saying anything, had taken down two Robes of Castor, from before the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua, where the Barbarians had hung them upon a Tree as a fort of Sacrifice. Hereupon arose a Dispute between the Sieur du Luth and my self. I commended what they had done, saying, The Barbarians might judge by it, that we disapprov'd their Superstition. On the contrary, the Sieur du Luth maintain'd, That they ought to have let the things alone in that place where they were, for that the Savages wou'd not fail to revenge the Affront which we had put upon them by this Action, and that it was to be fear'd lest they shou'd pursue and insult us by the Way.

I own he had some grounds for what he said, and that he argu'd according to the Rules of Humane Prudence. But the two Men answer'd him bluntly, that the things fitted them, and therefore they shou'd not trouble their Heads about the Savages, nor their Superstitions. The Sieur du Luth fell into so violent a Passion at these Words, that he had like to have


struck the Fellow that spake them; but I got between, and reconcil'd the Matter: For Picard and Michael Ako began to side with those that had taken away the things in question, which might have prov'd of ill consequence. I assur'd the Sieur du Luth, that the Savages durst not hurt us, for that I was persuaded their Grand Captain Ouasicoude wou'd always make our Cause his own, and that we might rely on his Word, and the great Credit he had amongst those of his Nation. Thus the Business was peaceably made up, and we sailed [204] down the River together as good Friends as ever, hunting the Wild-Beasts as we went.

When we were got almot as far as the River Ouisconsin, we made a stop, to smoak after the manner of the Country, the Flesh of the Bulls which we had kill'd by the Way. During our stay here, for the Reason aforesaid, three Savages of the same Nation, which we had lately left, came up to us in their Canow, to acquaint us that their Grand Captain Ouasicoude having learnt that another Chief of the same Nation had a Design to pursue and murder us, he came into the Cabin where the said Captain and his Associates were consulting about it, and gave him a Blow on the Head with so much Fury, that his Brains flew out upon those that were present at the Consult, resolving by this means effectually to prevent the Execution of his pernicious Design. We regal'd the three Savages for their good News very nobly, having plenty of Provisions at that time.

The Sieur du Luth, as soon as the Savages were gone, fell into as great a Passion as before, and seem'd very apprehensive


lest they shou'd still pursue and set upon us in our Voyage. He wou'd have carri'd Matters farther, but that he found our Men wou'd not bate him an Ace, and were not in an Humour to be bulli'd. I took upon me to moderate the Matter once more, and pacifi'd them in the End, by assuring them that God wou'd not leave us in Distress, provided we put our Trust in him, and that he was able to deliver us from all our Enemies.


[205] Chap. LXVI.

The Sieur du Luth is in a great Consternation at the Appearance of a Fleet of the Savages, who surprized us before we were got into the River Ouisconsin.

THE Sieur du Luth had reason to believe that the three Savages but now mention'd were really Spies sent to observe our Actions; for indeed they knew that we had taken away the Robes of Castor from before the Fall of St. Anthony. He cou'd not forego his Fears, but told me, we should serve the Fellow that did it but right, if we shou'd force him to carry them back, and leave them in the place where he found them. I foresaw Discord wou'd be our Destruction, and so made my self Mediator of the Peace once more. I appeas'd the Fray, by remonstrating, That God who had preserv'd us hitherto in the greatest Dangers, wou'd have a more peculiar Care of us on this Occasion, because the Man's Action was good in it self.

Two days after, all our Provisions being dress'd, and fit to keep, we prepar'd to depart: But the Sieur du Luth was mightily surpriz'd when he perceiv'd a Fleet of an hundred and forty Canows, carrying about an hundred and fifty Men, bearing down directly upon us. Our Mens Consternation was


no less than the Sieur's: But when they saw me take out from amongst our Equipage, a Calumet of Peace which the Issati had given us as a Pledge of their Friendship and Protection, they took Heart, and told me they wou'd act as I shou'd direct.

I order'd two of them to embark with me in a Canow, to meet the Savages: But the Sieur desir'd me to take a third to row, that by standing in the [106, i. e. 206] middle of the Canow, I might the better show the Pipe of Peace, which I carry'd in my hand, to appease the Barbarians, whose Language I understood indifferently well. The other four of our Men I left with the Sieur du Luth, and told them, in case any of the young Warriors shou'd Land, and come up to them, they shou'd by no means discourse or be familiar with them; but that they should keep their Posts with their Arms ready fixt. Having given these Orders, I went into my Canow, to the Barbarians who were a coming down the River in theirs.

Seeing no Chief amongst them, I call'd out as loud as I cou'd, Ouasicoude, Ouasicoude, repeating his Name several times. At last I perceiv'd him rowing up towards me: All this while none of his People had affronted us, which I look'd upon as a good Omen. I conceal'd my Reed of Peace, the better to let them see how much I rely'd upon their Word. Soon after we landed, and entred the Cabin where the Sieur du Luth was, who wou'd have embrac'd their Captain. Here we must observe, that 'tis not the Custom of the Savages to embrace after the manner of the French.


I told the Sieur du Luth that he need only present him with a piece of the best boyl'd Meat that he had, and that in case he eat of it, we were safe.

It hapned according to our Wish; all the rest of the Captains of this little Army came to visit us. It cost our Folks nothing but a few Pipes of Martinico-Tobacco, which these People are passionately fond of, though their own be stronger, more agreeable, and of a much better Scent. Thus the Barbarians were very civil to us, without ever mentioning the Robes of Castor. The Chief Ouasicoude advis'd me to present some Pieces of Martinico Tobacco to the Chief Aquipaguetin, who had adopted me for his Son. This Civility had strange effects upon the [207] Barbarians, who went off shouting, and repeating the Word Louis, which, as we said, signifies the Sun: So that I must say without Vanity, my Name will be as it were immortal amongst these People, by reason of its jumping so accidentally with that of the Sun.


Chap. LXVII.

The Author's Voyage from the Mouth of the River Ouisconsin, to the great Bay of the Puans.

THE Savages having left us to go and War upon the Messorites, Mahoras, Illinois, and other Nations, which inhabit towards the lower part of the River Meschasipi, and are irreconcilable Enemies to the People of the North; the Sieur du Luth, who upon many Occasions approv'd himself to be much my Friend, cou'd not forbear telling our People, that I had all the reason in the World to believe that the Viceroy of Canada wou'd give me a very kind Reception, in case we cou'd arrive there before Winter; and that he wish'd with all his heart he had been among so many different Nations as my self.

As we went up the River Ouisconsin, we found it was as large as that of the Illinois, which is navigable for large Vessels above an hundred Leagues. We cou'd not sufficiently admire the Extent of those vast Countries, and the Charming Lands through which we pass'd, which lye all untill'd. The cruel Wars which these Nations have one with another, are the cause that they have not People enough to cultivate them. And the more bloody Wars which have rag'd so long in all parts of Europe, have hinder'd the sending Christian


Colonies to settle there. However, I must needs say, that the poorer sort of [208] our Countrymen wou'd do well to think of it, and go and plant themselves in this fine Country, where for a little Pains in tilling the Earth, they wou'd live happier, and subsist much better than they do here. I have seen Lands there, which wou'd yield three Crops in a Year: And the Air is incomparably more sweet and temperate than in Holland.

After we had row'd about seventy Leagues upon the River Ouisconsin, we came to a Place where we were forc'd to carry our Canow for half a League, which Ouasicoude had set down in his Chart. We lay at this place all Night, and left Marks of our having been there, by the Crosses which we cut on the Barks of the Trees. Next Day, having carri'd our Canows and the rest of our little Equipage over this Piece of Land, we entred into a River, which makes almost as many Meanders as that of the Illinois doth at its Rise: For after six Hours rowing, which we did very fast, we found our selves, notwithstanding all the Pains we had been at, over-against the Place where we embark'd. One of our Men must needs shoot at a Bird flying, which overset his Canow; but by good luck he was within his depth.

We were forc'd to break several Sluces which the Castors had made for our Canows to pass; otherwise we cou'd not


have continued our Way, or carri'd our things to embark them again above these Sluces.

These Creatures make them with so much Art, that Man cannot equal it. We shall speak of them in our Second Volume. We found several of these Ponds, or Stops of Water, which these Creatures make with Pieces of Wood, like a Causey.

After this we pass'd over four Lakes, which are all made by this River. Here formerly dwelt the Miamis; but now the Maskoutens, Kikapous, and Outoagamis, who sow their Indian Wheat here, on [209] which they chiefly subsist. We made some Broath of the Water of a certain Fall, which they call Kakalin ; because the Savages come often hither to ease themselves, and lye on their Backs, with their Faces expos'd to the Sun.

Thus having made more than Four hundred Leagues by Water since our departure from the Country of the Issati and Nadouessans, we arriv'd at last at the great Bay of the Puans, which makes part of the Lake of the Illinois.



The Author and his Company stay some time amongst the Puans. The Original of the Name. They celebrated Mass here, and wintered at Missilimakinak.

WE found many Canadians in this Bay of the Puans. The Nation that inhabits here, is so call'd, because formerly they dwelt in certain Marshy Places, full of stinking Waters, situate on the South-Sea. But being drove out thence by their Enemy, they came and settled in this Bay, which is to the East of the Illinois. The Canadians were come hither to Trade with the People of this Bay, contrary to an Order of the Viceroy. They had still a little of the Wine left, which they brought with them, and kept in a Pewter Flagon. I made use of it for Mass. Till now, I had nothing but a Chalice, and a Marble Altar, which was pretty light, and very handsomly engrav'd: But here by good Fortune I met with the Sacerdotal Robes too. Some Illinois who had happily escap'd their Enemies the Iroquese, who had attack'd and almost destroy'd them since my Voyage, and the time that I had been a Slave amongst the Barbarians, had brought with


them the Ornaments of the Chapel of Father Zenobius Mambre, [210] whom we had left among the Illinois. Some of these, I say, who were escap'd to the Place where we were, deliver'd me up all the Ornaments of the Chapel, except the Chalice. They promis'd to get me that too for a little Tobacco, which I was to give them; and were as good as their Word, for they brought it me some few Days after.

'Twas more than nine Months since I had celebrated the Sacrament of the Mass, for want of Wine. We might indeed have done it in our Voyage, had we had Vessels proper to keep Wine in: But we cou'd not charge our Canow with such, being very unfit to carry things of Burden. 'Tis true, we met with Grapes in many Places through which we pass'd, and had made some Wine too, which we put into Gourds; but it fail'd us whilst we were among the Illinois, as I have elsewhere observ'd. As for the rest, I had still some Wafers by me, which were as good as ever, having been kept in a Steel-Box shut very close.

We stay'd two Days at the Bay of the Puans; where we sung Te Deum, and my self said Mass, and Preach'd. Our


Men prepar'd themselves for the Holy Sacrament, which we receiv'd, in order to render our Thanks to God, who had preserv'd us amidst the many Dangers we had run, the Difficulties we had surmounted, and Monsters we had overcome.

One of our Canow-Men truck'd [i.e., traded] a Fusil with a Savage for a Canow larger than our own, in which, after an hundred Leagues rowing, having coasted all along the great Bay of the Puans, we arriv'd at Missilimakinak, in the Lake of Huron, where we were forc'd to Winter: For our Way lying still North, we shou'd infallibly have perish'd amongst the Ice and Snow, had we proceeded any further.

By the Course we were oblig'd to take, we were still about Four hundred Leagues from Canada. Amongst these People, I met, to my no little Satisfaction, [211] Father Pierson, a Jesuit, who is a Son of the King's Receiver for the Town of Aeth in Hainault. He was come hither to learn their Language, and spoke it then passably well. This Religious, who retain'd still the free and open Humour of his Countrymen, had made himself belov'd by his obliging Behaviour, and seem'd to be an utter Enemy of Caballing and Intrigues, having a candid Spirit, generous and sincere. In a word, He appear'd to me to be such as every good Christian ought to be. The Reader may judge how agreeably I pass'd the Winter


in such good Company, after the Miseries and Fatigues I had undergone in the Course of our Discoveries.

To make the best use of my time that I cou'd, I Preach'd all the Holy-days and Sundays in Advent and Lent, for the Edification of our Men, and other Canadians, who were come four or five Leagues out of their Country, to Trade for Furrs amongst these Savages: From whence we may observe, that there are some whom I shall forbear to name, who not-withstanding all their pretended Austerities, are yet no less covetous of the Things of this World, than the most Secular Person in it. The Outtaouacts and the Hurons wou'd often assist at our Ceremonies in a Church cover'd with Rushes and a few Boards, which the Canadians had built here: But they came more out of Curiosity than any Design to conform themselves to the Rules of our Holy Religion.

The latter of these Savages would tell us, speaking of our Discoveries, That themselves were but Men; but for us Europeans, we must needs be Spirits: That if they had gone so far up amongst strange Nations as we had done, they should have been sure to have been kill'd by them without Mercy; whereas we pass'd every where without danger, and knew how to procure the Friendship of all we met.

During the Winter, we broke Holes in the Ice of the Lake Huron, and by means of several large [212] Stones, sunk our Nets sometimes twenty, sometimes twenty five Fathom under Water to catch Fish, which we did in great abundance. We took Salmon-Trouts, which often weigh'd from forty to fifty pounds. These made our Indian Wheat


go down the better, which was our ordinary Diet. Our Beverage was nothing but Broth made of Whiteings, which we drank hot; because as it cools it turns to Jelly, as if it had been made of Veal.

During our stay here, Father Pierson and I would often divert our selves on the Ice, where we skated on the Lake as they do in Holland. I had learn'd this Slight when I was at Ghent, from whence to Brussels one may run in three Hours with abundance of Pleasure when the Canal is frozen. 'Tis the usual Diversion with which the Inhabitants of these two Cities entertain themselves during the Winter, by favour of the Ice.

It must be allow'd, without reflecting on any other Order, That those of St. Francis are very proper for the setling of Colonies. They make a strict Vow of Poverty, and have a Property in nothing as their own: They enjoy only a simple Use of Things necessary to Life. Those that give us any Moveables, continue still to be the owners of them, and may take them again at pleasure. 'Tis this Poverty which is recommended to us by many Popes; but above all by our Rule, which is the only one I find inserted in the Canon-Law.

What pass'd at Missilimakinak during this Winter, is a Proof of what I say. Two and forty Canadians, who were come hither upon the account of the Trade which they drive here with the Savages, desir'd me to present them with the Cord of St. Francis. I compli'd with their Request; and each time I deliver'd a Cord, made a small Harangue by way of Exhortation to the Person receiving it, and then associated


him to the Prayers of the Order. They [213] would have kept me with them, and made me a Settlement, where from time to time they might have resort to me. They promis'd me moreover, since I would accept of no Furrs, that they would prevail with the Savages to furnish out my Subsistence in the best manner which could be expected for the Country. But because the greatest part of them that made me this Offer, Traded into these Parts without permission, I gave them to understand, That the Common Good of our Discoveries, ought to be preferr'd before their private Advantages; so desir'd them to excuse me, and permit me to return to Canada for a more Publick Good.


Chap. LXIX.

The Author's Departure from Missilimakinak. He passes two great Lakes. The taking of a Great Bear. Some Particulars relating to the Flesh of that Beast.

WE parted from Missilimakinak in Easter-Week, 1681, and for twelve or thirteen Leagues together, were oblig'd to draw our Provisions and Canow's after us over the Ice, up the Lake Huron, the sides of which continu'd still froze five or six Leagues broad. The Ice being broke, we embark'd, after the Solemnity of the Quasimodo, which we had an opportunity to celebrate, having by good Fortune met with a little Wine, which a Canadian had brought with him, and serv'd us all the rest of our Voyage. After we had row'd a hundred Leagues all along the sides of the Lake Huron, we pass'd the Streights, which are thirty Leagues through, and the Lake of St. Claire, which is in the middle: Thence we arriv'd at the Lake Erie, or of the Cat, where we stai'd some time to kill Sturgeon, which come here in great numbers, to cast their Spawn on the [214] side of the Lake. We took nothing but the Belly of the Fish, which is the most delicious part, and threw away the rest.

This Place afforded also plenty of Venison and Fowl. As


we were standing in the Lake, upon a large Point of Land which runs it self very far into the Water, we perceiv'd a Bear in it as far as we could see. We could not imagine how this Creature got there; 'twas very improbable that he shou'd swim from one side to t'other, that was thirty or forty Leagues over. It hapned to be very calm; and so two of our Men leaving us on the Point, put off to attack the Bear, that was near a quarter of a League out in the Lake. They made two Shot at him one after another, otherwise the Beast had certainly sunk them. As soon as they had fir'd, they were forc'd to sheer off as fast as they could to charge again; which when they had done, they return'd to the Attack. The Bear was forc'd to stand it; and it cost them no less than seven Shot before they could compass him.

As they were endeavouring to get him aboard, they were like to have been over-set; which if they had, they must have been infallibly lost: All they could do was to fasten him to the Bar that is in the middle of the Canow, and so drag him on Shoar; which they did at last with much ado, and great hazard of their Lives. We had all the leisure that was requisite for the dressing and ordering him, so as to make him keep; and in the mean time took out his Intrails, and having cleans'd and boil'd them, eat heartily of them. These are as good a Dish as those of our Sucking-Pigs in Europe. His Flesh serv'd us the rest of our Voyage, which we usually eat with lean Goats-flesh, because it is too fat to eat by it self: So that we liv'd for an hundred Leagues upon the Game that we kill'd in this Place.


[215] Chap. LXX.

The Meeting of the Author and a certain Captain of the Outtaouacts, nam'd Talon by the Intendant of that Name, upon the Lake of Erie; who recounts to him many Adventures of his Family and Nation. Further Observations upon the Great Fall or Cataracts of Niagara.

THERE was a certain Captain of the Outtaouacts, to whom the Intendant Talon gave his own Name, whilst he was at Quebec. He us'd to come often to that City with those of his Nation, who brought Furrs thither: We were strangely surpriz'd at the sight of this Man, whom we found almost famish'd, and more like a Skeleton than a living Man. He told us the Name of Talon would be soon extinct in this Country, since he resolv'd not to survive the Loss of six of his Family who had been starved to Death. He added, That the Fishery and Chace had both fail'd this Year, which was the occasion of this sad Disaster.

He told us moreover, That though the Iroquese were not in War with his Nation, yet had they taken and carri'd into Slavery an entire Family of Twelve Souls. He begg'd very


earnestly of me, that I would use my utmost Endeavours to have them releas'd, if they were yet alive; and gave me two Necklaces of Black and White Porcelain, that I might be sure not to neglect a Business which he laid so much to heart. I can rely upon thee, Bare-foot, (for so they always call'd us) and am confident that the Iroquese will hearken to thy Reasons sooner than any ones. Thou didst often advise them at their Councils, which were held then at the Fort of Katarockoui, where thou hast caus'd a great Cabin to be built. Had I been at my Village when thou cam'st through it, I would have done all that I could to have kept [216] thee, instead of the Black Coat (so they call the Jesuites) which was there. When the poor Captain had done speaking, I solemnly promis'd him to use my utmost Interest with the Iroquese, for the releasement of his Friends.

After we had row'd above an hundred and forty Leagues upon the Lake Erie, by reason of the many Windings of the Bays and Creeks which we were forc'd to coast, we pass'd by the Great Fall of Niagara, and spent half a Day in considering the Wonders of that prodigious Cascade.

I could not conceive how it came to pass, that four great Lakes, the least of which is 400 Leagues in compass, should empty themselves one into another, and then all centre and discharge themselves at this Great Fall, and yet not drown good part of America. What is yet more surprizing, the Ground from the Mouth of the Lake Erie, down to the Great Fall, appears almost level and flat. 'Tis scarce discernable that there is the least Rise or Fall for six Leagues together: The


more than ordinary swiftness of the Stream, is the only thing that makes it be observ'd. And that which makes it yet the stranger is, That for two Leagues together below the Fall, towards the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, the Lands are as level as they are above it towards the Lake of Erie.

Our Surprise was still greater, when we observ'd there were no Mountains within two good Leagues of this Cascade; and yet the vast quantity of Water which is discharg'd by these four fresh Seas, stops or centers here, and so falls above six hundred Foot down into a Gulph, which one cannot look upon without Horror. Two other great Out-lets, or Falls of Water, which are on the two sides of a small sloping Island, which is in the midst, fall gently and without noise, and so glide away quietly enough: But when this prodigious quantity of Water, of which I speak, comes to fall, there is such a din, and such [217] a noise, that is more deafning than the loudest Thunder.

The rebounding of these Waters is so great, that a sort of Cloud arises from the Foam of it, which are seen hanging over this Abyss even at Noon-day, when the Sun is at its heighth. In the midst of Summer, when the Weather is hottest, they arise above the tallest Firrs, and other great Trees, which grow in the slooping Island which make the two Falls of Waters that I spoke of.

I wish'd an hundred times that somebody had been with us, who could have describ'd the Wonders of this prodigious frightful Fall, so as to give the Reader a just and natural Idea of it, such as might satisfy him, and create in him an Admiration


of this Prodigy of Nature as great as it deserves. In the mean time, accept the following Draught, such as it is; in which however I have endeavour'd to give the curious Reader as just an Image of it as I could.

We must call to mind what I observ'd of it in the beginning of my Voyage, which is to be seen in the Seventh Chapter of this Book. From the Mouth of the Lake Erie to the Great Fall, are reckon'd six Leagues, as I have said, which is the continuation of the Great River of St. Lawrence, which arises out of the four Lakes above-mention'd. The River, you must needs think, is very rapid for these six Leagues, because of the vast Discharge of Waters which fall into it out of the said Lakes. The Lands, which lie on both sides of it to the East and West, are all level from the Lake Erie to the Great Fall. Its Banks are not steep; on the contrary, the Water is almost always level with the Land. 'Tis certain, that the Ground towards the Fall is lower, by the more than ordinary swiftness of the Stream; and yet 'tis not perceivable to the Eye for the six Leagues abovesaid.

After it has run thus violently for six Leagues, it [218] meets with a small sloping Island, about half a quarter of a League long, and near three hundred Foot broad, as well as one can guess by the Eye; for it is impossible to come at it in a Canow of Bark, the Waters run with that force. The Isle is full of Cedar and Firr; but the Land of it lies no higher than that on the Banks of the River. It seems to be all level, even as far as the two great Cascades that make the Main Fall.


The two sides of the Channels, which are made by the Isle, and run on both sides of it, overflow almost the very Surface of the Earth of the said Isle, as well as the Land that lies on the Banks of the River to the East and West, as it runs South and North. But we must observe, that at the end of the Isle, on the side of the two great Falls, there is a slooping Rock which reaches as far as the Great Gulph, into which the said Waters fall; and yet the Rock is not at all wetted by the two Cascades which fall on both sides, because the two Torrents which are made by the Isle, throw themselves with a prodigious force, one towards the East, and the other towards the West, from off the end of the Isle, where the Great Fall of all is.

After then these two Torrents have thus run by the two sides of the Isle, they cast their Waters all of a sudden down into the Gulph by two Great Falls; which Waters are push'd so violently on by their own Weight, and so sustain'd by the swiftness of the motion, that they don't wet the Rock in the least. And here it is that they tumble down into an Abyss above 600 Foot in depth.

The Waters that flow on the side of the East, do not throw themselves with that violence as those that fall on the West. The reason is, because the Rock at the end of the Island, rises something more on this side, than it does on the West; and so the Waters being supported by it somewhat longer than [219] they are on the other side, are carry'd the smoother off: But on the West the Rock slooping more, the Waters, for want of a Support, become the sooner broke,


and fall with the greater precipitation. Another reason is, the Lands that lie on the West are lower than those that lie on the East. We also observ'd, that the Waters of the Fall, that is to the West, made a sort of a square Figure as they fell, which made a third Cascade, less than the other two, which fell betwixt the South and North.

And because there is a riling Ground which lies before those two Cascades to the North, the Gulph is much larger there than to the East. Moreover, we must observe, that from the rising Ground that lies over against the two last Falls which are on the West of the main Fall, one may go down as far as the bottom of this terrible Gulph. The Author of this Discovery was down there, the more narrowly to observe the Fall of these prodigious Cascades. From hence we could discover a Spot of Ground, which lay under the Fall of Water which is to the East, big enough for four Coaches to drive a breast without being wet; but because the Ground, which is to the East of the Hoping Rock, where the first Fall empties it self into the Gulph, is very steep, and almost perpendicular, 'tis impossible for a Man to get down on that side, into the Place where the four Coaches may go a-breast, or to make his way through such a quantity of Water as falls towards the Gulph: So that 'tis very probable, that to this dry Place it is that the Rattle-Snakes retire, by certain Passages which they find under ground.

From the end then of this Island it is, that these two Great Falls of Waters, as also the third but now mention'd, throw themselves, after a most surprizing manner, down into a dreadful


Gulph six hundred Foot and more in depth. I have already said, that the Waters which Discharge themselves at the [220] Cascade to the East, fall with lesser force; whereas those to the West tumble all at once, making two Cascades; one moderate, the other very violent and strong, which at last make a kind of Crochet, or square Figure, falling from South to North, and West to East. After this, they rejoin the Waters of the other Cascade that falls to the East, and so tumble down altogether, though unequally, into the Gulph, with all the violence that can be imagin'd, from a Fall of six hundred Foot, which makes the most Beautiful, and at the same time most Frightful Cascade in the World.

After these Waters have thus discharg'd themselves into this dreadful Gulph, they begin to resume their Course, and continue the great River of St. Lawrence for two Leagues, as far as the three Mountains which are on the East of the River, and the great Rock which is on the West, and lifts it self three Fathoms above the Waters, or thereabouts. The Gulph into which these Waters are discharg'd, continues it self thus two Leagues together, between a Chain of Rocks, flowing with a prodigious Torrent, which is bridled and kept in by the Rocks that lie on each side of the River.

Into this Gulph it is, that these several Cascades empty themselves, with a violence equal to the height from whence they fall, and the quantity of Waters, which they discharge. Hence arise those deafning Sounds, that dreadful roaring and bellowing of the Waters which drown the loudest Thunder,


as also the perpetual Mills that hang over the Gulph, and rise above the tallest Pines that are in the little Isle so often mention'd. After a Channel is again made at the bottom of this dreadful Fall by the Chain of Rocks, and fill'd by that prodigious quantity of Waters which are continually falling, the River of St. Lawrence resumes its Course: But with that violence, and his Waters beat against the [221] Rocks with so prodigious a force, that 'tis impossible to pass even in a Canow of Bark, though in one of them a Man may venture safe enough upon the most rapid Streams, by keeping close to the Shoar.

These Rocks, as also the prodigious Torrent, last for two Leagues; that is, from the great Fall, to the three Mountains and great Rock: But then it begins insensibly to abate, and the Land to be again almost on a level with the Water; and so it continues as far as the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac.

When one stands near the Fall, and looks down into this most dreadful Gulph, one is seized with Horror, and the Head turns round, so that one cannot look long or stedfastly upon it. But this vast Deluge beginning insensibly to abate, and even to fall to nothing about the three Mountains, the Waters of the River St. Lawrence begin to glide more gently along, and to be almost upon a level with the Lands; so that it becomes navigable again, as far as the Lake Frontenac, over which we pass to come to the New Canal, which is made by the discharge of its Waters. Then we enter again upon the River St. Lawrence, which not long after makes


that which they call the Long Fall, an hundred Leagues from Niagara.

I have often heard talk of the Cataracts of the Nile, which make the People deaf that live near them. I know not whether the Iroquese, who formerly inhabited near this Fall, and liv'd upon the Beasts which from time to time are born down by the violence of its Torrent, withdrew themselves from its Neighbourhood, lest they should likewise become deaf; or out of the continual fear they were in of Rattle-Snakes, which are very common in this Place during the great Heats, and lodge in Holes all along the Rocks as far as the Mountains, which lie two Leagues lower.

Be it as it will, these dangerous Creatures are to [222] be met with as far as the Lake Frontenac, on the South-side; but because they are never to be seen but in the midst of Summer, and then only when the Heats are excessive, they are not so afraid of them here as elsewhere. However, 'tis reasonable to presume, that the horrid noise of the Fall, and the fear of these poisonous Serpents, might oblige the Savages to seek out a more commodious Habitation.

Having carry'd our Canow from the Great Fall of Niagara, as far as the three Mountains, which are two Leagues below, in all which Way we perceiv'd never a Snake; we proceeded in our Voyage, and arriv'd at the Lake of Ontario, or Frontenac.


Chap. LXXI.

The Author sets out from the Fort which is at the Mouth of the River Niagara, and obliges the Iroquese assembl'd in Council, to deliver up the Slaves they had made of the Outtaouacts.

WE met none of the Savages in the little Village of the Iroquese, which is near the Mouth of the River Niagara; for they sow there but very little Indian Corn; and inhabit the Village but in Harvest-time, or in the Season they go a fishing for Sturgeons, or Whiteings which are there in great plenty. We thought also we should find some Canadians at the Fort of the River which we had begun to build, at the beginning of our Discovery: But these Forts were only built for a Show, to cover the secret Trade of Furrs, and countenance the great Hopes M. de la Salle had given to the French Court.

It must be granted, that such Discoveries are beyond any private Mens Power, and they must be [223] countenanc'd by a Sovereign Authority, to be successful. Therefore M. de la Salle had got the French Court's Protection; but instead of making a good use of it for the publick Good, he did chiefly aim at his own private Interest, and for that reason neglected a great many things necessary to carry on his


Enterprize. The Fort of the River of Niagara was become a deserted Place, and might have serv'd to countenance his Design. We came along the Southern Coasts of the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac; and after having sailed thirty Leagues, we arriv'd about Whitsuntide in the Year 1681, at the great Village of the Tsonnontouans [Senecas] Iroquese.

The Savages came to meet us, repeating often this Word Otchitagon, meaning by it, that the Bare-foot was return'd from the great Voyage he had undertook, to visit the Nations that are beyond the River Hohio and Meschasipi; and though our Faces were burnt by the Sun, and my Clothes patch'd up with wild Bull-Skins, yet they knew me, and carry'd me with my two Men into one of their Officer's Cottages.

They did call their Council, which met to the number of Thirty, or thereabouts, wearing their Gowns in a stately manner, made up with all sorts of Skins, twirled about their Arms, with the Calumet in their Hands. They gave order that we shou'd be entertain'd according to their own Fashion, while they did smoak without eating.

After we had done eating, I told them by a Canadian that was my Interpreter, that their Warriors had brought 12 Outtaouacts as Slaves, though they were their Confederates and Onontio's Friends, ('tis the Name they give to the Viceroy of Canada) breaking thereby the Peace, and proclaiming War against Canada: And the better to oblige them to deliver up to us the Outtaouacts, who by good Fortune were still alive.


we flung in the middle of the Assembly two Collars of Porcelain, that Captain [224] Talon had given us; This is the only way among them, to enter upon any Affair.

The next day the Council met, and the Iroquese answer'd me with some other Collars of Porcelain; and told me, That those who had made these Men Slaves, were young Warriors without Consideration; That we might assure Onontio, (who was then Count Frontenac) that their Nation wou'd always respect him in all things; That they shou'd live with him as true Children with their Father, and that they wou'd deliver up the Men who had been taken.

Teganeot, one of the chiefest, who spoke for the whole Nation in the Council, presented me with some Skins of Otter, Martin, and Bever, to the value of thirty Crowns. I took his Present with one Hand, and deliver'd it with the other to his Son, whom he lov'd tenderly. I told him, That I made him that Present, that he might Exchange it with some Merchandizes of Europe; and that the Bare-feet will accept of no Present at all, not out of Contempt, but because we are disinterested in all things; assuring him, I would acquaint the Governor with his Friendship.

The Iroquese was surpriz'd that I did not accept of his Present; and seeing besides, that I gave a little Looking Glass to his Son, he said to those of his Nation, that the other Canadians were not of that Temper: And they sent us several Fowls, as an acknowledgment of their Gratitude for the care we took, to teach their Children some Prayers in


their own Tongue. After the Promises the Savages gave us to live in good correspondency with us, we took, our leave of them, and got our selves ready, in order to continue our Voyage.


[225] Chap. LXXII.

The Author sets out from the Tsonnontouans Iroquese, and comes to Fort Frontenac.

I MUST confess it is a great Pleasure for one to come out of Slavery, or the Hands of Savages, and to reflect upon past Miseries; especially when he returns among Friends, to rest himself after so many Hardships and Troubles.

We had still about Fourscore Leagues to go upon the Lake Ontario, before we cou'd arrive at Fort Catarokoui, or Frontenac; but we were all the Way very merry. I had help'd Picard du Gay and Michael Ako, my Fellow-Travellers, with some Skins, to make amends for the Hardship and Pains they suffer'd in that Voyage. We had much ado to row off our Canow, it being much bigger than that we made use of when we set out from the Issati and Nadouessians; but nevertheless we came in four Days to the Fort, and kill'd in our way some Bustards and Teals. We wanted then neither Powder nor Shot, and therefore we shot at random all that we met, either small Birds, or Turtles, and Wood-Pigeons, which were then coming from Foreign Countries in so great Numbers, that they did appear in the Air like Clouds.

I observ'd upon this Occasion, and many other times during our Voyage, a thing worthy of Admiration: The


Birds that were flying at the Head of the others, keep often back, to ease and help those among them that are tir'd; which may be a Lesson to Men to help one another in time of need. Father Luke Buisset, and Sergeant la Fleur, who had the Command in the Fort in the Absence of M. la Salle, receiv'd us in the House of our Order, that we had built together.

[226] They were much surpriz'd to see us, having been told that the Savages had hang'd me with St. Francis's Rope two Years ago. All the Inhabitants of Canada, and the Savages that we had encourag'd to live near Fort Frontenac, to Till the Ground, made me an extraordinary Reception, and shew'd much Joy to see me again. The Savages put their Hand upon their Mouth, and repeated often this Word, Otkon, meaning, That the Bare-foot must be a Spirit, having travell'd so far, through so many Nations that wou'd have kill'd them, if they had been there. Tho' we were kindly us'd in this Fort, yet my Men had a great Mind to return into Canada; and having escap'd so many Dangers together, I was willing to make an End of the Voyage with them; therefore we took leave of Father Luke Buisset, and of all our Friends that liv'd in that Fort, and went for Quebec.



The Author sets out from Fort Frontenac, and passes over the rapid Stream, which is call'd The Long Fall. He is kindly receiv'd at Montreal by Count Frontenac.

WE set out from the Fort sooner than I thought, not being able to keep any longer my Men, and in our Way took a more exact View of the Mouth of the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac. This Place is call'd Thousand Islands, because there are so many of them, that 'tis impossible to tell them. The Stream is here very rapid; but its Swiftness is prodigiously increas'd, by the great Quantity of Waters that come from the other Lakes abovemention'd, and a great many Rivers that run into this, in the Place call'd, The Long Fall, which makes it as dreadful as the great Fall of Niagara.

[227] But besides this great Quantity of Waters, and the Declivity of the Channel, which makes the Current so rapid, there are also on the Banks, and in the middle of the River of St. Laurence, about eight or Ten Leagues below the said Lake, great Rocks, which appear above Water, which stopping the Stream of the River, makes as great a Noise as the great Fall of Niagara.

This dreadful Encounter of Water that beats so furiously against thefe Rocks, continues about two Leagues, the Waters


spurt up ten or twelve Yards high, and appear like huge Snow-Balls, Hail, and Rain, with dreadful Thunder, and a Noise like Hissing and Howling of Fierce Beasts: And I do certainly believe, that if a Man continued there a considerable time, he wou'd become Deaf, without any Hope of Cure.

My Men refusing to carry by Land the Canow, and the Skins they had got, I was forc'd to adventure with them; which I did willingly, having formerly pass'd these Streams in a Canow: I trusted my self again to the same GOD who had deliver'd me from so many great Dangers. The Stream is so rapid, that we cou'd not tell the Trees that were on the Bank, and yet there was hardly room for our Canow to pass between the Rocks. We were carri'd away by these horrid Currents above two great Leagues in a very short time; and in two Days we came from Frontenac to Montreal, which are about Threescore Leagues distant one from another. Before our landing at Montreal, my Men desir'd me to leave them with the Skins in a neighbouring Island, to save some Duties, or rather to keep off from M. la Salle's Creditors, who wou'd have seiz'd the Commodities they had got in their long Voyage with me in our great Discovery.

[228] Count Frontenac, who was at Montreal, looking out of a Window, saw me alone in a Canow, and took me for Father Luke Fillatre, one of our Recollets, who serv'd him as Chaplain. But one of his Guards, knowing me again, went to him, and acquainted him with my coming; he was so kind as to come to meet me, and made me the best Reception that a Missionary might expect from a Person of that Rank


and Quality. He thought I had been murther'd by the Savages two Years ago. He was at first surpriz'd, thinking I was some other Recollect that came from Virginia: But at last he knew me, and gave me a very kind Entertainment.

This Lord did wonder to see me so much alter'd, being lean, tir'd, and tann'd, having lost my Cloak that the Issati had stoll'n from me, being then cloath'd in an old Habit, patch'd up with pieces of wild Bulls-Skins. He carri'd me to his own House, where I continu'd for twelve Days to refresh my self. He forbad all his Servants to give me any thing to eat, without his express Order, because he was afraid I shou'd fall sick if I was left to my own Discretion, to eat as much as I wou'd after so long Hardships; and he gave me himself what he thought was best.

He was much pleas'd to hear me talk of all the Hazards I had run in so long a Voyage among so many different Nations. I represented to him what great Advantages might be got by our Discovery: But having observ'd that he was always repeating the same Questions he ask'd me the first Day I was with him, I told him I had acquainted him with what I knew; and that I did not question but M. la Salle, who was to go to the Court of France about his Affairs, had acquainted him with all the Particulars of our Voyage, having been in our Company till he was forc'd to leave us to return into Canada.

[229] I knew that M. la Salle was a Man that wou'd never forgive me, if I had told all that I knew of our Voyage; therefore I kept secret the whole Discovery we had


made of the River Meschasipi. My Men were as much concern'd as I, in concealing our Voyage; for they had been certainly punish'd for having undertaken it against Orders; and the Skins they had got in their return from the Issati with M. du Luth, who did stay for that reason among the Outtaouacts, had likewise been confiscated.

Count Frontenac shew'd me in private a Letter M. du Luth had sent him by a Huron, who liv'd in the Neighbourhood of the Outtaouacts, by which he acquainted him, he cou'd never learn any thing about our Voyage, neither from me, nor from the Men who attended me. I cou'd not forbear then to tell him, that M. du Luth was not so much devoted to his Service as he thought; and that I might assure him that some Men that were his Opponents, had stopp'd M. du Luth's Mouth; and that I was fully persuaded he had been sent by them with a secret Order, to pump me; but I was bound by my Character, and in Charity, to spare those Men, tho' on many Occasions they had not dealt fo justly with me; but I was willing to leave all to God, who will render to every one according to his Works.

Francis de Laval, the first Lord Bishop of Quebec, came along the River St. Laurence, to make his Visitation, while I


was coming to Quebec with the Lord Frontenac. We met him near Fort Champlein, . which had been fortifi'd, to put a Stop to the Inroads of the Iroquese: The Lord Frontenac ask'd me, if I had got an Ague; and then looking upon those that attended him, he said, that the feeling of the Pulse increas'd the Fever; insinuating to me thereby, that there was a Design laid against me, to get out cunningly what I kept secret in my Heart.

[230] After a short Conversation with the Bishop, I ask'd his Episcopal Blessing, tho' I did not think fit to reveal to him all that I knew of our Discoveries. We were going to discourse more largely upon this Subject, when the Lord Frontenac came in, to invite the Bishop to Dine with him, and thereby to give me an opportunity to put an end to our Conversation.

I was much puzzl'd in the Company of these two Great Men, the Bishop was the Chief of the Company; but I was yet to pay a great Respect to the Lord Frontenac. I did avoid talking of Matters that might be troublesome to me; and I told the Bishop, that the Lord Frontenac had prescrib'd me a Course of Diet, lest I shou'd fall sick, after all the Hardships I had endur'd, and the bad Food I fed upon among the Savages; therefore I desir'd him to give me leave to return to Quebec, that I might live there in private; for I was not able then to Catechise the Children, nor to perform any Functions of a Missionary in his Visitation; and that I wanted


some Rest, that I might work more vigorously afterwards. By these Means I avoided a Conversation with the Bishop, that wou'd have prov'd very troublesome, to me; for he gave me leave to retire to our Monastery, to rest there after all my Fatigues.


[231] Chap. LXXIV.

A great Defeat of the Illinois, that were attack'd and surpriz'd by the Iroquese.

WHILE I was resting after my great Labours, the Lord Frontenac did receive Letters from Father Zenobe Mambre, whom I left among the Illinois. He sent him Word, that the Iroquese had drawn the Miamis into their Party; and that being join'd together, they had form'd a great Army, and were fall'n on a sudden upon the Illinois, to destroy that Nation; and that they were got together to the number of Nine hundred, all Fusiliers; these two Nations being well provided with Guns, and all sort of Ammunitions of War, by the Commerce they have with the Europeans.

The Iroquese were projecting this Enterprize about the 12th of September, 1680, while I was about the Discovery of the River Meschasipi. The Illinois did not mistrust them; for they had concluded a Treaty of Peace with these two Nations; and M. la Salle had assur'd them, that he wou'd do his utmost Endeavours to oblige them to observe the Treaty; therefore the Illinois were easily surpriz'd, having sent most part of their Youth to make War in another Country.

A Chaouanon, Confederate to the Illinois, returning from their Country home, came back again, to give them notice


that he had discover'd an Army of Iroquese and Miamis, who were already enter'd into their Country on purpose to surprize them.

This News frighted the Illinois; yet the next Day they appear'd in the Field, and march'd directly to the Enemy; and as soon as they were in sight, they charg'd them. The Fight was very sharp, [232] and a great many Men were kill'd on both sides.

M. Tonti, whom M. la Salle had left in the Fort of Crevecœur, to command there in his Absence, hearing of this Irruption, was in fear for the Illinois's sake; for though their Army was more numerous than that of their Enemy, yet they had no Guns; therefore he offer'd himself to go Askenon, that is Mediator, carrying the Calumet of Peace in his Hand, in order to bring them to an Agreement.

The Iroquese finding more resistance than they thought at first, and seeing that the Illinois were resolv'd to continue the War, consented to a Treaty of Peace, accepting Mr. Tonti's Mediation, and hearken'd to the Proposals he made them from the Illinois, who had chosen him for Mediator.

M. Tonti represented to them, that the Illinois were Onontio's ('tis the Name they give to the Viceroy of Canada) Children and Confederates as well as themselves; and that it wou'd be very unpleasant to him, who lov'd them all, to hear that they had begun the War; therefore he earnestly intreated them to return home, and trouble the Illinois no further, seeing they had religiously observ'd the Treaty of Peace.


These Proposals did not please some of the young Iroquese, who had a great mind to fight, and therefore charg'd on a sudden M. Tonti and his Men with several Shots; and a desperate young Fellow of the Country of Onnontaghe, gave him a Wound with a Knife, near the Heart; but by chance a Rib warded off the Stroke: Several others did fall upon him, and wou'd take him away; but one taking notice of his Hat, and that his Ears were not bor'd, knew thereby that he was not an Illinois, and for that reason an old Man cry'd out, That they shou'd [233] spare him; and slung to him a Collar of Porcelain, meaning thereby to make him Satisfaction for the Blood he had lost, and the Wound he had receiv'd.

A young Man of the Iroquese's Crew, took M. Tonti's Hat, and hung it on his Gun, to fright the Illinois therewith; who thinking by that Signal that Tonti, Father Zenobe, and all the Europeans that were in his Company, had been kill'd by the Iroquese, were so much surpriz'd and disquieted with that horrid Attempt, that they fanci'd themselves deliver'd up into the Hands of their Enemies, and were upon running away: Yet the Iroquese having made a Signal to Father Zenobe to draw near, that they might confer with him about the means to prevent both Armies to come to fight, they receiv'd the Calumet of Peace, and made a Motion as if they had a mind to withdraw: But the Illinois were hardly come to their Village, before that they saw the Iroquese's Army appearing upon some Hills, which were over-against them.

This Motion oblig'd Father Zenobe, at the Illinois's Request


quest, to go to them to know the reason of a Proceeding so contrary to what they had done in accepting of the Calumet of Peace. But that Embassy did not please those Barbarians, who wou'd not lose so fair an Opportunity. Father Zenobe did run the hazard of being murther'd by these unmerciful Men; yet the same God who had preserv'd many of our Fellow-Missionaries in the like Encounters, and my self in this Discovery, kept him from the Hand of these furious Men. He was a Man of a short Stature, but very couragious, and went boldly among the Iroquese, who receiv'd him very civilly.

They told him, that the Want they were reduc'd to, had forc'd them to this new Step, having no Provisions for their Army, and their great Number having driven away the Wild-Bulls from that Country. [234] Father Zenobe brought their Answer to the Illinois, who presently sent them some Indian Corn, and all things necessary for their Subsistence, and propos'd to them a Treaty of Commerce, having in that Country a great plenty of Beaver's Skins and other Furrs.

The Iroquese accepted of these Proposals; they did exchange Hostages, and Father Zenobe went into their Camp, and did lie there, to lose no time to bring all Matters to an Agreement, and conclude a Treaty between them. But the Iroquese repairing in great Numbers into the Quarters of the Illinois, who suspected no ill Design, they advanc'd as far as their Village, where they wasted the Mausoleums that they us'd to raise to their Dead, which are commonly seven or eight Foot high: They spoil'd the Indian Corn that was sown;


and having deceiv'd the Illinois, under a false pretence of Peace, fortifi'd themselves in their Village.

In this Confusion the Iroquese join'd with the Miamis, carri'd away eight hundred Illinois Women and Children; and their Fury went so far, that these Antropophages did eat some Old Men of that Nation, and burnt some others who were not able to follow them, and so return'd with the Slaves they had made, to their own Habitations, which were four hundred Leagues off the Country they had so cruelly plunder'd.

Upon the first News of the Approach of the Iroquese, the Illinois had sent most part of their Families to the other side of a little Hill, to secure them from their Fury, and that they might get over the River Meschasipi; and the others that were fit for War, did flock together on the Tops of the Hills that were near their Habitations, and then went to the other side of the River, to look after their Families and provide for their Subsistence.

[235] After this persidious Expedition, these Barbarians wou'd fain alledge some Pretences to excuse their Treachery, and wou'd persuade our Fathers to retire from the Illinois's Country, since they were all fled away; and that there was no likelihood they shou'd want them for the future to teach them their Prayers, as the Atsientatsi, or the Black-Gowns do in their Countries, meaning the Jesuits whom they call by that Name. They told Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe, that they should do better to return into Canada, and that they would attempt nothing against the Life of the Children of Onontio,


Governor of Canada, desiring to have a Letter under their Hand, to shew it as a Testimony of their honest proceeding in this occasion, and assuring them that they would no more stand by their Enemies.

Our two Fathers being so forsaken by their Hosts, and finding themselves expos'd to the Fury of a Cruel and Victorious Enemy, resolv'd to return home, according to the Iroquese Advice; and being suppli'd by them with a Canow, they embark'd for Canada.


Chap. LXXVII [i.e.,LXXV].

The Savages Kikapoux murther Father Gabriel de la Ribourde, a Recollect Missionary.

GOD has given me the Grace to be insensible of the Wrong I have suffer'd from my Enemies, and to be thankful for the Kindnesses I have receiv'd from my Friends. But if ever I had reason to be thankful to those that have taken care of my Instruction, certainly I must confess it was to this Good Father Gabriel, who was my Master during my Novitiate in the Monastery of our Order at Bethune, in the Province of Artois; therefore I [236] think, that I am bound in Duty to mention so Honest a Man in this Relation of my Discovery, especially having had so sad a Share therein, as to be murder'd by the Savages Kikapoux, as I will relate it.

It must be observ'd, That M. Tonti could stay no longer at Fort Crevecœur, after the Illinois Defeat ; therefore he desir'd Fathers Gabriel and Zenobe to get, with two young Boys that were left there, into a Canow, and return into Canada. All the rest of the Inhabitants had deserted that Country since that unfortunate Accident, by the Suggestion


of some Men of Canada, who were the Predominant Genius of the Country, who had flatter'd them with great Hopes, to oblige them to forsake M. de la Salle's Design.

Our said Fathers being so forc'd to leave that Country after such a Defeat, embark'd the 18th of September following, wanting all sorts of Provisions, except what they could kill with their Guns; but being arriv'd about eight Leagues from the Illinois, their Canow touching upon a Rock, let in Water, and so were forc'd to land about Noon to mend it.

While they were about careening the same, Father Gabriel, charm'd with the fine Meadows, the little Hills, and the pleasant Groves in that Country, which are dispers'd at such distances, that they look as if they had been planted on purpose to adorn the Country, went so far into those Woods, that he lost his Way. At Night Father Zenobe went to look after him, as also the rest of the Company; for he was generally lov'd by all that knew him. But M. Tonti was suddenly seiz'd with panick Fears, thinking that every moment the Iroquese wou'd fall upon him: So that he sent for Father Zenobe, and forc'd all his Men to retire into the Canow, and so got over the River on the Illinois -side, and left [237] the Old Father expos'd to the Barbarians Insults, without any respect to his Age, or to his Personal Merits.

'Tis true, that in the Evening one of the Young Men that were in the Canow with Father Zenobe, fir'd a Gun by M. Tonti's Order, and lighted a great Fire; but all was in vain.

The next Day, M. Tonti seeing he had behav'd himself


cowardly on this occasion, went back again by break of Day to the Place where we had left the Day before Father Gabriel, and continu'd there till Noon looking after the poor Christian. But though some of his Men enter'd into the Groves, where they saw the fresh Steps of a Man, which were also printed in the Meadows along the Bank of the River, they could never hear of him. M. Tonti said since, to excuse himself for having so basely forsaken Father Gabriel, That he thought the Iroquese had laid an Ambuscade to surprize him; for they had seen him flying away, and they might fancy he had declar'd himself for the Illinois.

But M. Tonti might have remember'd he had given his Letters for Canada to these Iroquese; and that if they had form'd any Design upon his Life, they would have executed it when he was among them: But they were so far from it, that when he was wounded, they presented him with a Collar of Porcelain; which they never do but when some unlucky Accidents happen. The Savages don't use so much circumspection; and therefore this Excuse is groundless and frivolous. Father Zenobe has left us in Writing, That he would stay for Father Gabriel: But M. Tonti forc'd him to embark at Three a Clock in the Afternoon; saying, That certainly he had been kill'd by the Enemies, or else he was gone a-foot along the Banks of the River; and that they would see him in their way. However, they could hear [238] nothing of him; and the farther they went, the greater Father Zenobe's Afflictions grew. They were then in such a want of Provisions, that they had nothing to feed upon but


Potatoes, Wild Garlick, and some small Roots they had scratch'd out of the Ground with their own Fingers.

We have heard since, that Father Gabriel had been killed a little while after his landing. The Nation of the Kikapoux, who, as one may see in our Map, inhabit to the Westward of the Bay of Puans, had sent their Youth to make War against the Iroquese; but hearing that these Barbarians were got into the Country of the Illinois, they went seeking about to surprize them. Three Kikapoux, making the Vanguard, met with Father Gabriel, and came up to him as near as they could, hiding themselves among the Grass, which is very high in that Country; and though they knew he was not an Iroquese, yet they knock'd him down with their Clubs, call'd Head-breakers, which are made of a very hard Wood. They left his Body on the spot, and carri'd away his Breviary and Journal, which since came to the Hands of a Jesuite, whom I will mention in my other Volume, wherein I design to speak of the First Introduction of the Faith into Canada. These Barbarians took off the Skin of his Head, and carri'd it in triumph to their Village, giving out that it was the Hair of an Iroquese whom they had kill'd.

Thus di'd this Good Old Man; to whom we may apply what the Scripture says of those whom Herod in his Fury caus'd to be Slain, Non erat qui sepeliret; There was no body to Bury him. This Worthy Man was wont in the Lessons he made us in our Novitiate, to prepare us against the like Accidents by Mortifications. And it seems that he had some foresight of what befel him. So Good a Man deserv'd a


Better Fate, if a Better might be wish'd for, [239] than to die in the Functions of an Apostolical Mission, by the Hands of those same Nations, to whom the Divine Providence had sent him to convert them.

Father Gabriel was about 65 Years old. He had not only liv'd an exemplary Life, such as our Good Fathers do, but had also perform'd all the Duties of the Employments he had in that Order, either when he was at home Guardian, Superior, Inferior, and Master of the Novices; or abroad when he was in Canada, where he continu'd from the Year 1670, until his Death. I understood several times by his Discourses, that he was much oblig'd to the Flemings, who had maintain'd him a long time: He often talk'd to us about it, to inspire us, by his Example, with some Sentiments of Gratitude towards our Benefactors. I have seen him mov'd with Grief, considering that so many Nations liv'd in the Ignorance of the Way to Salvation; and he was willing to lose his Life, to deliver them out of their Stupidity.

The Iroquese said of him, That he had been brought to bed, because his Great Belly was become flat by his frequent Fastings, and the Austerity of his Life.

M. Tonti can never clear himself of his Baseness, for forsaking Father Gabriel, under pretence of being afraid of the Iroquese: For though they are a Wild Nation, yet they lov'd that Good Old Man, who had been often among them: But M. Tonti might bear him some Secret Grudge; because Father Gabriel, after the Illinois Defeat, seeing that M. Tonti had over-laden the Canow with Beavers-Skins, so that there


was no room for him, he did throw many of these Skins to the Iroquese, to shew them that he was not come into that Country to get Skins or other Commodities.

[240] Father Zenobe had neither Credit nor Courage enough to persuade M. Tonti to stay a while for that Good Father, who was thus sacrific'd to secure some Beavers-Skins. I do not doubt but the Death of that venerable Old Man was very precious in the fight of God, and I hope it will produce one time or other its Effects, when it shall please God to set forth his Mercy towards these Wild Nations; and I do wish it might please him to make use of a feeble means, as I am, to finish what I have, through His Grace, and with Labour, so happily begun.


Chap. LXXVI.

The Author's Return from his Discovery, to Quebec; and what hapned at his Arrival at the Convent of Our Lady of Angels near that Town.

COUNT Frontenac, Viceroy of Canada, gave me two of his Guards, who understood very well to manage a Canow, to carry me to Quebec. We set out from Champlein's Fort, mention'd above; and being near the Town, I landed, and went a-foot through the Lands newly grubb'd up, to our Monastery, bidding the Guards to carry the Canow along with them.

I would not land at Quebec, because the Bishop had given order to his Vicar-General to receive me in his Episcopal Palace, that he might have more time to enquire about our Great Discovery: But Count Frontenac had expressly order'd his Major that was in the Town, to prevent that Meeting, and to take care that I might first be brought to our Monastery, to confer with Father Valentin de Roux, a Man of great Understanding, and Provincial-Commissary of the Recollects in Canada.

[241] There was then in our Monastery of Our Lady of Angels, but Three Missionaries with the said Commissary; all


the rest were dispers'd up-and-down in several Missions above a hundred Leagues from Quebec. One may easily imagine that I was welcome to our Monastery; Father Hilarion Jeunet seem'd surpriz'd, and told me with a smiling Countenance, Lazare veni foras. Whereupon I ask'd him why he did apply to me what had been said of Lazarus? To which he answer'd, that two Years ago a Mass of Requiem had been sung for me in the Monastery, because some Savages had given out for certain, to a Black Gown, i.e. a Jesuit, That the Nation whom the Iroquese call Hontouagaha, had hung me to a Tree with St. Francis's Rope; and that two Men who accompani'd me, had been also in a very cruel manner put to Death by the same Savages.

Here I must confess, That all Men have their Friends and their Enemies. There are some Men who, like the Fire that blackens the Wood it cannot burn, must needs raise Stories against their Neighbours; and therefore some having not been able to get me into their Party, spread abroad this Rumour of my Death, to stain my Reputation; and that Noise had given occasion to several Discourses in Canada to my Prejudice. However, (for I will, if it please God, declare my Mind farther upon this matter in another Volume) I ought to acknowledge that God has preserv'd me by a sort of Miracle, in this great and dangerous Voyage, of which you have an Account in this Volume. And when I think on it with attention, I am persuaded that Providence has kept


me for publishing to the World the Great Discoveries I have made in Eleven Years time, or thereabouts, that I have liv'd in the West-Indies.

[242] It must be observ'd, That a great many Men meddle with Business that don't belong to them, and will conceive a Jealousy against those that won't conform to their Humour. The Provincial-Commissary, of whom I have spoken before, was very urgent to have a Copy of the Journal of the Discovery I had made in a Voyage of almost four Years, telling me he would keep it secret. I took his Word; for I thought, and I think still, he was a Man of Honour and Probity. Besides, I did consider that he could instruct the Bishop of Quebec, and Count Frontenac, with what they had a mind to know of this Discovery, and satisfy them both, without exposing my self.

For this purpose were intended all the Care he took of me, and all the extraordinary Civilities he did shew me, in entertaining me with all he could get then, and calling me often the Rais'd-again. He desir'd me to return into Europe, to acquaint the Publick with the great Discoveries I had made, and that by this way I should avoid the Jealousy of these two Men; that it was very difficult to please two Masters, whose Employment and Interests were so different.

He had then, before my Return into Europe, all the time that was necessary to Copy out my whole Voyage on the River Meschasipi, which I had undertook against M. de la Salle's Opinion, who has made since a Voyage from the


Illinois to the Gulph of Mexico, in the Year 1682, and two Years after me. He had had some suspicion I had made that Voyage; yet he could not know the Truth of it at my Return to Fort Frontenac, because he had then undertook a Voyage to the Outouagamis, not knowing whether the Savages had murther'd me, as it had been given out.

I follow'd our Commissary's Advice, and the Resolution to return into Europe; but before I set out, [243] I shew'd him that it was absolutely necessary for the Settlement of Colonies in our Discoveries, and make some progress towards the establishing of the Gospel, to keep all these several Nations in peace, even the most remote, and assist them against the Iroquese, who are their Common Enemies: That these Barbarians never make a True Peace with those that they have once beaten, or they hope to overcome, in spreading Divisions among them; that the common Maxim of the Iroquese had always been such, and by this means they had destroy'd above Two Millions of Souls.

The Provincial-Commissary agreed with me upon all this, and told me that for the future he should give me all the necessary Instructions for that purpose.


I will give an Account, if it please God, in my Second Volume, of the Ways and Measures that are to be taken for the establishing of the Faith among the many Nations of so different Languages; and how good Colonies might be setled in those great Countries, which might be call'd the Delights of America, and become one of the greatest Empires in the World.


[End of Volume I. — Ed.]


[iii] To His Majesty
William III.
By the Grace of God
King of Great Britain.


HIS Catholick Majesty, His Electoral Highness of Bavaria, and the Superiors of my Order having given me leave to come into these happy Provinces, according to Your Majesty's direction, to publish the Discoveries I have made in America; [iv] and Your Majesty having been graciously pleased to accept my first Volume, I make bold to offer You also this Second Part; wherein I insert the Travels of a Gentleman whom I have accompanied several Years, and whose violent Death, by the Hands of his own Men, disappointed the great Designs he had formed upon the Mines of St. Barbe in New Mexico. The Observations I make upon his Voyage will shew unto Posterity, that a Man must never be ungratefull to his Friends, nor revenge himself of his Enemies, but as much as it concerns the Publick Good, which ought always to prevail upon the private Interest. This is a Character peculiar to the Illustrious House of


Nassau, who has formerly fill'd the Roman Imperial Throne, and who is now cloathed in Your Majesty's Person with a Royal Power over Three great Kingdoms, and [v] other large Dominions which form the British Empire.

All the World agrees, that Nature and Grace have happily conspir'd to unite in Your Sacred Person all the Christian, Political and Military Virtue of Your Renowned Ancestors. The great Elevation of Your Genius, which has manifested it self by Your noble and generous Designs; Your Generosity and Liberality so worthy of Your Illustrious Birth; Your noble Inclination to do good to all Men, even to Your Enemies themselves, and the unparallell'd Constancy and greatness of Soul which You have express'd in the greatest Adversities, the true Touchstone of true Merit, are so conspicuous, that every one is convinc'd of Your Majesty's Magnanimity, Valour, Justice, Equity, Sincerity and Piety.

Your Majesty signaliz'd the Love You had for Your own Country, when [vi] You took the Command of the Armies of the States General against a powerfull and victorious Conquerour, whom Your Majesty forced to abandon almost in one Day the Conquest he had made in the united Provinces. All the World admir'd Your Valour, and more still Your unparallell'd Prudence, which no body expected in such a degree from a Prince of Three and twenty Years of Age.


Never Prince was more master of that nice Art of softening the different Tempers of Nations, managing their different Interest, giving Life to their Resolutions, and therefore no Prince had been able hitherto to form and cement such an Alliance as we see at this Day for the safety of Europe. Those great Qualities and incomparable Virtues make Your Majesty the Darling of Your People and the Terror of Your Enemies, and keep Rebels and Factious men in awe, when Your Majesty's [vii] absence out of Your own Kingdoms seems to give them a fair Opportunity to disturb the Tranquility of Great Britain: As You ascended the Throne without any effusion of Blood, God, whose Glory has been always Your chiefest are, having been pleased to crown with a glorious and unexpected Success, the Equity of Your Intentions, so Mercy and Clemency have been ever since the Basis of it, notwithstanding the many repeated Provocations of ill-disposed Persons, whose Obstinacy deserv'd to be punish'd.

The Confederate Princes having chosen Your Majesty for their Generalissimo, and given, proof in their choice both of the Respect and Trust they have in Your Majesty, nothing seems wanting to compleat Your Glory but to procure to Europe a solid and lasting Peace, which we hope is near at hand, and which will shew Your Majesty's incomparable Prudence and Wisdom, as [viii] the management of the War has shown Your Valour and Magnanimity. The so much admir'd Prudence of Caesar, and the Valour of Alexander, come very short of what Your Majesty has already express'd,


and all impartial Men will agree, that Your Majesty has exceeded the most famous Heroes mentioned in History; but I must leave off this Subject for fear of offending Your Modesty, which is an inseparable Companion of all great Souls.

I must beg Your Majesty's Pardon for the Liberty I take to complain against some Inhabitants of this City of Utrecht, who, though of the same Religion as I am, endeavour to render me odious, because, being a Franciscan, I have dedicated to Your Majesty two Volumes of the Discovery I have made in America. They ought to know that I have done nothing but by Your Majesty's Permission and that of the States, and therefore they [ix] have not a due respect for Your Sacred Majesty and their High and Mightinesses. I hope those very Persons will acknowledge one time or other their mistake and the sincerity of my Intentions, which are such, that I may confidently say, I propose nothing to my self but the Glory of God, and to find out, under Your Majesty's Protection, a Passage into China and Japan without crossing twice the Line, which the English and Dutch have so often vainly attempted, through the Frozen Sea: I hope, Sir, through the Assistance of God, and the Favour of Your Majesty, to succeed in my Design, and discover it before the end of this Age.

By these means a great many Barbarous Nations will be brought to the knowledge of the true God and their Redeemer Jesus Christ, which I am sure is a sufficient motive for Your Majesty to give all Incouragement for this Undertaking; for being convinc'd of [x] Your Majesty's Piety, I need not use


for an Argument the Temporal Advantages, that will accrue thereby to Your Kingdoms.

That God be pleased to bless Your Majesty with all sorts of Prosperities, Your Undertakings with a glorious Success, and Your Subjects with an everlasting Felicity, is and will always be the Prayer of,

Your Majesty's most Humble
and most Obedient Servant,

F. Lewis Hennepin,
Missionary Recollect and Notary Apostolick.


[xi] The Preface.

I NEED not make a long Preface to this Book, the Subject Matter thereof is able to recommend it self to the perusal of all Inquisitive Readers. The World, tho' unjust in most cases, do however Justice to Travellers, and the Accounts of their Voyages meet, generally speaking, with a more favourable Reception than any other Performances. This is a kind of Reward to Travellers for the unspeakable Fatigues they have suffer'd. Notwithstanding I have not travelled through Polite Nations, nor seen any wonderfull Edifices in the Countries I have discovered, I have met with that Reward; the Description of the Cabins of Reeds and Rushes, which are the Habitations of above 200 Nations unknown before me, have been as acceptable to Ingenious Readers as the Description of their noble Palaces and Temples of China in some other Authors. My Description of Louisiania was printed several times, and the [xii] late Volume I published has met with such a Reception, that I may presume this will have the same fate. And really the Discovery of 200 different Nations unknown hitherto to the Europeans is, one would think, a fit Subject to excite any one's Curiosity.

I would therefore break off my Preface in this place, were I not obliged to answer some false Accusations my Enemies have raised against me, and because I am in a Religious Order, I think fit to begin with inserting two Attestations or Certificates of Fathers


of my own Order, which will prevent some further Calumnies on that Point.

I UNDERWRITTEN certify to have read and examined a Book entituled, A Description of Louisiana, newly discovered to the South-west of New France, with an Account of the Manners of the Savages of that Country, written by Father Hennepin a Recollect Preacher, and Apostolick Missionary, and to have found nothing therein contrary to Faith or good Manners, but that on the contrary, the said Book contains many Reflections and Remarks, which may be of great use for the Conversion of the Savages, and the Advantages of the Kingdom. Given at our Co[n]vent of Recollects in Paris, December 13, 1682.

F. Cesaree Harveau Lector in Divinity, Father Provincial and Custos of the Recollects of the Province of St. Denys in France.


I HAVE read a book entituled, A Description of Louisiana, newly discovered to the South-west of New France, with an Account of the Manners of the Savages of that Country, in which I have found nothing but what is conformable to the Faith of the Catholick, Apostolick and Roman Church, the Laws of the Kingdom, and good Manners; and it may be very usefull towards establishing the Faith of Jesus Christ in that new World, and extending the Empire of our Monarch in that fertile and delicious Country. Given at St.Germain en Laye in our Co[n]vent of Recollects, December 14, 1682.

F. Innocent Micault Definitor of the Recollects of the Province of St. Denys in France, and General Commissioner in the Province of Recollects of St. Anthony in Artois.


Having premised these two Certificates, I come now to answer the Objections my Enemies urge against me.

1. How, say they, can a Franciscan, and consequently a Priest of the Church of Rome, sollicit a Protestant Prince to send him to preach the Gospel unto the Ignorant Nations he has discovered? For is it not more reasonable to think, that that Monarch will rather convert that People to his own Religion, than suffer Catholick Missionaries [xiv] to convert them to the Church of Rome? What Opinion then ought Men to have of the Religion of Father Hennepin? This is the chief Argument insisted on by my Enemies to make me odious to those of my Religion, or rather to the ignorant part of it; but I may easily confute that silly Calumny: For in the first place, His Majesty of Great Britain has not exatled nor demanded any Promise of me, when He was pleased to admit me into His Service, that may be directly or indirectly contrary to my Religion. These Bigots ought by the same reason to censure the Emperor, the King of Spain, the Electors of the Empire, and Bishops of Liege, Munster, &c. who are entred into so strict an Alliance with His Majesty of Great Britain, and conclude from thence, that those Catholick Princes have formed some Design against the Catholick Religion. But supposing that the English convert those numerous Nations to their Religion, and that I contribute something to it, am I for all that to be blamed? I hope no body will say so, unless it be those morose Bigots, who think that the ignorant Americans who worship the Devil, or any other Creature, are nearer to the Kingdom of God than Protestants who worship the same God as we, hope in the same Redeemer, and are separated from us only upon some points; which Opinion I look upon as a Frenzy worthy of my Compassion,


and not of a Reply. But who told them that the Catholick Faith cannot be preached under the Protection of King William, or the States General? Those who censure me, enjoy their Religion [xv] under that very Protection, and the Reader will find at the latter end of this Volume, what offers the English made to our Recollects in America. But let them say what they please, I have the Approbation of His Catholick Majesty, the Elector of Bavaria, and the permission of the Superiors of my Order.

2. Some others think that I impose upon them in the Account I give of the course of the Mesahasipi, and that it is not possible I should have travelled in so short a time from its Mouth to its Source. To these I reply, that they are not acquainted with Canous made of Bark of Trees, which are so light that one may travel 20, 25, and in case of need 30 Leagues in a Day against the Stream of a River, whereas by my Account it does not come to Ten in a Day. But if one follows the Stream, as we did from the River of the Illinois to the Mouth of the Meschasipi, the swiftness is so great, that I am sure we spent twice more than was requir'd.

3. When wicked and malicious Persons conspire the Ruin of a Man they hate, or else who gives them some umbrage, they make use of all Artifices; therefore my Enemies being afraid, that the publishing of my Discoveries may prejudice their Interest, they have done their utmost to disswade the Booksellers of this City of Utrecht from printing my Books; insinuating, that this was but a Repetition of my Description of Louisiana published many Years agoe, and translated, as they say, into Dutch; but really this is very impertinent; for my Louisiana contains not 20 Sheets, and how is it [xvi] possible that the Abstract of it should contain 50? 'Tis true, I repeat


some few things I published then, because otherwise I had been unintelligible, but most commonly I refer the Reader to that Book, which certainly I would not have done, if this last were nothing but the Repetition of the former. But I would ask these Gentlemen, whether they have found in the Description of Louisiana, any Account of the Course of the Meschasipi from the River of the Illinois into the Gulph of Mexico; nor the Account of Mr. de la Salle's unfortunate Travels, with my Additions, and many other things: And as there is no body so impudent to say they have, they confute them-selves, and must own, that these two Books I have dedicated to His Majesty were not printed before. I have however the Comfort that they don't accuse me to have robb'd others; the Louisiana was my own Work, and I think I may be as free to borrow something from it in case of need, as others have done.

4. A Learned Man has observ'd in a very civil manner, that I have said that I have spent about 11 Years in my Discovery, and yet it does not appear by my Account of it that I have been so long; but he must observe, that when I say Eleven Years, I reckon from the time that I set out from Flanders, which was just after the Battel of Seneff, where I was in great danger of my life, to the second Edition of my Description of Louisiana, which was in 1688; and therefore I might have said Fourteen Years instead of Eleven; for [xvii] I have been all that while about it, either in Europe or America.

5. Some other peevish Criticks urge, that when I say that the of Savages of Issati call the Sun Louis, designed to flatter the King France; but this is a foolish Suggestion, and a far fetch'd Flattery, the name of Louis being common to the King and the meanest of


his Subjects; therefore I repeat, how that having liv'd a considerable time in the Family of Aquipaguetin, one of the chief of the Issati, and learned their Language, I was assured, that they call the Sun by no other name than Louis, and the Moon Louis Basetche, that is the Sun of the Night.

6. Others having no Objection to make, tells us, That I relate nothing extraordinary; but in the name of Wonder, what will this People have? For if the Description of 4 or 5 Lakes, or rather Fresh-water Seas, some of which are in circuit 4, 5 and 700 Leagues, upon which we sailed with a Ship of 60 Tuns for 500 Leagues together, to the great amazement of the Savages, who had never seen the like, nor heard the noise of Cannon: If the Description of the fall of Niagara, which is one of the most surprizing things in the World, the Water falling from above 700 Foot high: If the Discovery of 200 different Nations unknown before, and of whom no Traveller had made mention; if all these things, I say, with the Description of that delicious Country, does not seem extraordinary, I don't know what will seem such to those Gentlemen. I relate what I have seen, and [xviii] really I lie under no temptation to forge any surprizing Discovery to recommend my Book, the real things I have observ'd being worthy of the Confederation of all ingenious Men.

7. Such who have not travelled, nor read many Accounts of Voyages, are very apt to blame what they don't understand, and therefore laugh when one tells them of a new discovered Country larger than Europe, for they fancy there can be no such thing; and when they talk of Canada, they talk of it as if it were no larger than a Principality in Germany; but Men of Parts and Reading


are of another Opinion: I have demonstrated that Canada is about 700 Leagues long, and that the Coast of the River St. Laurence, which I have survey'd from its Mouth to the great Lake from which it springs is near 800 Leagues long. I say the same thing of the incomparable River Meschasipi, which is larger and bigger than the former; and to shew the probability of the thing, I have set down in the general Map of my Discovery the Course of the River of the Amazons, in the Southern America, which is esteemed much the same, though in my Opinion the Meschasipi and the River St. Laurence have a longer Course. From the Course of these Rivers, and the Extent of the Lakes, I conclude that the Continent I have discovered is larger than Europe, which might in time form one of the greatest Empires in the World.

I intend to describe in this Volume those Countries, to treat of the nature of their Soil, and of [xix] the Customs, Manners, and Genius of the Inhabitants; and what sort of Trades may be settled in those Parts; therefore I thought fit to add an Abstract of the Voyage Mr. de la Salle made thither after me. The whole is divided into Chapters, according to the Method I followed in the First Part.

I design the latter end of my Book to treat of the few Conversions our Missionaries have wrought in Canada, notwithstanding their Zeal and indefatigable Labours, which ought to make us thankfull towards God, who out of his infinite kindness has been pleased to bless us with his Knowledge, whilst so many thousands of our fellow Creatures are wholly left to themselves, without any Knowledge of God. I am however fully convinced, that the Savages inhabiting the Banks of the Meschasipi will be more succeptible and


capable of embracing our Holy Religion, because they are not so fierce, than the Savages of the North, who are commonly Cruel and Obstinate.

To make this Volume more usefull, I have made some Reflections on Mr. de la Salle's last Voyage, because I was better acquainted with those vast Countries than Father Christian le Clercqz, Definitor of our Recollects of the Province of Artois, who has published an Account of it. I have a great esteem for that Father, and was always his Friend, and must own, that he has given a good Account of Canada, and Gaspesia; but at the same time I must say, that the Account he gives of the Inhabitants of Louisiana and about the Meschasipi is not to [xx] be rely'd upon, for he never was within 1200 Leagues of that Country. Gaspee in Accadia, and Quebec, the nearest places where he has been, being above that distance. 'Tis true, the Diary of my Discovery, of which I gave a Copy to Father Valentin le Roux, as I have observed in my first Volume, was communicated unto him, as also some Memoirs of Father Zenobe Mambre, who remained among the Illinois, while I was sent to discover the Course of the Meschasipi; and so far Father le Clercqz is right, but his Additions are not of the same Coyn. I do not wonder that he should commend so much Father


Mambre, who was his own Cousin, and a very good Man besides. We travelled together as far as Fort Crevecœur mentioned in my first Volume, where I left him among the Illinois, and have been always good Friends. After his return from America he came to see me in our Co[n]vent of Chateau Cambresis [Cambray], and told me, he was going again into America with Mr. de la Salle, and that he expected he should have an Opportunity to make more exact Observations on the Meschasipi than those I had done in the Year 1680, because Mr. de la Salle designed to undertake that Voyage with such a number of Men as to fear nothing from the Insults of the Savages. But if I do not blame Father le Clercqz for the honourable mention he makes of his Relation, I think every body will condemn him for his concealing the name of the Author he has transcrib'd, and thereby attributing to himself the glory of my perilous Voyage.. This [xxi] piece of Injustice is common enough in this Age.

Mr. de la Salle undertook to go down the Meschasipi from the River of the Illinois in the Year 1682, that is, two Years after me, which was the source and cause of his Animosity against me, and of the rigorous Orders they obtained from the Court of France, to command me to depart the Dominions of the French King, upon


pretence that I was a Subject of the King of Spain, as I have mentioned in my Preface to my first Volume. This Order, as I may presume to say so, was as contrary to the Rule of Justice, as of Politicks, for they might very well foresee that I should acquaint some person or other with my Discoveries, and cross thereby their Designs.

From these Observations it is plain, that as I was the first European who discovered the Course of the Meschasipi, and the delicious Country about it; so all others have seen nothing but what I had seen before, and have related nothing material, but what they have abstracted out of the Copy of the Journal of my Voyage which I gave to Father Valentin le Roux, and was by him communicated to Father Hyacinth le Fevre.

Mr. de la Salle had begun a Settlement in the Island of Montreal in Canada, which is 25 Leagues about, and this small Colony is so much improv'd as to be now a great and populous Village. They call it China, because while Mr. de la Salle lived there, and began the Settlement, he spoke very often of the Mines of St. Barbe, and said, that as soon as he had taken those Mines, he would go [xxii] into China and Japan without crossing the Line, and to that end, find a Passage into the South-Sea. This was the chief Subject of our Conversations, and as the Discoveries I have made cannot be far from the Pacifick Sea, I don't question but Mr. de la Salle, whose great Courage was proof against all Difficulties and Misfortunes, would have succeeded in his Design.


Those who are skill'd in Geography have long agoe suspected that Japan is contiguous to the Lands of the Northern America; and the Learned Grćvius, so well known in the Commonwealth of Learning, having carefully examined our Discovery, was pleased to tell me very lately in a meeting of Vertuosi, in this City of Utrecht, That he was of my Opinion, and did not think that Japan was an Island, as it is commonly said, but that it joyns with the large Country I had discovered.

I have made use of a proof in my last Volume, Chapter 37, which I crave leave to repeat in this place, because it is a Matter of Fact: While I was amongst the Issati and Nadouessans there came an Embassy of Savages from a very remote Nation to the Westward. I was in the Cabin when my Foster Father Aquipaguetin (for he had adopted me his Son) gave them Audience, and having asked them same Questions by an Interpreter, they told me that they came from a remote Country to the Westward, that they had marched 3 Moons, (that is, Months) without meeting with any Lasa, that is in their meaning, the Seas; which certainly [xxiii] could not be true, was there any such a thing as the Streight of Agnian set down in most of our Mapps.

The English and Dutch have in vain attempted to find out a Passage to China and Japan through the Frozen-Sea, but if they are pleased to send me about it, I am confident that I shall find some great River running into the Pacifick-Sea, whereby, and by means of the Meschasipi, it will be easie to trade and have


communication with China and Japan without crossing twice the Line: and losing abundance of Men.

I am so fully convinced of what I say, that I am willing to return into America to shew the Way unto others; some will blame me for this rash Undertaking, but why should I have less Zeal for the Service of God than those Pious Recollects who ventured into the Kingdom of Voxu in the Eastern part of Japan, and converted the King thereof to the Knowledge of God. That Prince was so Zealous for the true Religion, that he burnt 800 Idols, and sent an Ambassador into Europe with a Retinue of 100 Gentlemen. They embarked October 28. 1613, and arrived in Spain November 10. 1614, being conducted by Father Lewis Sotello a Recollect, who presented the said Ambasdor to his Catholick Majesty, and afterwards to the Pope, whom he assured, that the King his Master and most of his Subjects had renounced their Idolatry and embraced the Christian Religion. The Reader will forgive me if I relate two or three things more for the Honour of my Order. The [xxiv] Franciscans were the first who accompanied Christopher Columbus into his newly discovered Country, and had the Honour to preach first of all the Knowledge of God to the Indians. The Conquest of the Spaniards arrived to the highest pitch in the Years 1540 and 1541, and yet no other Religious Order had been employed to bring those lost Sheep into the Flock of the Lord, and they alone had converted a great part of the Subjects of the King of


Japan unto the Christian Faith: So that having those great Models before me, I may say, that I long to make an end of my Discovery.

That short passage into China, would, I think, prove as advantageous to Europe, as any Discovery that has been yet made; and this is another great Encouragement for me, for what greater satisfaction can a rational Being propose to himself, than to do good to Mankind, and find out something usefull to his Country? Having therefore all Power and Patents necessary for my Mission, I am ready for that great Voyage, and I hope, through the Grace of God to be able to go through that Discovery, and thereby convince the World of the Equity of my Intentions.

The Reader may observe, that the Settlements that shall be made in that Country will absolutely be managed by Laicks, and that supposing the Franciscans should be employ'd 500 Years about the Conversion of the Natives, they should not have there an inch of Land to themselves, it being against the Laws of their Order; whereas in some other Countries, where another Order has got a [xxv] footing, they are Masters now of the Temporal as well as the Spiritual, the best Lordships and Manners [Manors] belonging to them. How they have discharged their Spiritual Function, I don't know, but sure I am, they have taken a great care of their Temporal Interest, as I intend to shew in a third Volume, which I shall publish in this City of Utrecht, if it is thought convenient.

I should have a fair opportunity to avenge my self in this Preface of certain Persons of this very Town, who have aspersed me with the utmost Malice, and kept for their own use the Money


I had received from his Majesty of Great Britain, and which advanc'd to them for my Subsistence. This is a very foul Action, and worthy to be publickly taken notice of; but my Religion teaching me to forgive my Enemies, I follow that Precept, and do heartily forgive them.


A VOYAGE INTO A Newly Discover'd Country Larger than EUROPE, Situate between the Frozen Sea and New Mexico.

Chap. I.

An Account of M. de la Salle's Undertaking to discover the River Meschasipi by the Gulph of Mexico, and his establishing a small Colony at the Bay of St. Lewis.

REASON ought to rule Men in all cases, and whenever they think themselves wrong'd by others, they ought, as Christians, to impute it rather to their Pre-occupation or Prejudices, than to their Malice; and this Maxim I propose to my self as my rule, as the Readers will observe in the following Narration.

I liv'd near three Years together as Missionary with Mr. Robert Cavelier de la Salle at Fort Katarokouy or Frontenac, whereof he was Governor and Proprietor; and during that


time, we read together the Voyages [2] of John Pontius de Leon, Pamphylio Narvaez Christopher Columbus, Ferdinand Soto, and several other Travellers, the better to fit and prepare our selves for the great Discovery we intended to make. M. de la Salle was a fit Man for the greatest Undertakings, and may be justly rank'd amongst the most famous Travellers that ever were, as it will appear to whomsoever will consider that he spent his own Estate about the greatest, most important, and most perillous Discovery that has been yet made; which he undertook with a handfull of Men, whom he preserv'd from the numerous Nations he discover'd, amongst whom all other Travellers, except Columbus, perish'd without reaping any advantage from their Enterprizes, which however cost them above 100,000 Men: so that upon the whole, I may boldly conclude, that no body, before M. de la Salle and I, undertook so dangerous an Expedition with so few Men.

Our design was to endeavour to find out, if possible, a Passage from the Northern to the South Sea without crossing the Line, which a great many have hitherto fought in vain. The River Meschasipi does not indeed run that way, but however M. de la Salle was in hopes to discover by the means of the Meschasipi, some other River running into the South Sea, and knowing his great Courage and Ability, I don't question but he would have succeeded, had God been pleased to preserve his Life. As that unfortunate Gentleman was about it, he was murther'd; and if the divine Providence has


spar'd me, 'tis it seems, that I may acquaint the World with a short way to go to China and Japan, which I hope may be done by means of my Discoveries: Therefore if his Majesty of Great Britain, or the States General are willing to send any body to find out that so much talk'd of Passage, and that I may accompany them, I am morally sure that by the Grace of God, we shall succeed before the end of this Age.

[3] The Country of the Illinois, and other neighbouring Nations, being the Center of our Discovery, M. de la Salle design'd to settle there a Colony; and therefore any Prince or State, who will pursue so generous a Design, must follow the same method, and build Forts from Place to Place, to have an uninterrupted Communication, and keep in awe the Inhabitants of these vast Countries. The first thing M. de la Salle did in order thereto, was to endeavour to find out by Sea the Mouth of the Meschasipi, which discharges it self into the Gulph of Mexico, as it has been said in my first Volume, to settle there a Colony, and build a good Fort to be as his Magazine, and serve as a retreat both by Sea and Land in case of any mishap. He made his Proposals to the French King's Council; which were perus'd and approv'd by Monsieur de Seignelay Secretary and Minister of State, and Intendent General of the Commerce and Navigation of France, his most Christian Majesty approved likewise his Design, gave him all


necessary Authority, and supply'd him with Ships, Men and Money.

M. de la Salle having obtain'd what he desir'd from the King, thought of chusing able Missionaries to convert those barbarous and wild Nations unto the Christian Religion, am resolv'd to use two different Orders; but as this choice was a nice and difficult thing, he apply'd himself to Monsieur Tronson Superiour of the Seminary of St. Sulpicius at Paris, who appointed three Men of great Vertue, Zeal and Capacity to attend M. de la Salle as Missionaries; these were M. Cavelier Brother to M. de la Salle, M. Chefdeville a Relation of his, and M. Majulle, Priests in the said Seminary.

I had attended M. de la Salle near twelve Years in the Discovery of Louisiana, and Father Zenobe, and Gabriel de la Ribourde and my self had likewise accompanied him into the Country of the Illinois, where Gabriel was murthered by the Savages, therefore [4] M. de la Salle resolved to have some Recollects to endeavour to establish the Knowledge of God in those vast Countries, and to that end applied himself to Father Hyacinth le Fevre, who was then for a second time Provincial Commissary of the Province of St. Denys in France, who granted him the Missionaries he demanded, viz. Father Zenobe Mambré of Bapaume as Superiour, Father Maxime le


Clerc of Lille in Flanders, Anastase Douay of Quesnoy in Hainault, and Denys Morquet of Arras, all Recollects of the Province of St. Anthony in Artois. The first, as I have said, had been as far as the Illinois with M. de la Salle, and I toward the latter end of the Year 1679. And the beginning of the following, and two Years after, viz. 1682 he went with M. de la Salle to the Mouth of the Meschasipi in the Gulph of Mexico, about two Years after my Discovery. The second Father had been five Years Missionary in Canada, and had performed the Functions of his Ministry with great Diligence and much Edification, especially in the Mission of the Seven Islands and Anticosti. Father Douay, who is now Vicar of the Recollects of Cambray, had never been in America, no more than Father Denys, who fell so sick three days after he went on board, that he was forced to go a-shore and return into his Province.

The Provincial of the Order acquainted with this Mission the Congregation de propaganda fide, to obtain the Power and Authority necessary for that Enterprize, who sent a Decree according to the usual Form; and Pope Innocent XL added a Brief thereunto, containing several Powers and Commissions in 36 Articles, that are usually granted to Missionaries going into remote Countries, where they cannot refer certain Cases to Bishops. The Bishop of Quebec oppos'd it with all his Interest, but Cardinal d'Etrees shew'd, that his


Opposition was unreasonable, seeing the Country where these Missionaries were to preach the [5] Gospel, was 1000 Leagues distant from Quebec.

The advantages they expected in France from our Discovery were so great, that several young Gentlemen offer'd themselves to accompany M. de la Salle as Volunteers, tho' they knew him only by the character I had given of him in my Description of Louisiana, which I publish'd after my return into France. This also gain'd him the esteem of Monsieur Seignelay, which was very advantageous to him. That Minister sent for me several times to discourse with him about the circumstances of our Discovery, which I told him sincerely, concealing only my Discovery of the Course of the Meschasipi from the River of the Illinois to the Gulph of Mexico, out of pure kindness for M. de la Salle, who thereby recommended himself to the favour of the late Prince of Conti and Monsieur Seignelay.

All things being thus favourably disposed, M. de la Salle chose twelve Gentlemen, who appear'd to him vigorous, and like to bear the Fatigues of that Voyage, and amongst them, he took two of his own Nephews, viz. Mr. Moranger and Mr. Cavelier, tho' this last was but fourteen Years of Age. One Mertin, Son to a rich Merchant of Rochel, went also with him. In the mean time, they fitted out in that Harbour his small Fleet, which consisted of four Ships, viz. the Toby, one of the King's Men of War; the Handsom, a small Frigat; a


Fly-Boat, call'd l'Aimable, and a Ketch, call'd St. Francis. The Man of War was commanded by Monsieur de Beaujeu, a Gentleman of Normandy, with whom I have had several Conversations since his return, at Dunkirk. This Officer is known by his great Services and long Experience, as well as his Lieutenant, the Chevalier de Here, who is now Captain of a Man of War. The Ensign was called de Hamel, a Gentleman of Bretaigny, of a strong and vigorous Constitution. It were to be wished that [6] the Crew of the Ships, as well as the Soldiers, had answered the Character of the Officers; but while M. de la Salle was at Court, those whom he employed to make his Levies, listed about 150 poor Beggars, deformed, lame, and unfit for the hard Services they were design'd for: He had also desir'd them to engage Men of several Professions, as Blackfmiths, Carpenters, Joyners, Masons, and the like; but when he came to try them, he found they were dull and ignorant Creatures, so that he was forced to find out new Soldiers and Workmen, which took up much of his time. About ten Families of the Neighbourhood of Rochel offer'd themselves to go with him to settle a Colony, which he accepted, and advanc'd them Money to buy what was thought most necessary for their Establishment.

His Preparations being finished, the Fleet sailed July 24, 1684 from Rochel, but a violent Storm oblig'd them to come back, and they continued in the Road till August 5, that they sail'd for St. Domingo. They met with another Storm on the 14 of September, which separated the Fleet; the Fly-boat remain'd alone with the Frigat, and arriv'd together at


Petit-Guaves, where they found the Toby, and heard that the St. Francis, on board which were their Merchandizes, was arriv'd at Port de Paix. The bad Weather being over, the Ketch sailed for Petit-Guaves, the Rendezvous of the Fleet, but was unhappily taken in her way by the Spanish Cruisers.

I remember that in our Conversations at Fort Frontenac, M. de la Salle told me several times, that he would die satisfied and contented, could he but make himself Master of the Mine of St. Barbe in New Mexico; I gave him no answer at first, but seeing that he repeated it too often, tho' I knew I was a Subject of the King of Spain, I could not forbear to express my Affection for my lawful Sovereign, and told him, that tho' I [7] was with him I had not forgot my Native Country concluding my answer with these words, Vincit amor Patrić. This was perhaps the first cause of all the hardships and injustices I have suffer'd since that time, and which I might therefore have avoided, had I been capable of dissembling, as the Generality of Mankind do. But to return to M. la Salles, the loss of the Ketch was of a fatal consequence to him, not so much for the value of the Merchandizes, but because the Spaniards had notice of his designs against their Mines.

M. la Salles was hardly recover'd of a dangerous Distemper, when those unhappy Tydings were brought to him, and was like to relapse upon that occasion; but the rest of his company being not as couragious as he, were quite dis-spirited, and neglected to keep the Soldiers under a severe Discipline, who giving up themselves to the Lewdness and Dissoluteness,


so common in those Islands, contracted such Distempers that a great many died before they left Petit-Guaves, and the others continued sickly all their Life. As soon as M. de la Salle was able to walk abroad, he made his Preparations for leaving the Island, and by the assistance of Monsieur de St. Laurence Governour General of the French Islands, and Monsieur Begon, Intendent of the same; he put his Fleet in a condition to sail from thence, November 25, 1684, having taken on board all sorts of Refreshments, a great quantity of Indian Corn, and of all sorts of tame Beasts to flock the new Country they were going to inhabit.

They sail'd along the Islands of Caimano, and touch'd at the Island of Peace for fresh Water, and from thence sail'd to St. Anthony in the Island of Cuba, where they anchor'd. The Sweetness and Situation of that place invited them to land, and they found a good Store of Refreshments, and even some Wine which the Spaniards had left in that place, having run away with too great a Precipitation. They continued there two [8] days, and then sail'd, steering towards the Gulph of Mexico.

M. de la Salle was a very understanding Man, and hardly to be impos'd upon, yet he was deceiv'd by some Men of St. Domingo, and it was by their advice that he steer'd a wrong Course. They had told him that the Northern Winds were very dangerous at the entrance of the Gulph, and this fear oblig'd him to return thence upon the Coast of Cuba; but at last he overcame all Difficulties, and got into the Gulph, January 1. 1685. and descry'd a Fortnight after the Coast of


Florida, where they were surpriz'd by a strong Wind, which parted the Fleet, the Toby keeping off from the Coast, and the Frigat and the Fly-boat as near the Land as possible: they had told him also, that the Current of the Gulph runs with a great Rapidity towards the Channel of Bahama, but he found himself mistaken, and lost thereby his Course, for thinking he was too far to the North, he sail'd by the Bay of Spirito Santo [Mobile], and overshot the Mouth of the Meschasipi. They were undeceiv'd by the Coast of the Gulph, which bends in that place to the Southward, and having taken the Elevation of the Pole, they found they were within 50 Leagues of the Meschasipi. The three Ships joyned again about the middle of February in the Bay di Spirito Santo, where it was agreed to alter their Course; and about 10 Leagues off they found a large Bay, which they called St. Lewis. The Provisions growing scarce, the Soldiers were sent a-shore, and M. de la Salle founded the Bay, which he found deep, and the bottom a good Anchorage, so that the Frigat got in happily on the 18th. The Channel is very deep, but somewhat narrow, and there is a Sand at the Mouth of it: M. de la Salle took that Bay for the right Arm of the Meschasipi, and indeed there was much likelihood of it.


[9] Chap. II.

An Account of several Misfortunes that befell M. de la Salle at the Bay of St. Lewis.

M. LA SALLES had expressly forbid the Captain of the Fly-boat to attempt to come into the Bay, without having on board the Pilot of the Frigat, who was an experienc'd Man; and for a greater security he had commanded him to unlade his Guns into the Pinnace to make his Ship the lighter; yet that Brute neglected those Orders and Advice, and without taking any notice of the Marks or Poles they had placed on the Sands to shew him the Channel, and the Advice of the Seamen, he sail'd his Ship at random, and ran her against a Sand where me remain'd: M. de la Salle was a-shore, and fearing the fate of his Ship, was going on board to save her, but was prevented by about 120 Savages who came to attack him: He put his Men in a posture of defence, but the noise alone of the Drums put the Savages to flight: M. de la Salle follow'd them and presented them the Calumet of Peace, which they accepted, and came along with him to his Camp, where he entertain'd them, and sent them back with some Presents; they were so pleas'd, that they brought some Provisions the next day, and made Alliance with M. de la Salle, whereby they engag'd themselves to supply him with


some Pyrogues or wooden Canou's: That Alliance would likely have prov'd very advantageous to M. de la Salle, had not an unforeseen Accident broke that good Intelligence.

As they were unlading the Fly boat which had struck upon the Sand to endeavour to get her off, a Pack of Blankets fell into the Sea, which the Waves [10] drove upon the more: The Savages found it, and M. de la Salle having notice thereof, sent to demand it of them in a very civil manner. They shew'd some Reluctancy, whereupon the Officer instead of acting the prudent part, threatned to kill them unless they restor'd it immediately. They were so frighted and incens'd against them, that they resolv'd to be aveng'd of that Affront; and in order thereto, got together in the Night time between the 6 and 7 of March, and march'd to surprize the French Camp. They advanc'd as near as they would, the Sentry being asleep, and made a discharge of their Arrows which killed 4 Gentlemen Officers and Volunteers, and wounded M. Moranger and another Volunteer. The French ran to their Arms, and fired upon the Savages, who run away tho' none was wounded: they found the next day two of M. de la Salle's Men whom they murthered as they were sleeping.

In the mean time they unladed the Fly-boat, which was too far sunk to be got off, and saved most of the Goods, and as they were endeavouring to save the rest, she was dashed in Pieces by the violence of the Wind and Waves, and several Men were in great danger of being drowned, but by the Grace of God all escap'd.

Monsieur Beaujeu seeing all the Goods and Merchandizes


landed, and a Fort almost finished, sailed the 12th of March for France, and M. de la Salle having fortified his Magazine or Fort, which they call Hangar, left 100 men under the Command of his Nephew M. Moranger, for the defence of it; and with the rest, being 50, and 3 Missionaries, viz. M. Cavelier, and Father Zenobe and Maxime, advanced into the Country following the Bay, in hopes to find the Meschasipi. The Captain of the Frigat was ordered to sound at the same time the Channel, and bring his Ship as high as he could with safety, which he did, [11] and brought his Ship to an Anchor at a place which was call'd Hurier, from the name of the Officer who was left at that place for the Security of that Port, which was absolutely necessary to maintain the Communication between the first Habitation, and another M. de la Salle made on the 2d of April at the bottom of the Bay upon the Banks of a fine River, which was called the River of the Cows, because of the vast number of those Beasts that were discover'd in those parts. The Savages came to attack our Men, but were so warmly receiv'd, that they retir'd without doing the French any harm.

On the 21st, being Easter-Eve, M. de la Salle return'd to the first Camp, and the next day was spent in Devotions; but the 23d they began to carry all the Effects from the two Forts, to the Settlement M. de la Salle had made upon the River above-mention'd, and when they had made an end of


it, they razed the said Forts. They had sown some Pulse and Corn, but either the Soil was not good, or else the Seed was spoil'd by Salt Water, for it did not rise at all. M. de la Salle might have remembred what I had formerly told him in our Voyage to the Illinois, that Corn and other Seeds which we bring from Europe, must either be in their Ears or Hulls, for otherwise they lose their Vertue at Sea, and cannot grow in a Soil that was never cultivated before.

They built a Fort in a very advantageous Post, with so much diligence, that it was in a few days in a good Posture of Defence, being defended by 12 Pieces of Cannon. They made a great Magazine under ground to preserve their Goods and Provisions from Fire. It is to be observed that the Forts in America, I mean such as I speak of now, require not so much Art and Labour, as in Europe, since the Savages have no Artillery to attack them. They are so afraid of Fire-Arms, that none of those Nations ever durst attack [12] these mean Fortifications, except the Iroquois, who attempted to force the French in their Intrenchments in the Island of Orleans, now called St. Lawrence near Quebec. The French had fortified themselves with Pallisadoes, which the Iroquois set on Fire, and to cover themselves against the French in their Approach, every one of them carry'd before him a thick Plank or board Musket-proof, and thereby forced the French to leave their Entrenchments. They use also another Strategem against our Forts, unless they are defended by some Pieces of Cannon to keep them off; they tye to their Arrows a lighted Match, and then shoot them in such manner, as to make


them fall on the Top or Roof of the Forts, which is made of Planks, and thereby set them on Fire. M. de la Salle, who knew all their Artifices, took also all imaginable Precautions to disappoint them, which he did by covering the Roof with green Turf.

In the mean time, his men grew so sickly, that a great many died in a few days, notwithstanding they were carefully look'd after, and supplied with proper Remedies, and besides this misfortune, he was forc'd to make an open War against the Savages. On the 9th of August three of his men were gone a shooting, there being abundance of Game in those Parts. The noise of their Guns gave notice of their Approach to the Savages, who immediately got together in great numbers and surrounded the three Europeans, who put themselves in a readiness to fight, and killed with the first shot the General of the Savages. This sad accident terrified them so much, that they ran away, notwithstanding the Disproportion in number. They continued lurking about the Fort, and kill'd a French man who had advanc'd too far into the Woods.

M. de la Salle seeing no way to bring them to an Alliance, resolved to make War upon them to oblige them to come to Peace, and supply him with their [13] Pyrogues or Wooden Canou's which he wanted. Therefore set out from his Fort on the 13th of October, with 60 stout Men to look for the Savages, having provided them with a kind of Breast-piece of Wood, to cover them against the Arrows of the Savages. He was not far advanced when he found the Savages


incamped, with whom he had several Skirmishes, killing and wounding a great many, and returned with many Prisoners especially young Children; amongst whom was a Girl of about four Years of Age, which was Christened, and died some Days after.

While M. de la Salle was building and perfecting his Fort, those Families he had brought to begin a Colony, grubb'd up the Land, and sowed several sorts of Corn and Pulse, which they had brought in their Ear and Hulls, which succeeded very well. They made some Cannons, and crossed over to the other side of the Bay, where they found a fine River, and a prodigious Number of wild Oxen and Turkeys. The tame Beasts they had brought from St. Domingo, as Cows, Hogs, and Fowls multiplied very much; and in short the small Colony began to thrive, since the War had removed the Savages from their Habitations, and 'tis likely that M. de la Salle would have succeeded, had not a new Misfortune worse than all the former, disappointed his Noble Designs.

M. de la Salle had often entertain'd me with the unheard of Cruelties exercised by the Spaniards in New Mexico, and Peru, against the Inhabitants of those vast Empires, whom they destroyed as much as ever they could, preserving only their Children to make new People. He exclaimed against that Cruelty of the Spaniards, as unworthy of Men of Honour, and contrary to the Doctrine of the Christian Religion. I blamed them my self; but yet I offered now and then some Reasons to excuse them, as the Necessities [14] they found themselves under of exterminating those Nations, or perishing


themselves, and forsaking their Conquest; for whenever they thought themselves safe, they were suddenly invaded by great Armies, and therefore in a perpetual Danger. M. de la Salle experienced himself that Necessity in Canada, for the Savages do not understand the Doctrine of forgiving or forgetting Injuries; and notwithstanding all Treaties of Peace, they will revenge themselves one time or other. The French of Canada have done all that is possible, humanly speaking, to gain the Friendship of the Iroquois, yet they have not been able to heal the first Breach that happened between them, which has been the Source of many Wars, which lasts at this very time; whereas that barbarous People has never had any quarrel with the Dutch inhabiting New York, because these have always used them very kindly, dissembling some insignificant Injuries, or accepting their satisfaction. M. de la Salle knew better than any Body the Temper of the Savages, and the Methods how to gain them; therefore I wonder that he would make Wars upon the Neighbours of his new Colony, for this was almost an infallible way to ruine it, and cut off the hope of the Conversion of those ignorant Nations. From these observations we may conclude, that Meekness and Charity so much recommended in the Gospel, are two Vertues absolutely necessary for the establishment of Colonies in those new Countries; for otherwise the new Inhabitants must destroy the Ancient, or be destroyed by them, either of which is a cruel Necessity unworthy of a Christian. M. de la Salle had ordered the Captain of the Frigat to sound the Bay, and to suffer none of his Men to lie a-shoar; however the Captain


himself, and six of his best Men being charmed with the Sweetness of the Country went a-shoar, and leaving their Canou's upon the Owze with their Arms, went into a Meadow where [15] they fell asleep, and were murthered by the Savages, who broke their Arms and Canou. This sad Accident put the Colony in a dreadfull Consternation. M. de la Salle having buried his Men, resolv'd to travel along the Coast to find out the Mouth of the Meschasipi, and having left the Inhabitants and Soldiers who were to remain in the Fort, set out with 20 Men, and M. Cavelier his Brother.

This Bay of St. Lewis is formed by several Rivers, and lies in the Latitude of 27 Degrees 45 Minutes. None of these Rivers was broad and deep enough to be an Arm of the Meschasipi, but M. de la Salle thought they might be Branches of one of the Arms of that River, therefore he resolved to follow one of them, which cost him a world of Trouble, for he found several other Rivers running into that, too deep to be forded, which they crossed, laying together several Branches of Trees, of which they made use instead of Boats. They met with several Nations of Savages and were forced to entrench themselves every Night, for fear of being surprised. The continual Rains that fell during his Voyage, made the ways very bad, and swell'd several small Rivulets, which increased his Trouble. At last, on the 13th of February, he thought to have found his so much wish'd for River; and having fortified a Post on its Bank, and left part of his Men for its security; he advanced farther into the Country, which appeared unto him the most delicious and fertile that ever he


saw. He visited several Nations who received him with much Humanity, and returned to his Fort on the 31st of March charmed with his Discovery.

The satisfaction he expressed upon this account can hardly be expressed, but the Grief which the loss of his Frigat caused him, over-ballanc'd it. This was the only Ship left unto him, with which he intended to sail in few Days for St. Domingo to [16] bring a new Supply of Men and Goods to carry on his Design; but it ran unfortunately a ground through the Negligence of the Pilot, and was dash'd in pieces. All the Men were drowned except the Sieur Chefdeville one of the Missionaries, the Captain and 4 Seamen; the Goods, Linen, and Cloath of the Colony, with the Provisions and Tools were absolutely lost. M. de la Salle was a Man of an extraordinary Courage, and unparallell'd Constancy; yet 'tis likely he would have sunk under this Misfortune, had not God assisted him in an extraordinary manner.


Chap. III.

A Continuation of the Misfortunes of M. de la Salle, with an Account of two Voyages he undertook to find out the Country of the Illinois.

THOSE who have conversed with Accounts of new Discoveries, are convinced that those who take upon them so difficult a Task, are obliged to do a thousand things, which prove useless and unnecessary; for looking for the right way, and no body being there to shew it unto them, 'tis no wonder if they mistake it. And as to the Misfortunes that befell the worthy Gentleman I speak of, it is nothing but what he, or any body else that shall go about the like Enterprise, must expect with a very inconsiderable Difference. The pious Design he was upon, in relation to the Conversion of those ignorant Nations, deserved it seems a better Fate; but as God's ways are not our ways, we must submit to Divine Providence, without troubling our selves about a vain inquiry into the Secrets of God Almighty. M. de la Salle who was a good Christian, knew admirably well the Practice [17] of this Doctrine, and without being dejected by the Misfortunes already mention'd, he resolved to go on with his Discovery.

As I am more concern'd than any body else to know


whether M. de la Salle had really discover'd the Meschasipi, when he return'd into Canada over land, because I am the first European that ever travell'd upon that River, I have carefully perused all the printed Accounts of his Voyage, as also private Memoirs, but after all, I found that the account published by Father Anastase is the most exact, and may be depended upon.

M. de la Salle seeing all his Affairs ruin'd by the loss of his Ships, and having no way to return into Europe but by Canada, resolved upon so dangerous a Journey, and took 20 men along with him, with one Savage call'd Nikana, that is to say, Companion of the Nation of Choumon. This man had follow'd him into France, and had given such proofs of his Affection to his Master on several nice occasions, that he relied more upon him than upon any European. M. Cavelier, M. Moranger, and Father Anastase desir'd likewise to accompany him. They took four Pound of Powder, Shot in Proportion, two Axes, two Dozen of Knives, several Pound of Rassade or Glass Beads, and two Kettles to boil their Meat, contenting himself with these Provisions, in hopes to find out easily the Illinois and return in a short time. Having assisted at the divine Service in the Chapel of the Fort to implore God's Mercy and Protection, he set out the 22d of


April, 1686 directing his March to the North East, for the Meschasipi running directly from the North to the South, into the Gulph of Mexico, the Country of the Illinois is situated to the N. E. of the place where M. de la Salle left.

'Tis likely that they wanted Pyrogues and Canou's, since Father Anastase makes no mention of any, [18] and 'tis likely that M. de la Salle was not sure that he had found out the Mouth of the Meschasipi, for then he might have easily met with the Illinois by means of that River, knowing that the River of the Illinois runs into the Meschasipi.

After three days March, they discover'd the finest Champaign Country in the World, and were met by a great many men on Horse-back, with Boots, Spurs and Saddles. This Nation invited them to come to their Habitations, but M. de la Salle having taken some Informations from them concerning his way, thank'd them for their kindness, and would not accept of their Offers. The Reader may judge, that all this was transacted by signs, for they did not understand one another. The Equipage of the Nation sheweth they had Commerce with the Spaniards. Our men having continued their March all the day long, incamp'd upon a rising ground, which they fortified by cutting down some Trees to avoid any Surprize.

Having march'd two days through vast Meadows, they came upon the Banks of a River which they called Robeck, where they found such numbers of wild Oxen, call'd by the Spaniards Cibola, that the least Drove consisted of about 400:


They killed ten of them, and rested two or three days to broil the Meat for the rest of their Voyage.

Within a League and a half from the Robeck they met with another River broader and deeper than the Seine before Paris, its Banks being adorn'd with great Trees, so well dispos'd by Nature, that they seem as many Walks artificially planted. One side of the River is cover'd with Woods, and the other is a continued Meadow. They were oblig'd to cut Branches of Trees and tie them together to cross it over. They call'd it the Wicked. The Country between this Wicked River and another they met few days after, is full of Trees, bearing all sorts of Fruit, [19] and especially of Mulberry trees, but the Vines are so common, that the whole seems a Vineyard, and the highest Trees are cover'd with them. They call'd the last River Hiens, because one of them, a German by Birth, of the Country of Wirtemburg, stuck so fast in the Mud, that they had much ado to get him off.

The Raft or floating-boat of Branches, which they commonly us'd to cross the Rivers, taking up much of their time, and this River being narrow, M. de la Salle caus'd one of his men to swim over with an Ax, to fell down a Tree, while they fell another on their side, and these two Trees meeting together, made a kind of Bridge; this way was both safer and easier, and therefore they always made use of it, whenever the narrowness of the River would permit it.

M. de la Salle alter'd here his course, marching directly to


the Eastward. As he told no body the reasons of it, it is impossible to know what was his motive; that Man was secret to a fault, and likely would have prosper'd better, had he been somewhat more communicative. After some days March through a pleasant Country, they found another, which, according to their account, may be call'd the Paradise of the World, inhabited by a numerous Nation, who receiv'd them with all imaginable marks of Friendship and Kindness; their Women embrac'd them chearfully, and caus'd them to sit upon some fine Mats near their Captains, who presented them their Calumet of Peace, adorn'd with Feathers of several Colours, and wherein they desir'd them to smoak. They presented them afterwards with a Dish of Sagamittee, which is a kind of Pap made with the Root of a Shrub call'd Tique or Toquo, which looks like a Briar without Thorns: Its Root is very big, and having wash'd it and dry'd it by the Sun, they pound it in a Mortar. This Sagamittee tasted pretty well. These honest [20] Savages presented them with some Skins of wild Oxen finely drest and good for Shooes, which are very necessary in that Country, because of some sharp cutting Herbs. M. de la Salle presented them, in return of their kindness, some Glass Beads of black Colour, which is much valu'd amongst them, they continued some days amongst that Nation, which time M. de la Salle improv'd to give them some Idea of the Grandeur and Power of the King his


Master, whom he represented higher and greater than the Sun. These People understood something of it by his Signs, and were struck with a wonderful Admiration. M. Cavelier and Father Anastase endeavour'd also to give them some Notions of God, but with what success no body can tell.

That Nation is call'd Biskatronge, but the Europeans call'd them the Weeping, and their River the River of Tears, because when they arriv'd there, those Savages wept for about a quarter of an Hour. They receive so all Strangers, whom they think to come from remote Countries, because this puts them in mind of their deceas'd Relations whom they think upon a long Journey, and whose return they expect. That honest People gave M. de la Salle some Guides, and supply'd his men with whatever they wanted, and crossed them over their River in their Pyrogues.

They passed three or four other Rivers in three days time, and met with no considerable adventure, but on the fourth day as they were near a Village, Nikana the Savage, who attended M. de la Salle, shot a wild Goat, which frighted so much the Inhabitants of that Village, that they ran away. M. de la Salle put his men in a readiness to fight, and enter'd the said Village, which consisted of above 300 Cabbins. They march'd to the most considerable, wherein they found the Wife of the chief of the Savages, who had been forc'd to stay alone because of her great Age. M. de la [21] Salle made the most significant Signs he could think on to let her know that he was a Friend, which being perceiv'd by her three Sons, who advanc'd as near as they could without being


discover'd, to observe what our men would do, they brought back their men, and offer'd M. de la Salle their Calumet of Peace, which being accepted, the day was concluded with the Dance of the Calumet and other Demonstrations of Joy.

However M. de la Salle did not think fit to trust himself in their hands, and therefore refused to lie in their Cabbins and went to encamp among some Canes or great Reeds hard by, through which it was impossible to come without making a great noise. This was a Masterpiece of Prudence, for otherwise they might have been murther'd; for a Band of Savages got together to surprize them: The ratling noise of the Canes having given notice of their Approach to M. de la Salle, he awaked his men, and spoke in so bold a Tone to the Savages that they retir'd. They left that place the next day, parting from them very civilly, and having march'd six Leagues further, they were met by another Band of Savages, who had Ears of Indian Corn in their Hands; they embrac'd M. de la Salle according to their way, and invited him by Signs to go to their Village, which he consented to. They made him understand, that there was a Nation to the Westward who destroyed all other men; and by the Description they made, he judged they meant the Spaniards of New Mexico, with whom this Nation was at War. The Village having notice of the Arrival of M. de la Salle, all flock'd about them, expressing their joy by Signs and other Postures, and making him understand that he would oblige them to remain with them to assist them against their Enemies: M. de la Salle would not agree to that, but promis'd to return in a


short time, with a greater number of men; [22] and after having made them some Presents and receiv'd other things they gave them, he left that place, the Savages carrying him and all his men over their River in their Pyrogues. This Nation is called Kirononas.

They continued their March to the Eastward through fine Meadows, and three days after, having left the Kirononas, Nikana their Savage cry'd out of a sudden that he was a dead man, having been stung by a Rattle-Snake. This sad accident oblig'd them to tarry some days in that place: They gave him immediately some Orvietan, and having scarified the Wound, they apply'd upon it some Salt of Vipers, whereby he was recover'd.


Chap. IV.

A Continuation of M. de la Salle's Voyage and Discovery; and how he was receiv'd by the Savages Cenis.

THEY march'd several days without meeting with any Savages or any Accidents, and came to a River very broad and rapid, which they judg'd to be near the Sea: They made a Raft to cross it, and M. de la Salle, and M. Cavelier, and part of his men ventur'd upon that floating Boat, which the Rapidity of the Stream carry'd down with such a violence, that they were in few minutes out of sight, leaving their Comrades on the shore under an unspeakable Grief. Father Anastase comforted them as much as he could, being himself under a great affliction; for besides their Savage, who was of great use to them, had lost his way, and was wandering in the Woods: They continued in that condition all the day, but in [23] the Evening they heard M. de la Salle hailing them from the other Shore. Their Raft had been stopp'd by a Sand in the middle of the River, which gave them time to recover their strength, in so much, that they master'd the Current and got happily over; tho' one of them attempting to catch a Branch of a Tree, fell into the Water and was carry'd away. They thought him drown'd, but being an excellent Swimmer, and knowing it was in vain to strive


against the Stream, but by degrees he was carry'd down a great way, and at last got a-shore and rejoyn'd Father Anastase and his Companions, who having eat nothing all day long, were exceeding hungry. They found no Game about them, and wanting all manner of Provisions, they were reduc'd to a great Extremity: the divine Providence, who takes care of the meanest of his Creatures, reliev'd them also at this time, two young Eagles fell from a Cedar, which afforded them a Meal, tho' it was but a small matter for ten almost starv'd Travellers.

They tarry'd in that place that night, and the next day they endeavour'd to cross the River, and by the advice of M. de la Salle, they made a Raft of Canes, which with the help of two men that swam to defend it against the Rapidity of the Stream, they got all over except their Savage. Being thus rejoyn'd they march'd two days through a Forest of Canes, through which they were forced to cut their way with their Axes, and on the third day they found Nikana with three wild Goats already broyl'd, and another which he had just kill'd. M. de la Salle ordered two or three Guns to be fir'd to shew his Joy.

Having refresh'd themselves they continu'd their March Eastward, travelling through a most delicious Country, where they found Savages, who had nothing barbarous but their Name. They met one of them who came from shooting with his Wife and Family; [24] he presented M. de la Salle with a Horse and some Flesh, desiring him by signs to go along with him to his Habitation, and lest he should have any Suspicion,


he left his Wife and Family with him, and went to his Village, where he was accompany'd by Nikana, and a Footman of M. de la Salle. They return'd two days after with two Horses loaded with Provisions, and acquainted their Master with the civility of that People, who sent their chief Commanders and young Warriors to complement them. They were handsomly cover'd with dress'd Skins, adorned with Feathers of different Colours. M. de la Salle thought fit to advance, and within three Leagues of the Village he met the Savages, who presented them their Calumet of Peace in great Ceremony. They conducted them in triumph to the Cabbin of their General, where a great number of People came to see them. M. de la Salle observ'd that the young Warriours mounted the Guard and were reliev'd by turns. The great civility of that People oblig'd M. de la Salle to leave the Village and encamp about two Miles off, for having observ'd that the Women were exceeding kind to them, and pretty handsom, he was afraid his men would be debauch'd, which might have been of a fatal consequence. They tarry'd there four days, and bought some Horses for some of our European Commodities.

This Village belongs to the Cents, and is one of the most populous and largest of America, being about 20 Leagues long, not in a continued Street, but because the Hamblets are so near one another, that the whole looks as if it were but one. Their Cabbins are extraordinary fine, of about 50 Foot


long, and built as Bee-Hives. They plant Trees round-about, whose Branches joyn over their Cabins, and which they tie together: Their Beds are placed round-about their Cabins, four Foot higher than the flour, and they [25] make their Fire in the middle. Each Cabin is for two Families. They found amongst them several things which they must have from the Spaniards, as some Pieces of Eight, Silver Spoons, Lace, Cloaths and Horses. They had also a Bull of the Pope, exempting the Spaniards of New Mexico from fasting in Summer time. How they came by it, they could never understand. The Horses are so common, that one of M. de la Salle's men had one given him for his Ax, and another offer'd a fine one for Father Anastase's Capuch. They have however no direct Trade with the Spaniards, but get these things from the Choumans their Allies, who being Neighbours of the Europeans are often in War with them. M. de la Salle having always the Mines of St. Barbe in his Thoughts, desir'd them by Signs to draw a Map of the Country, and the Course of their River, which they understood, and with a Piece of Coal, they made on the white Bark of a Tree a Description of their Country and River, that M. de la Salle understood they were within six days journey from the Spaniards, whom they knew, their Warriors going often to assist the Choumans against them.

M. de la Salle, who had a particular art to gain the Friendship of the Savages, told them a great many things of the


Grandeur of the King his Master, whom he represented as the greatest Captain of the World, and as much above the Spaniards as the Sun above the Earth: he gave them an account of his signal Victories: At which, says Father Anastase, they put their Fingers upon their Mouth to express their Admiration: but seeing M. de la Salle did not speak their Language, I would fain know how the Cenis understood the account he gave them of the glorious Actions of the King of France. Surely this is a Fiction, or at best, too long a Comment upon a Conversation which was acted by signs; and Father Anastase [26] might have spar'd this Reflection upon the Spaniards, for tho' the King of France is a great Monarch, yet the King of Spain possesses such Countries in the old and new World, that no Prince can be compar'd to him in that respect, and the Motto of the Catholick Kings, Sol mihi nunquam occidit, may be more easily justified, than the Nec pluribus impar of the King of France. Those who will consider the extent of the Dominions of the Spaniards in the West-Indies, will find that they are above 2500 Leagues in length, which I think the great Master of M. de la Salle can never match.

There were at that time some Ambassadours of the Choumans, at the Village of the Cenis, who paid a Visit to M. de la Salle, and at their coming in made the Sign of the Cross, and kneeling down kissed Father Anastase's Gown, lifting up their Hands to Heaven, and giving them to understand, that Men cloathed with like Habits taught their Neighbours.


They made such signs as convinced the French that they had been at Mass; and one of them drew with a Coal a tall Woman weeping at the Foot of the Cross, for the Death of her Son who was nail'd to it. This he must needs have seen over an Altar in the Spanish Churches, and 'tis no wonder if they knew Father Anastase's Gown, for the Franciscans are very numerous in that Country. Our Authour adds, that they told M. de la Salle, that the Spaniards made a great Slaughter of the Indians, and that if he would go along with them with his fire Arms, it would be easie to conquer them, seeing they are Cowards, and so Effeminate as to have two Men before them, when they walk in Summer-time each with a large Fann to refresh them.

This puts me in mind of several Conversations which I had with M. de la Salle, at Fort Frontenac concerning our Discoveries, and speaking of Missionaries and the Qualities they ought to have, I remember [27] he told me often that the Jesuits of the Colledge of Goa in the East-Indies, which was given them by a Bp [Bishop] of the Order of St. Francis, and whose Revenues amount now to a prodigious Summ, travel in a Litter, where they perform this Mission, having two Men on each side to cool them with a Fann. This he knew from some of those Jesuits themselves, but as he had left this Society, I did not altogether believe what he told me of it; but I wonder that Father Anastase would charge upon the Spaniards of New Mexico, what M. de la Salle told me of the Jesuits of Goa. The reason may be easily discover'd,


the Spaniards will either scorn this Reflection, or let it go without Vengeance, whereas the Jesuits are never affronted with Impunity.

M. de la Salle having tarried several Days among the Cents, continued his March through the Habitations of the Nassonis; these two Nations are in confederacy, and divided by a large River, on the Banks of which the Villages are situated: They have much the same customs and manners.

Within five Leagues of that Place four of M. de la Salle men ran away to the Nassonis, which sadly vex'd him; and few Days after, he together with M. Moranger his Nephew, fell sick of a violent Fever, which obliged our Travellers to tarry in that Place for several Weeks, for notwithstanding they recover'd, it was a long time before they were able to continue their Voyage. This Distemper disappointed all their measures, and was the occasion of several misfortunes that befell them afterwards. They tarried there two whole Months, being reduc'd to the greatest Extremities; their Powder was most spent, tho' they were not advanced above 150 Leagues in a direct Line; some of their men had deserted, others began to be irresolute; and all these things being carefully consider'd by M. de la Salle, he resolved to return to Fort Lewis. [28] Every body approv'd his Design, and so they returned the same way without meeting with any remarkable Accident, except that one of them was swallowed


by a Crocodile of a prodigious Size, as they repassed the Wicked River.

They returned to their Camp the 17th of October 1686, being received with an incredible Joy by their Companions, who thought them as good as lost amongst these barbarous Nations.


Chap. V.

A Short Description of Fort Lewis, of its advantageous Situation, and of the Fertility of the Country about it.

WHAT has been already observed is enough to shew the Character of M. de la Salle, and that never Traveller was more undaunted, and constant in his undertakings than him. All the misfortunes and accidents we have mention'd, were not enough to deject his Courage, nor deterr him from his former Designs, in which through the Grace of God he expected to succeed.

He remained two Months and a half at Fort Lewis, during which time he took a view of all the Rivers that run into that Bay, and found above 50 which are Navigable, if we may believe Father Anastase, who was with him: They come most of them from the West and North-West. The Fort is situated in a sandy Ground, but the Soil about is very fertile. There are large Meadows in which the Grass grows as high as our Wheat in Europe. These Rivers are very frequent, being commonly at 2 or 3 Leagues distance. Their Banks are adorn'd with Oak, Mulberry-Trees, [29] and other Sorts of Trees, some whereof are altogether unknown in Europe. The Country is all alike going to the Westward, till within two Day's Journey of the Spaniards.

This Fort is situated on a rising Ground, on the Bank of


a River, having the Sea to the South-East, the Meadows to the West, and two large Ponds, and a Forest to the South West; the nearest Neighbours are the Guoaquis, who have abundance of Horses, and the Bahamas and Guinets, who are wandering Nations, with whom M. de la Salles was in War. He forgot nothing during that time to comfort his small Colony, which began to multiply, several Children being born since their Arrival. He imployed his men about grubbing up the Lands, which as I have said, proved very good and fertile. In the mean time our Missionaries applied themselves to the Instruction of some Savage Families, who left their own Nation to live with the Europeans. M. de la Salle us'd them with all possible kindness, knowing how advantageous it would be to win those barbarous Nations over to his Interest.

M. de la Salle having cast up an Intrenchment about a large Inclosure, wherein were the Habitations of the Colony, under the Cannon of the Fort, and taken all other precautions for their Security, called the Inhabitants together, and made so pathetical a Speech to them about the Necessity he was under to make a Voyage to the Illinois Country, that he drew Tears from every one of the Assembly, considering the Danger and Fatigue of so great a Voyage, for he was very much beloved. He took 20 men with him with his Brother, his two Nephews, Father Anastase, and one Joustel á Ploto; and after publick Prayers, he set out a second time from Fort Lewis, resolv'd not to return till he had found the Illinois.


[30]Chap. VI.

An Account of M. de la Salle's second Voyage, from the Bay of St. Lewis, to the Illinois.

M. DE LA SALLE with 20 men set out from his Fort on the 7th of January 1687, and met the first Day a great Band of Bahamos, who were going upon a military Expedition against the Savages, called Trigoanna. He made alliance with them, and designed to do the like with the Guinets, whom he met also, but they ran away upon his approach: However having overtaken them by means of his Horses, they agreed together, and promised on both sides an inviolable Peace.

They continued their March to the North-East, and crossed the first River, which they had called before the River of Canes, because the Banks of it are covered with them. The Country is diversified with Meadows and Woods, and the Soil is so fertile, that Grass grows 10 or 12 Foot high. There are several populous Villages of Savages upon that River, but they visited only the Guaras and Anachorema. They crossed the second River of Canes, distant 3 Leagues from the former. Its Banks are inhabited by several different Nations, and the Country is full of Hemp which


grows naturally in those Parts. They met 5 Leagues further another River call'd Sablonniere, because it flows through a sandy ground, tho' the Grass of the Meadows near its Banks sheweth the Fertility of the Soil.

Having passed three or four small Rivers, they found 8 Leagues from the Sablonniere the River Robeck, whose Banks are peopled with several Villages of Savages, who speak, in a manner from their Throat. They are in War with the Spaniards, and desir'd M. [31] de la Salle to joyn with them, but he had business else where, and with 20 men alone he was not able to do any great things against the Spaniards. He remain'd five or six days with them, and from thence continued his march to the Wicked River, so called, because a Crocodile had devour'd one of his men. That River has a long course, and is inhabited by 40 Villages of Savages, which composes the Nation Kanoatinno, which are likewise at War with the Spaniards. They went through some of their Villages where they were kindly receiv'd; tho', if we may believe Father Anastase, the cruelties of the Spaniards have somewhat chang'd their good Nature into fierceness. This, I take to be M. de la Salles Opinion; for in all his Travels he endeavoured to represent the Spaniards as the most odious and cruel Nation in the World. I must own, as I have already intimated, that the Spaniards were forc'd to destroy several Nations in New Mexico, but they were oblig'd to it to preserve themselves against them, for else the Natives


would have destroy'd them. 'Tis certain, that the Savages have no kindness for the Europeans, and keep fair with them, only as long as they fear them. But I wonder, that M. de la Salle should blame so much the Spaniards, and yet form the Enterprize he was about, seeing it was impossible for him to succeed without destroying the Spaniards themselves; and as to their Tyranny, I remember to have convinc'd him more than once, that the Spanish Domination is easier and milder than any other he could name.

M. de la Salle having got some Horses from those Savages, crossed the River in Canou's made of Skins of wild Oxen, the Horses swimming over; and four Leagues from thence cross'd the River Hiens or Hans, already mention'd, continuing their march to the North-East. They cross'd several other Rivers and Brooks, which were mightily swoln by the Rains [32] that fall in that Country about that time, which is their Winter, the difference of Seasons being only known by those Rains. The Country they travell'd through is diversified with Meadows, Woods, Groves, Hills and Springs. They came at last to three great Villages call'd Taraha, Tyakappan and Palonna, where they found good Horses. They met some Leagues further the Palaquessons, a People compos'd of ten Villages. These are in Alliance with the Spaniards.

I cannot but wonder at Father Anastase's neglecting to make a more exact Diary of their Voyage, and to be more particular about so many different Nations he speaks off, and therefore I desire the Reader to give me leave to make now


and then some Reflections upon this Voyage of M. de la Salle having so intimately known that Gentleman, and travell'd so long with him in America. My Description of Louisiana, which I printed at Paris, did him a very great kindness in relation to his Enterprize.


[33] Chap. VII.

M. de la Salle and three more are unfortunately murther'd by some of their own Party.

AFTER they had gone through so many different Nations as is above related, there fell out a most unhappy Accident, to wit, the Assassination of M. de la Salle, his Nephew Moranger, and some others. M. de la Salle was then in a fine Country for hunting: His People regal'd themselves very plentifully, and refresh'd themselves after their tiresome Travel with excellent good Chear for several days together: He had sent M. Moranger his Nephew, his Laquey Saget, and seven or eight of his men to a certain place, where Nika his Huntsman, who was a Savage Chaouenon had laid up I stock of wild Bulls Flesh, that they might get it smoak'd and dry'd to carry along with them, and so not be oblig'd toil halt so frequently to hunt for Provisions.

With all his Prudence, M. de la Salle could not discover the Conspiracy of some of his People to kill his Nephew, for they resolv'd upon it, and put it in Execution all of a sudden on the 17th of March, wounding him in the head with a Hatchet. The Blow was struck by a Person whom Father Anastasius out of Charity would not name; they flew likewise the Laquey and poor Nika, who had provided for them by


his Hunting for three years together with toil and danger: Moranger languished under his Wound for two Hours, during which time, he gave all possible tokens of his Piety, forgiving his Murtherers, and embracing them frequently, resigning himself up to God's good Pleasure, and relying upon his Saviour's Merits, as his very Murtherers acknowledg'd, when their [34] Rage was cool'd: He was a very honest man and a good Christian.

These Wretches not content with this bloody Fact, resolv'd not to stick there, but contriv'd how to kill their Master too, for they fear'd he would have justly punish'd them for their Crime. Father Anastasius says, They were two Leagues off the place where Moranger was kill'd, and that M. de la Salle being concern'd at his Nephews tarrying so long (for they had been gone two or three days) was afraid they might have been surpriz'd by some Party of the Savages; whereupon he desir'd Father Anastasius to go with him to look after his Nephew, and took two Savages along with him; upon the way M. de la Salle entertain'd 'em with a pious Discourse of Grace and Predestination; but chiefly he enlarg'd upon the great Obligations he was under to divine Providence for preserving him in the many dangers he had undergone during a twenty Years abode in America, nine of which he spent in travelling, and I with him; he seem'd to be peculiarly affected with God's Goodness to him, when all of a sudden, Father Anastasius observ'd that he fell into a deep Sorrow of which he himself could give no account; he grew mighty unquiet and full of trouble, a temper he was


never seen in before; Father Anastasius did all he could to recover him out of it.

They were got about two Leagues, when he found his Lacquey's bloody Cravat, and perceiv'd two Eagles (a common Bird in those parts) hovering over his head, at the same time he spied his People by the Water-side: he went up to them and enquired for his Nephew, they made him little answer, but pointed to the place where he lay. Father Anastasius kept going on by the River side, till at last they came to the fatal place, where two of the Villains lay hid in the Grass, one on one side, and one on the other, with [35] their Pieces cock'd, the first presented at M. de la Salle but miss'd Fire, the other fired at the same time, and shot him into the head, of which he dy'd an Hour after, March 19. 1687.

Father Anastasius expected the same fate, but did not reflect upon the danger he was in; he was sensibly touch'd at this cruel Spectacle, seeing M. de la Salle fall a little way off from him with his Face all bloody; he ran to him, took him up in his Arms, and wept over him, exhorting him as well as he could in this Conjuncture to die like a good Christian; the unfortunate Gentleman had been at his Devotions just before they set out, and had just time enough to confess part of his Life to Father Anastasius, who gave him Absolution, and soon after he died: In these his last Moments he perform'd as far as he was capable what soever was proper for one in his condition, he press'd the Father's hand at every


thing he said to him, especially when he admonish'd him to forgive his Enemies; mean while the Murtherers struck with Horror at what they had committed, began to beat their Breasts, and detest their Rashness. Father Anastasius would not stir from the place till he had bury'd the Body as decently as he could, and plac'd a Cross over his Grave.

Thus fell the Sieur Robert Cavelier de la Salle, a Man of considerable Merit, constant in Adversities, fearless, generous, courteous, ingenious, learned and capable of every thing; he labour'd for twenty years together to civilize the savage Humours and Manners of a great number of barbarous People among whom he travell'd, and had the ill hap to be massacred by his own Servants, whom he had enrich'd: he dy'd in the Vigour of his Age in the middle of his Course, before he could execute the designs he had form'd upon New Mexico.


[36] Chap. VIII.

The Author's Reflections upon the Life and Death of M. de la Salle, whose Murtherers kill'd one another.

M. DE LA SALLE told me several times, whilst we were together in Fort Frontenac, before we went upon our Discoveries, and also when we were in pursuit of them, that when he was a Jesuit, having liv'd 10 or 11 years in that Order, the Fathers of that Society caus'd frequent Lectures to be read during the first two Years to all those that enter'd into the Society, of the tragical Deaths and fatal Miscarriages that overtook such as had quitted their Order; and this was done to fix those that were newly entred; I ought to say this out of Justice to M. de la Salle, who formerly deposited in my hands all his Papers, whilst he took a Voyage to France, and I staid at Fort Frontenac, that he quitted his Order with the consent of his Superiours, and that he had written Testimonials of his good Conduct during his stay in that Society. He shew'd me a Letter written at Rome by the General of that Order, wherein he testified that the said Sieur de la Salle had behav'd himself prudently in every thing without giving the least occasion to be suspected guilty of a venial Sin.

I have a hundred times reflected upon what he has said to me, when we entertain'd our selves with the Stories of our


new Discoveries, and I ador'd God for the unsearchableness of his ways, who accomplishes his Will by those means he is pleased to appoint; and uncertain as I was of my Destiny, I gave my self up to his good pleasure, resolv'd to submit patiently in every thing to his divine Providence. Father Anastasius [37] arriv'd at length where was M. Cavelier, a Priest, Brother of the Defunct M. de la Salle, to whom he related his Death, the Murtherers came rudely into the same Cabbin or Hut presently after, and seiz'd upon all they found in it, the good Father had not leisure for a long Harangue, but his Countenance bath'd in Tears, was a sufficient Intimation of what he had to say: M. Cavelier at first sight of him, cry'd out, ah! my Brother is dead. I cannot forbear presenting the publick with some account of this Priest, M. Cavelier, with whom I sojourn'd in Canada during one Summer of my Mission to Fort Frontenac, of which his Brother was Governour and Proprietor. He was a pious and discreet Ecclesiastick, perfectly qualified for a Missionary: He no sooner heard this fatal News, but he fell down upon his Knees, and so did the Sieur Cavelier his Nephew, expecting the Villains came to butcher them, and therefore prepar'd themselves to die like Christians; but the Assassines mov'd with Compassion at the sight of the venerable old Man, and being sorry besides for their late wicked Deeds, resolv'd to spare them, upon condition that they should never return into France, but they were a long time e'er they fixt upon granting them Mercy; some of them that had a mind to see their Kindred once again, endeavour'd as well as they could


to clear themselves from so detestable an Action; others said, 'twas safest to rid their hands of these two innocent men, or else they might one day call them to an account, if ever they met again in France.

They chose for their Leader the Murtherer of M. de la Salle, and upon Deliberation they resolv'd to go to the famous Nation of the Cenis already spoken of so they march'd altogether for several days, and pass'd divers Rivers. These infamous Murtherers made the two Caveliers serve them as Valets, and gave them nothing but their leavings to eat. They arriv'd without [38] any rub at the place they wish'd for. A Contest rises betwixt a German of Wittemburg, nam'd Hans, and him that murther'd M. de la Salle, about the Superiority of Command, upon this their men divide themselves into two Parties, one follows Hans, the other the Murtherer. They were come away from the Cenis amongst whom they tarry'd some time, and arriv'd at the Nassonis, where the four Deserters whom I mention'd before, rejoyn'd them. Thus they were all got together upon Ascension Eve, and the Quarrel betwixt the two Parties, being blown up to that height, that they determin'd to murther one another, Father Anastasius made an Exhortation to them upon the Festival day, with which they seem'd to be so touch'd, that they made as if they would confess themselves; but they did not continue long in that mind. Those that most regretted their Masters murther, took to Hans's side. This man two days after taking his opportunity, punish'd one crime with another, for he fir'd a


pistol at the Murtherer of M. de la Salle, the Bullet peirc'd his Heart, and he drop'd dead upon the place. One of Hans's Crew shot him that kill'd M. Moranger in the side, and before he could well recover himself, another let fly just at his Head, there was no Ball in his Musket, but the Powder set fire to his Hair, which catch'd his Shirt and Cloaths with so much violence and quickness, that he could not put it out, but expir'd in the Flame. The third Conspirator took to his Heels and sav'd himself; Hans was mighty eager to make sure of him, and finish in his Death, the vengeance due to M. de la Salle; but the Sieur Joutel made 'em Friends, and so the matter rested for that time.

Thus Hans became the chief Leader of this miserable Troop; they resolv'd to return to the Cenis, amongst whom they design'd to settle, for they durst not venture back into Europe for fear of meeting the punishment [39] their Crimes deserv'd: At that time the Cenis were up in arms and ready to march out to fight with the Kanoatinno a cruel People, their implacable Enemies. When they take any Prisoners, they throw them alive into a Caldron and boyl them. The Cenis then took Hans and some other Europeans along with them, the rest waited till they should return, though Hans would fain have perswaded them all to go, but they would not stir. When Hans was gone, they departed out of the Country of the Cenis, and amongst 'em were the two Caveliers, the Sieur Joutel, Father Anastasius and others; each had his Horse, Powder, and Lead, with some Goods to defray their


Charges upon the way; they made a halt in the Country of the Nassonis to celebrate the Octave of la fete dieu. In their Relations, they say, that the people entertain'd them perpetually with Stories of the Cruelty of the Spaniards towards the Americans, and told them twenty several Nations were going to make war upon the Spaniards, and invited them to go along with them, because, said they, you will do more execution with your Guns, than all our Warriors with their Maces and Arrows. But they had other designs in their Heads, and took occasion in these Discourses to give them to understand that they were come amongst them by express order from God, to instruct them in the knowledge of the Truth, and set them right in the way to Salvation, and this was their employment for 10 or 12 days to the 3d of June.

I make no question, but M. Cavelier the Priest, and Father Anastasius endeavour'd to their utmost to give light to these Nassonis and deliver them out of their ignorance. But the four other Europeans that were in their company were not enough in number to terrifie the Spaniards who are us'd to firearms; besides they did not understand the Language of these [40] People, and therefore I cannot easily comprehend how they could gather from the Discourse of these Nassonis, that the Spaniards were so cruel to the Americans; they had no Interpreters along with them, so that they could not undersftand a word of what was said to them by these People, who had never seen any other Europeans before them.

Moreover 'tis certain, that since the days of the Emperour


Charles the Fifth, the Spaniards have not dar'd to execute any Cruelties upon the Natives of New Mexico, because they have too few of their own Subjects to guard their Conquests against the insults of their neighbouring Indians, were they irritated. No, they live peaceably with them, and trouble no body, unless they are first attack'd.


[41]Chap. IX.

The Cenis permit M. Cavelier the Priest, and Father Anastasius with their Company, to continue their Journey thorough several barbarous Nations.

THE Cenis gave these six Europeans two Savages for Guides, who took their way thorough the finest Country in the World Northwards, and North-Eastwards; they pass'd over four great Rivers, and many Channels made by the Rain, inhabited by divers Nations Eastward, they came among the Haquis, the Nabiri, or the Naansi, a valiant People at War with the Cenis, at length they arrived near the Cadodacchos,June the 13th, one of their Guides went before to inform the Barbarians of their coming. The chief Men and the Youth, whom they found a League from their Village, receiv'd them with the Calumet, and gave them some Tobacco; some led their Horses by the Bridle, and others carried them about in Triumph; they said they were Spirits come from the other World.

All the Village being come together, the Women according to their Custom wash'd their Heads and Feet with warm Water, after which they were seated upon a Bench cover'd


with neat white Mats; then they went to revelling, dancing to the Calumet, and made other publick rejoycings Day and Night. These People knew nothing of the Europeans but by Report, 'tis to be presum'd they have some shadow of Religion amongst 'em, but all their Ideas are very confus'd, and their Notions unaccountable, they seem to worship the Sun, because they send up the Smoak of their Tobacco to him, though they have their [42] share on't; their Ceremonial Habits have commonly two Suns described upon them, and upon the rest of the Body representations of wild Bulls, Deer, Serpents, or other Animals; the two religious Europeans took occasion from hence, to give them some Lessons concerning the true God, and the principal Mysteries of Christianity; 'tis to be suppos'd all this was done by Signs.

In this place God afflicted them by a Tragical Accident, the Sieur Marne maugre all Disswasions, would needs bath himself, June the 24th at Night. M. Cavelier, Nephew to M. de la Salle went along with him to the River-side, which lies pretty near the Village. Marne threw himself into the Water, and never came up again. 'Twas a Whirlpool that suck'd him in, and drowned him in a moment.

A little after his Body was drawn out of the Water, and carried to the Captain's House; all the Village lamented his Death: The Captain's Wife wrapt him up decently in a handsome Mat, while some young Men dug a Grave for him, which Father Anastasius blest; and then they committed him to the Earth with all possible Solemnity. The Barbarians


admir'd the Ceremonies of his Interment, and above all, the singing of the Psalms at his Obsequies. Upon this they offer'd them instructions about the immortality of the Soul, and continued to teach them for Eight days, for so long they tarried after in that fatal Place; the dead Man was buried upon an Eminence near the Village, his Grave was fenc'd about with Pallisado's, and a great Cross set up over it which was made by the Savages: They departed out of this Country, July the 2d.

These People dwell upon the Side of a River, where three other Nations inhabit, the Natchoos, Natchetes and Ouidiches. The Travellers were receiv'd very kindly by all of them. From the River of [43] the Cenis, where they first met with Beavers and Otters; the farther they advanced Northward, the greater Number they found of those Animals. Whilst they sojourned among the Ouidiches, they met with three Warriours of two Nations call'd the Cahinnio, and the Mentous, who dwelt twenty five Leagues farther, East-North-East, and had seen some Frenchmen. They offer'd to conduct 'em to their Countrymen, and by the way they cross'd four Rivers and Brooks, or Torrents made by the Rain, there they were receiv'd by these Nations with the Calumet of Peace in their Hands, with all possible Tokens of Gladness and Esteem. Many of these Savages talkt to 'em of an European, who was a Captain, and had but one Hand; this was the Sieur de Tonti a Neapolitan, mention'd in my first Volume. They added, that he told 'em, that a greater Captain than himself would


probably pass by their Village; meaning the Sieur de la Salle.

The chief Man among them lodg'd them in his Cabbin or Hutt, and made his Family go out of it; there they were treated several Days with all sorts of good Cheer. Nay, they order'd a solemn Feast to be kept publickly, wherein they danc'd to the Calumet four and twenty Hours together, and sung Songs made purposely for the occasion, which their Captain dictated to them as loud as he could, they entertain'd 'em as Envoys from the Sun, who came to defend them from their Enemies with Thunderbolts, meaning their Musquets which they had never seen before; in the heat of these rejoycings the younger Cavelier let off his Pistol three times, crying out Vive le Roy, which the Barbarians repeated with a loud Voice; adding, long live the Sun.

These Savages have a prodigious Number of Beavers and Otters in their Country, which might be easily exported by a River near the Village; these [44] Savages would have loaded their Horses with them, but they refus'd them to shew they were free from any Self design, and presented the Barbarians with Hatchets and Knives; at last they went away with two Cahinnio's to guide them; after they had receiv'd the Ambassadours from the Analau, the Tanico, and other Nations Northwest, and South Westward, they travers'd for some Days the finest Country in the World full of Rivers, Meadows, little Woods, Hills, and Vineyards.

Among others they cross'd over four large Navigable Rivers, and after a March of about sixty Leagues, they came


to the Ossotteoez, who dwell upon a Noble River running from the North-West, upon whose Banks grow the finest Woods in the Universe.

The Skins of Beavers and Otters are every where found in so great a Quantity, as well as all other kinds of Hides and Skins of Beasts, that they throw 'em all in a heap and burn them, of so little value are they accounted. 'Tis upon the famous River of the Akansa that so many Villages stand, as I mention'd in the first Tome of my Discoveries.

Father Anastasius says in his Relation, that there they began to know where-abouts they were: At the same time he knew very well, that neither he nor any Man in his Company had ever been upon the River Meschasipi: Indeed I went up it by my self, with two Indians in a Canou in 1680, and afterwards in 1682, M. de la Salle went up it as high as Akansa: 'Tis highly probable, Father Anastasius thought he was then at Fort Crevecœur, situated in the Country of the Illinois, because he found a great Cross there, and beneath it the King of France's Arms; besides he saw a House built after the European way, and upon this the Sieur Joutel, and two more that were left discharged their Musquets. At the Noise of the Guns out came two French Canadans, their Commander's [45] Name was M. Couture, whom I knew particularly well


when I lived in Canada, and was one that made the Voyage along with us to discover the Louisiana. This M. Couture gave them to know, that he was Polled there by the Sieur de Tonti, by order of M. de la Salle, to keep up an Alliance with the Neighbouring Savage Nations, and guard them against the Insults of the Iroquois, their sworn Foes.

They visited three Villages, the Forimans, the Dodinga, and the Kappa; they receiv'd 'em every where with Feasts, Speeches, Dances, and all other Expressions of Joy. They were lodg'd in the House belonging to this small Fort. These of Canada that were settled there entertain'd 'em very kindly, and made them Masters of all. Whatever Affairs these Savages contested about they never decided them immediately, but summon'd together the Chief men, and the most Ancient of the Villages, and deliberated upon the matter in dispute. These Travellers ask'd them for a Pyrogue, and some Savages in it to go up the River Meschasipi, as far as the Illinois, by the River of that Nation, which in my Map of Louisiana, I call the River of Seignelay, in honour to the Minister of State of that Name, who favour'd and took care about our Discovery. Father Anastasius says they offer'd their Horses, some Powder and Lead in exchange for the Pyrogue. After the Counsel had met upon this Subject, they came to a resolution to grant them the Pyrogue they demanded, and four Savages to man it, one of each Nation to signify the


strict Alliance they had made with them. This was punctually executed, so they dismiss'd the Cahinnio with Presents to their satisfaction.

Upon this Head I would observe, without pretending to reflect upon M. de la Salle, that he undoubtedly never found out the true Mouth of the River Meschasipi, nor Father Anastasius neither, who never [46] was in that Part of the Country; and if the last did luckily light upon it by help of the Savages that guided him, 'twas owing to the Directions he receiv'd from M. Couture, Commander of the Skonce; but it may be he will give us more light into this matter hereafter.


Chap. X.

The Voyage of the Sieur Cavelier a Priest, and Father Anastasius a Recollect in a Pyrogue to the Illinois, and several Observations concerning their Return.

AFTER they had tarried a little time among these People, M. Cavelier, and Father Anastasius, Embarked in the River of Meschasipi, Aug. 1. they crossed the River the same Day in a Pyrogue of 40 Foot long. The stream was very strong in that Place, so they went all a-shoar to travel the rest of the Journey on Foot, because they had left their Horses at Akansa, though they had done better perhaps to have kept them: They left no Soul in the Pyrogue but young Cavelier, whose tender Age joyn'd with the Fatigue of travelling so far, made him uncapable of prosecuting the Journey on Foot. Father Anastasius thinks that from the place where they set out to the Illinois, they had 400 Leagues to march a foot before they could get thither; but all this is spoken by guess.

One of the Savages went aboard the Pyrogue to steer it along the River, and one of his Comerades reliev'd him from time to time. The rest of the Company made no use of the Pyrogue, but only when they had occasion to avoid a dangerous Place, or cross any Rivers; [47] they underwent a great deal of Toil in this Voyage, the Heats were excessive in that


season, the sand was burnt by the Sun, but more than all, the want of Food, which they endur'd several days, reduc'd 'em to extreme hardship.

Father Anastasius adds, That they were got 200 Leagues over land from the Bay of St. Louis, that is to say, 100 Leagues to the Cenis, 60 to the North North-East, and 40 to the East North-East: from the Nassonis to the Cadodacchos 40 North North-Eastward, from the Cadodacchos to the Cahinnio and the Mentous 25 to the East North-East, and from the Cahinnio to the Akansa 60 East North-East.

They continued their Progress up the River by the same way, that they had heard M. de la Salle went in 82, except that they went to Sicacha. Father Anastasius, says M. de la Salle was not there. I made mention of this Nation in my Discovery in 80, in the preceding Volume; their principal Village is twenty five Leagues East from Akansa. The People, are robust and numerous, consisting at least of 4000 fighting Men: They have abundance of all sorts of Skins and Hides. Their Leaders often brought the Calumet to them to signifie that they were willing to make an Alliance with them; nay they offer'd to go and settle themselves upon the River Ouabache to be nearer Fort Crevecœur in the Country of the Illinois, whither they were travelling.

This famous River of Ouabache [Ohio] is full as large as Meschasipi; a great many other Rivers run into it, the outlet where it discharges it self into Meschasipi is 200 Leagues


from Akansa according to M. de la Salle's Computation; the truth is it is not so far cross the Country, but it may be as much in following the course of the River Meschasipi, which winds about very much. Straight over land 'tis not above 5 good days journey.

[48] They cross'd the River Ouabache, August 26. and found it full 60 Leagues along the River Meschasipi to the mouth of the River of the Illinois, about 6 Leagues below the mouth of that River North-Westward, is the famous River of the Massourites or the Osages, which is as large at least as the River it falls into. It is made up of several other known navigable Rivers inhabited by numerous Nations, as the Panimaba, who have but one Captain and 22 Villages, the least of which contains 200 Cabbins. The Paneassa, the Pana, the Panaloga, and the Metotantes, each of which is as considerable as the Panimaha.

The Osages have 17 Villages upon a River of their name, that discharges it self into that of the Massourites. Our Maps and those of M. de la Salle, have placed the Osages there. Formerly the Akansa dwelt a great way up one of these Rivers, which bears their name still, and which I take notice of about the midst of the passage of the River Ouabache to that of the Massourites; there lies the Cape of St. Anthony of Padua, and thereabouts live the Savage Nation of the Mansopolea.


Sept. 5. M. Cavelier and Father Anastasius arriv'd at the mouth of the River of the Illinois: 'tis reckon'd 100 Leagues from thence to Fort Crevecœur, as I remark'd in my first Volume. The passage all the way is clear and navigable by large Vessels. A Chaouenon nam'd Turpin, having seen them enter his Village, ran by land to carry the News to M. Belle Fontaine, Commander of that Fort; he could not believe what he told him, but they follow'd apace after the Barbarian, and came to the Fort, Sept. 14. presently they conducted them to the Chapel, where Te Deum was thankfully sung. The Canadans that were in the place, and some Savages fir'd Volleys of Muskets.

M. de Tonti, whom M. de la Salle design'd to be Commander of Fort Crevecœur, was gone among the [49] Iroquois to dispose those Barbarians to an Alliance. These Travellers were receiv'd with all the kindness imaginable, and M. de Belle Fountain omitted no Testimony of his joy to see them safely arriv'd.

It must be confest, that no man can evade his Destiny. At the same time it must likewise be acknowledged that the Disaster of M. de la Salle had something very fatal in it; he undertook this great Voyage with design to find out the mouth of the River Meschasipi, but unfortunately fell by the way without succeeding in his enterprize, and yet just after his Death, his Brother, Father Anastasius, &c. went up that River and arriv'd at the Illinois.

'Tis indubitable, nevertheless, that there is an excellent Haven at the mouth of this River, as I observ'd in 80. The


entry into it is very convenient, as may be easily seen. Of the three arms that compose this out-let, I always follow'd the Channel of that in the middle. 'Tis a commodious Harbour, and has several places fit to raise Fortresses upon, that are in no danger of being overflow'd, as has formerly been thought. The lower part or mouth of the River is habitable, and is inhabited by several savage Nations that don't lie far from it. The greatest Vessels may go up above 200 Leagues from the Gulph of Mexico, as far as the mouth of the River of the Illinois, which River is navigable for above 100 Leagues, and discharges it self into the River Meschasipi. At the lower end of the River dwell several other Nations, which I forgot, as the Picheno, the Ozanbogus, the Tangibao, the Ottonika, the Movisa, and many others, whose names easily escape ones Memory, when one passes through them without leisure, or conveniency to take necessary observations and notes.

'Tis probable that M. de la Salle not finding the Mouth of that River in the Sea, fansied that the Bay of St. Lewis, was not above 40 or 50 Leagues from the [50] Mouth of one of its Arms, at least in a strait line; but by misfortune he never was at it. God sets bounds to all Men, and their Enterprises, to all the desires of their Hearts, as well as to the vast Ocean.

Doubtless God permitted it so to be, that Father Anastasius who is now Vicar of the Recollects at Cambray, should discover no Nations in his Travels, without taking into the Number many more Savage People well known to those he


convers'd with en passant, because they traffick with them, which at the same time were never seen by any European.

These People, as I have already noted, have very good Horses, fit for any service in abundance. They think themselves well paid for a Horse, if one gives them a Hatchet.

Father Anastasius went from the Bay of St. Lewis to the Gulph of Mexico with design to settle a Mission among the Cenis in his 2d Voyage. Father Zenobius Mambré Recollect, who staid behind at the said Bay, was to have come and joyn'd him, to the end they might spread the Faith among the neighbouring Nations. They expected from Europe a great number of Labourers, but the death of M. de la Salle obliging him to proceed further he don't doubt but Father Zenobius has been there to look for him.

So it may be he is now in that Country with Father Maximus a Recollect and Native of Lisle in Flanders, and that they have left the Sieur Chefdeville a Missionary of St. Sulpicius, at the Mission of the Port in that Bay. He determin'd himself to be there, because there were nine or ten European Families there with their Children, besides some of M. de la Salle's men have marry'd with the Women of the Country to augment the little Colony. This is the Extract of Father Anastasius's account of his toilsome Voyage. What are become of the people left in those parts since that time, we know not.


[51] Father Anastasius conceal'd the deplorable Fate of M. de la Salle, because 'twas his duty as well as M. Cavelier's the Priest, to carry the first news of it to Court, and secure the effects of the deceas'd in the said Fort of the Illinois, because he advanc'd Money upon the enterprize. He departed from the Illinois in the Spring, 1688, together with Father Anastasius, young Cavelier, M. Joutel, and one Barbarian, who dwells at present near Versailles; they arriv'd at Quebec, July 27, and set sail for France the 20th of August following. God granted them a favourable passage to Paris, after having run through incredible Dangers; and they gave an account of their Voyage to the late Marquis de Seignelay.

This is the story of M. de la Salle's last Voyage, which I thought my self oblig'd to give the world, because 'tis a continuation of mine, and confirms several things related in my account. I go on now to describe the Religion and Manners of those barbarous Nations, which I discover'd in my Voyage.


[52]Chap. XI

The Author's Reflections upon the Voyage to China; the opinion of most of the Savages of North America concerning the Creation of the World, and the Immortality of the Soul.

'TIS a common saying, that Truth is the very Soul and Essence of History: now this account of the Manners of the Savages of North America being taken sincerely, needs no other recommendation. Novelty and Variety joyn together to please the Reader, tho' I treat of barbarous unpolish'd People; and therefore I hope, that a Description of 200 different Nations, which I have either seen my self, or been inform'd of by some religious that have been among them, will divert the curious.

The Son of God having foretold, that his Gospel should be preach'd thoughout the Universe, the faithfull have always interested themselves in forwarding the accomplishment of that Prophecy, and labour'd to convert those barbarous Nations who have no knowledge of the true God. 'Tis true, that multitude of savage People which inhabit the vast Countries of America, have had their Eyes shut against the Light of Truth: but we have already begun to preach Christ crucifi'd to them, to the best of our skill, that we might bring them to Salvation. We hope therefore that those who are stirr'd up by


the Love of God, will not be wanting for the future to finish what we have begun, but endeavour the Salvation [53] of so many Souls, who might not perish, if Christians would help them to get out of their natural Blindness. To clear the way, and direct the means to it, we are going to give an account of the Ideas these People have of Religion, and likewise of their Manners, that so we may the more readily contrive the method of their Conversion, and in what manner to instruct them, to render them capable of receiving the truth and eternal Salvation.

Our Discoveries have acquainted us with most part of North America, so that I don't question if the King of Great Britain, and the States of Holland should think fit to send us back thither to finish what we have so happily begun, but we should demonstrate what we could never yet give a clear account of, though many attempts have been made to it. It has been found impossible hitherto to go to Japan by the Frozen Sea; that Voyage has often been frustrated; and I am morally assur'd, that we can never succeed in it, till we have first discovered the Continent betwixt the Frozen Sea and New Mexico. I am perswaded that God preserv'd me in all the great dangers of my long Voyages, that I might perfect that happy Discovery; and I here offer my self to undertake it, not doubting the success of the Enterprize (God willing) provided I am furnish'd with convenient means.

I don't wonder, that the learned are at a loss how America was peopled, and that infinite number of Nations settled upon that vast Continent. America is half the terrestrial


Globe. The most expert Geographers are not thoroughly acquainted with it, and the inhabitants themselves, whom we discover'd, and who in all likelihood should know best, don't know [54] how their Ancestors came thither; and certainly if in Europe we wanted the Art of Writing (as those People do) which in a manner makes the dead live again, recalls what's past, and preserves the memory of things, I am afraid we should not be less ignorant than those Savages.

The greatest part of the Barbarians in North America have generally a Notion of some sort of Creation of the World; they say, Heaven, Earth and Mankind were made by a Woman, and that she and her Son govern the World, and for this reason, perhaps it is, that they reckon their Genealogies by Women. They say farther, that the Son is the Author of all good things, and the Woman of all Evil. That both of them enjoy perfect Felicity. The Woman, they say, fell out of Heaven big with Child, and lighted upon the back of a Tortise, who sav'd her from drowning. When we object against the Ridiculousness of their Belief, they usually answer, that such an Objection is of force with them that make it, but is of no weight against them, because they look upon themselves to be created after another manner than the Europeans are.

Other Savages upon the same Continent, are of opinion,


that a certain Spirit call'd Otkon by the Iroquois, and Atahauta by the other Barbarians at the Mouth of the River of St. Laurence, is the Creator of the World, and that one Messou repair'd it after the Deluge. In this manner do they alter and confound by their Traditions that Knowledge of the universal Deluge, which their Ancestors probably had: they say, that this Messou or Otkon being a hunting one day, his Dogs lost themselves in a great Lake, which thereupon overflowing, cover'd the whole Earth in a [55] short time, and swallow'd up the World. They add, That this Messou or Otkon gather'd a little Earth together by the help of some Animals, and made use of this Earth to repair the World again. They think the Europeans inhabit another World different from theirs; and when we go about to undeceive them, and teach them truly how the universe was created, they say all that may be true enough of the World we live upon, but 'tis quite another thing with theirs; Nay, they often ask us, whether we have a Sun and Moon in Europe as well as they.

There are another sort of Savages who dwell at the Mouth of the River of St. Laurence and Meschasipi, that tell us a very odd Story; they say much like the former that a Woman came down from Heaven, and hover'd a while in the Air, because she could find no place to set her Foot upon. The Fish of the Sea compassionating her, held a Council to determine who should receive her. The Tortoise offer'd


himself, and presented his Back above Water, the Woman plac'd her self upon it, and staid there. In time the Filth of the Sea gathering and setling about the Tortoise by little and little, form'd a great extent of Land, which at present is that we call America.

Now say they, this same Woman being uneasie at her living solitarily, and troubled to have no body to pass the time with, more agreeably than she did; there descended from on high a Spirit, who found her faln asleep with melancholy; he approach'd her unperceiv'd, and from that Conjunction came forth two Sons out of her side; these two Children could never agree together after they were grown up. One was a better Hunter than t'other, and every day there was some scuffling between 'em. At length [56] their Animosities grew to that Extremity, that they could not endure one another: One of them especially was of a very violent humour, and had a mortal hatred for his Brother, who was better temper'd, the last unable any longer to submit to the rude behaviour, and ill treatment which the other bestow'd upon him perpetually, resolv'd to separate himself from him; so he flew up into Heaven, whence to denote his just resentment, he rattles his Thunder from time to time over his unhappy Brother's head.

Some time after the Spirit came down again to the Woman, and then she brought forth a Daughter from whom say the Savages is descended, that numerous People who now take up one of the largest Parts of the Universe.

How fabulous soever this Story be in it self, yet we may


discern a run of Truth in it. This Womans sleep and the Birth of two Sons, has something in it akin to Adam's, sleep, whilst God took one of his Ribs to form Eve.

The disagreement of the two Brothers resembles the irreconcilable Hatred of Cain and Abel; the retreat of one of 'em to Heaven, represents the Death of Abel, and the Thunder grumbling in the Sky may be compar'd with the Curse pronounc'd by God, upon the wretched Cain, for inhumanly killing his Brother.

'Tis a lamentable thing to consider what wild Chimsera's the Devil puts in these People's heads. Tho' they believe that the Soul is Corporeal (for they understand nothing else by their Otkon, Atahauta, or Manitou, but some material principal Being, that [57] gives life and motion to all things) nevertheless they profess their Belief of the Immortality of the Soul, and a Life to come, in which they shall enjoy all sorts of pleasure; as Hunting, and Fish in abundance, Corn for those that sow it, for some never sow Corn; Tobacco, and a thousand other Curiosities and Conveniencies. They say the Soul does not leave the Body as soon as it dies, and therefore they take care to lay by the Body a Bow, Arrows, Corn, and fat Meat, for the Dead to subsist upon till they reach the Country of Souls.

And because they think all sensible things have Souls, therefore they reckon that after Death, men hunt the Souls of Beavers, Elks, Foxes, Otters, and other Animals. They


believe that the Souls of those Rackets which they wear under their Feet in Winter-time to keep 'em from sinking Into the Snow, serve 'em for the same use in the next Life, as well as the Souls of Bows and Arrows to kill Beasts with. And so they fansie of the Fish likewise, and therefore the Souls will have occasion say they for the Arms interr'd with the Dead; the dead Bodies have no need of the Arms and Victuals that are set by 'em, no longer than till they get to the Country of Souls.

They imagine that the Souls walk visibly for some time in the Villages, and partake of their Feasts and Revels, therefore they always set aside a Portion for them. Nay several of these Nations go so far as to make certain general Feasts for the Dead, accompanied with Songs and horrible Cries, Feasts wherein all that is brought is to be eaten up; Dances and Presents of divers kinds. They take up the dead Bodies in the Village, and the very Bones of those that are consumed which they call Packets of Souls, they [58] remove 'em from one Sepulchre to another, adorn'd with dress'd Skins, Collars of Porcelain, and Other like Riches, such as their Country affords: They believe all this contributes mainly to the Happiness of the Dead.

I will not be tedious in summing up particularly all their superstitious Opinions upon this Subject, in relation to the different Places or Employs they assign to them, the manner


of their living, their Wars, Peace, Policy and Laws: All extravagant, ridiculous Traditions founded upon Fables invented by their Ancestours, and deliver'd to their Posterity for credible Truths, and as such receiv'd and firmly held by them.

One would be apt to suspect that these Savages of America originally sprung from the Jews, some of whom might casually have been wreckt, and cast upon that Part of the World; for they have several Customs not unlike theirs; they make their Cabbins in the form of Tents, like as the Jews did; they anoint themselves with Oil, and are superstitiously addicted to Divination from Dreams. They bewail over the Dead with great lamentation. The Women go into mourning for their near Relations a whole Year, during which time they abstain from dancing and feasting, and wear a sort of a Hood upon their Heads, and commonly the Father or Brother of the Deceas'd take care of the Widow.

Besides it seems as if God had laid a particular Male diction upon 'em, as he did upon the Jews: They are brutish, and persist unalterably in their Opinions; they have no certain fix'd Place of Abode; they are very lascivious, and have such gross Conceptions, [59] that when we tell 'em Souls are immortal and immaterial, they ask what they eat in the other World. Moreover we may observe some Conformity between Moses's Relation of the Creation of the World, and the Belief of these Savages about it, as I observed above. But to speak frankly, these Barbarians seem to have no kind of the Deity, and yet they believe another Life in which


they hope to enjoy the same Delights, that they are pleased with here. They live without any subordination, without Laws or any form of Government or Policy. They are stupid in matters of Religion, subtle and crafty in their Worldly concerns; but excessively superstitious.


[60] Chap. XII.

What Method is most proper to convert the Savages; what Manner of Persons they are that ought not to be baptized.

OUR ancient Missionary Recollects of Canada, and those that succeeded them in that work, have always given it for their opinion, as I now own 'tis mine, that the way to succeed in converting the Barbarians, is to endeavour to make them men before we go about to make them Christians. Now in order to civilize them, 'tis necessary that the Europeans should mix with them, and that they should dwell together, which can never be done for certain till the Colonies are augmented: but it must be acknowledged, that the Company of Canada Merchants, have made great Obstacles to the encreasing of the Colonies; for out of greediness to keep all the Trade in their own hands, these Gentlemen would never permit any particular Society to settle themselves in the Country, nor suffer the Missionaries to perswade the Barbarians to dwell constantly in a place. Yet before this be done, there's no way to convert these Unbelievers. Thus the covetousness of those who are for getting a great deal in a short time, has mightily retarded the establishment of the Gospel among the Savages.

Hence 'tis manifest, that the office of a Missionary is very


troublesome and laborious, amongst these numerous Nations, and it must be granted that 'tis necessary to spend many Years, and undergo a great deal of pains to civilize People so extremely stupid and barbarous.

[61] And therefore, one would not venture without much caution, to administer the Sacraments to adult Persons, who pretend themselves Converts; for we see that after so many Years of Mission, there has been but little progress made, though no pains have been wanting on the Missionary's hands.

So that Christianity is not like to gain much ground among the Savages, till the Colonies are strengthened by a great Number of Inhabitants, Artisans and Workmen, and then the Treaty betwixt the Barbarians and us should be freer, and extended to all Europeans: But chiefly it should be endeavour'd to fix the Barbarians to a certain dwelling Place, and introduce our Customs and Laws amongst them, further'd by the Assistance of zealous People in Europe, Colleges might be founded to breed up the young Savages in the Christian Faith, which might in time contribute very much to the Conversion of their Country-men. This is a very proper Method without doubt, to strengthen the Temporal and Spiritual Interests of the Colonies; but the generality of Mankind are bent upon Gain and Traffick, and are little concern'd to procure God's Blessing upon them, and endeavour the advancement of his Glory.

God is often pleas'd to prove his Children, and amongst 'em those that employ themselves in saving Souls, by those means that most afflict them, but Dangers, Labours, Sufferings,


and even Death it self would be welcome to them, provided in sacrificing themselves for the Salvation of their Brethren, God would afford them the Consolation to see their Undertakings Crown'd with success to his Glory, and the Conversion of Infidels.

[62] It is impossible for us to look upon so great a Number of People as this relation mentions, and consider the little progress Religion has made among the Savages of these vast Countries, but we must needs admire the inscrutable Decrees of God, and cry out with the Apostle, O the Depth of the Riches of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God! a great Number of learned secular Priests, and zealous Religious men of our Order, have carried the Light of the Gospel into all Parts of the Earth, and labour'd hard in the Lord's Vineyard. But God would have us know, that the Conversion of Souls is the Work of his Grace, the blessed Moments of which are not yet come.

I cannot help saying with Grief, that there is a great deal of difference between the modern Missions into America, and those which our Recollects began in the New World, and continued in the Southern Parts of America; there they daily converted Millions of Souls; but in Canada we find the Ground barren and unfruitfull, nothing but blindness and insensibility, a prodigious Distance from God, and even an entire opposition to the Mystery of our Faith. Whole Ages are requir'd to prepare these Barbarians for the Gospel, before we can expect to see it flourish there: And to add to our affliction God has permitted that the Country should


be in the hands of a Company of Merchants, who think of nothing but their private Interest, and are unconcern'd for the Propagation of the Faith.

Our Ancient Missionary's Recollects did not grant the Sacrament of Baptism to the Savages but with great Caution, for fear the Sacred Mystery should be profaned by the Barbarians; and in our Days we see these Nations not at all dispos'd to Christianity: They [62] seem to have no Sense at all of Religion in general to be incapable of the most common reasonings, that lead other Men to the knowledge of a Deity true or false.

These miserable dark Creatures listen to all we say concerning our Mysteries, just as if 'twere a Song; they are naturally very vitious, and addicted to some Superstitions that signifie nothing; there Customs are savage, brutal and barbarous; they will suffer themselves to be baptized ten times a Day for a Glass of Brandy, or a Pipe of Tobacco, and offer their Children to be baptiz'd, but all without any Religious Motive. Those that one takes the pains to in-struct, for a Winter together, as I my self taught some of them while I dwelt at Fort Frontenac, give no better signs of Edification, than others in our Articles of Faith: So wrapt up are they in Insensibility, to what concerns Religion, which occasion'd terrible Checks of Conscience in our Religious, in the beginning of their Mission among the People of Canada; they saw that the few Persons of years of Discretion that they had instructed, and afterwards admitted to Baptism, soon fell again into their ordinary indifference for Salvation,


and that the Children follow'd the unhappy Example of their Parents, insomuch that 'twas no better than a plain profanation of Baptism to administer it to them.

The Case was search'd into to the bottom, and argued upon with much application; nay, 'twas carried into the Sorbonne; at length, after all possible diligent Scrutiny into the matter it was concluded, that as for Persons of years, and Children near the Point of Death, and who in all humane Probability would certainly soon give up the Ghost; they might venture to baptize them if they demanded it, because it [64] might be justly presum'd, that in that extremity God inspir'd the adult Persons with his Grace, as 'twas thought it had been obvious in some of them; but they declar'd, that as for the other Savages, they ought not to be baptiz'd, until after long observation and experience, they were perceiv'd to be well inclined and instructed, having a right apprehension of our Mysteries, and had quitted their barbarous Customs, they declar'd further that they might administer Baptism to those who dwelt constantly among the Christians, were brought up in the same way of living, were civiliz'd, and above all were well instructed, and that they should baptize their Children; and they compos'd a Form, and likewise a kind of fundamental Canon, for a Rule to these Missionaries, to which they were absolutely to conform themselves in the Functions of their Employ.


[65] Chap. XIII.

The Barbarians of North-America don't acknowledg any God. Of the pretended Souls of terrestrial Animals.

OUR antient Missionaries Recollects were acquainted with several different Nations within the compass of 600 Leagues in North-America; and I have been among many more, because I went farther than any of them, having made a Voyage all along the River of St. Lawrence, and Meschasipi. I observed, as my Predecessors, that the Savages don't want good Sense in what concerns the general and particular Interest of their Nation. They pursue their Point, and take right Methods to come to the end of their designs: but 'tis what I am astonish'd at, that whilst they are so clear sighted in their common Affairs, they should have such extravagant notions of the concerns of Religion, the Manners, Laws, and Maxims of Life.

We must all of us own, that almost all the Savages in general have no Belief of a Deity, and that they are incapable of the common and ordinary Arguments and Reasonings that the rest of Mankind are led by upon this Subject; so dark and stupid are their Understandings. At the same time we may acknowledg, that now and then in some of them we discover some glimmerings of a confus'd Notion of God.


Some will confess, but very cloudily, that the Sun is God: Others say, 'tis a Genius that rules in the Air: Some again look upon the Heavens as a kind of Divinity. But these only make a shew of believing something [66] that we can hardly guess at: we can't fix them to any settled Principle. The Nations Southward seem to believe an Universal Spirit that governs all: they imagine after a fashion, that there's a Spirit in every thing, even in those that are inanimate; and they address themselves to it sometimes, and beg something of it; as we took notice of one Barbarian, who made a kind of Sacrifice upon an Oak, at the Cascade of St. Antony of Padua, upon the River Meschasipi

All these Nations don't profess their Belief of a Deity out of any respect to Religion: They talk of it ordinarily, as a thing they were prepossessed with; or frolicksomly, not regarding any thing they say themselves, any otherwise than as a kind of Fable. They have no outward Ceremony to signify that they worship any Deity: There's no Sacrifice, Priest, Temple, nor any other Token of Religion amongst them.

Their Dreams are to them instead of Prophecy, Inspiration, Laws, Commandments, and Rules, in all their Enterprizes, in War, Peace, Commerce, and Hunting: They regard them as Oracles. The Opinion they have of their Dreams draws them into a kind of necessity to be ruled by them; for they think 'tis an Universal Spirit, that inspires them by Dreams, and adviseth them what to do: And they carry this so far,


that if their Dream orders them to kill a Person, or commit any other wicked Action, they presently execute it, and make satisfaction for it afterwards, as we shall shew anon. The Parents dream for their Children, the Captains for their Village. There are some among them, that take upon them to interpret Dreams, and explain them after their own fancy or inclination; and if their Interpretations don't prove true, they are not lookt upon as Cheats ere the more for that.

[67] Some have taken notice, that when they meet with any Cascade or Fall of Waters, which is difficult to cross, and apprehend any danger, they throw a Bever's Skin, Tobacco, Porcelain, or some such matter into it by way of Sacrifice, to gain the Favour of the Spirit that presides there.

There's no Nation but what have their Jugglers, which some count Sorcerers: but 'tis not likely that they are under any Covenant, or hold communication with the Devil. At the same time, one may venture to say, that the evil Spirit has a hand in the Tricks of these Jugglers, and makes use of them to amuse these poor People, and render them more incapable of receiving the Knowledg of the true God. They are very fond of these Jugglers, tho they cozen them perpetually.

These Impostors would be counted Prophets, who foretel things to come: they would be look'd upon as having almost an infinite Power: they boast that they make Rain or fair Weather, Calms and Storms, Fruitfulness or Barrenness of the Ground, Hunting lucky or unlucky. They serve for


Physicians too, and frequently apply such Remedies, as have no manner of virtue to cure the Distemper.

Nothing can be imagin'd more horrible than the Cries and Yellings, and the strange Contorsions of these Rascals, when they fall to juggling or conjuring; at the same time they do it very cleverly. They never cure any one, nor predict any thing that falls out, but purely by chance: mean time they have a thousand Fetches to bubble [i. e. , cheat] the poor people, when the accident does not answer their Predictions and Remedies; for, as I said, they are both Prophets and Quacks. They do nothing without Presents or Reward. 'Tis true, if these Impostors are not very dexterous at recommending themselves, and bringing themselves off, when any person dies under their [68] hands, or Enterprizes do not succeed as they promis'd, they are sometimes murdered upon the place, without any more Formality.

These blind Wretches are wedded to many other Superstitions, which the Devil makes use of to delude them: They believe that several kinds of Animals have a reasonable Soul: They have an unaccountable Veneration for certain Bones of Elks, Bevers, and other Beasts; they never throw these to their Dogs, which are the only Domestick Animals they keep, because they serve for Hunting: So they preserve these precious Bones, and are very unwilling to cast them into the River. They pretend, that the Souls of these Animals come back into the World to see how they treat their Bodies, and give notice accordingly to the rest of the Beasts both dead


and living; and that if they should find they are ill us'd, the Beasts of that kind would never let themselves be taken, neither in this World nor the next.

One may say, that the Corruption of Sin has spread a strange Darkness in the Souls of these unhappy people, and a perfect Insensibility to all Religion; insomuch that they are not to be match'd in any History. 'Tis true, they are obstinately superstitious in some things; and yet at the same time, they are not mov'd by any principle of Religion. 'Tis nothing but strong Prejudice and Imagination. When we dispute with them, and put them to a nonplus, they hold their tongues; their Minds are stupid, their Faculties are besotted. If we propose our Mysteries to them, they heed them as indifferently as their own nonsensical Whimsies. I have met with some of them, who seem to acknowledg that there is one first Principle that made all things; but this makes but a slight Impression upon their Mind, which returns again to its ordinary Deadness, and former Insensibility.


[69] Chap. XIV.

Of the great difficulties in converting the Savages. Of the Prayers they get by rote; and of Martyrdom.

THE great Insensibility of these Barbarians is caused principally by their Carelesness and neglect to be thoroughly instructed. They come to us, and attend to what we say, purely out of Idleness, and natural Curiosity to converse with us, as we with them; or rather they are tempted to follow us, by the Kindness and Flatteries we express towards them, or because of the Benefit their Sick receive from us, or out of hope to gain by trafficking with us; or lastly, because we are Europeans, and they think us stouter than themselves, and hope we will defend them from their Enemies.

We teach them Prayers; but they repeat them like Songs, without any distinction by Faith. Those we have catechized a long time, are very wavering, except some few: They renounce all, return into their Woods, and take up their old Superstitions upon the least Crotchet that comes into their Heads.

I don't know whether their Predecessors had any Knowledg of a God; but 'tis certain their Language, which is very natural and expressive in every thing else, is so barren on this


Subject, that we can't find any expression in it to signify the Deity, or any one of our Mysteries, not even the most common: this gives us great perplexity when we would convert them.

Another great Obstacle to their Conversion is this: Most of them have several Wives; and in the Northern parts they change them as often as they please: [70] They can't conceive how people can tie themselves indissolubly to one person in Marriage. See how silly you are, cry they, when we argue with them about it. My Wife is uneasy to me, I am so to her; she'll agree very well with such a one, who is at odds with his Wife: now why should we four lead a miserable Life all our days?

Another hindrance lies in a Custom of theirs, not to contradict any Man; they think every one ought to be left to his own Opinion, without being thwarted: they believe, or make as if they believed all you say to them; but 'tis their Insensibility, and Indifference for every thing, especially Matters of Religion, which they never trouble themselves about.

America is no place to go to out of a desire to suffer Martyrdom, taking the Word in a Theological Sense: The Savages never put any Christian to death upon the score of his Religion; they leave every body at liberty in Belief: They like the outward Ceremonies of our Church, but no more. These Barbarians never make War, but for the Interest of their Nation; they don't kill people, but in


particular Quarrels, or when they are brutish, or drunk, or in revenge, or infatuated with a Dream, or some extravagant Vision: they are incapable of taking away any Person's Life out of hatred to his Religion.

They are brutish in all their Inclinations; they are naturally Gluttons, and know no other Happiness in this Life, but the pleasure of eating and drinking: This is remarkable in their very Eyes, and their Diversions, which are always begun and ended with feasting.

The Passion of Revenge which they are possessed with, is another great Obstacle to Christianity: They are very tender and affectionate to their own Nation, but cruel and revengeful beyond imagination towards their Enemies: They are naturally Inconstant, [71] Revilers, Scoffers, and Lascivious. In short, among all the Vices they are addicted to, we can perceive no Principle of Religion or Morality; and to be sure this must needs render their Conversion extremely difficult.

To perswade them to any thing, and dispose them to the Faith, 'tis requisite to make them familiar with us, and contract a good acquaintance with them; but this is not to be done presently, because first of all the Colonies ought to be multiplied, and planted every where. When they have pass'd away a few Weeks with the Europeans, they are oblig'd to go to War, Hunting, or Fishing, for their Subsistence, and this depraves 'em extremely. They should be fix'd, inticed to clear the Ground, and cultivate it, and work at several Trades, as the Europeans do; and then we should see 'em


reform their barbarous Customs, and become more civiliz'd, as well towards one another as us.

In another place we shall treat of the other Southern Nations, who seem better dispos'd to receive the Gospel than those of the North.


Chap. XV.

The manner of Feasting among the Savages.

THEY have Feasts at parting from one another, Feasts of Thanks, War, Peace, Death, Marriage, and Health. They continue revelling night and day, particularly when they hold those Feasts, which they term, Eat up all: For then they don't permit any one to quit the Company till all be eaten up. And if a Person is not able to stuff any longer, he is oblig'd to hire another into his place.

[72] They have other Feasts for the recovery of the Sick, and some ordinary common Feasts. Formerly they kept wanton Festivals, where the Men and Women mingled together promiscuously, and plaid most abominable lewd Pranks. But if they make such Entertainments now a-days, 'tis very rarely, and when they are at a great distance from the Europeans.

When they undertake a War, 'tis commonly to recover satisfaction for some Injury, that they pretend has been done to them: Sometimes they engage in it, upon account of a Dream, and often as a Fancy takes 'em: Sometimes they enter into it, because other People jeer them: You're a Coward, say they; You never were in a Battle; You have kill'd no Body yet. Then are they rouz'd by Honour, and


after they have kill'd some Fallow Deer, make a Feast, and exhort their Neighbours to accompany them in their Enterprize.

When they have a mind to go singly, and alone, they make no Feasts, but only order their Wives to get them some Meal of Indian Corn, because they are going to War. But if they would have Companions, they go through all the Villages to invite the young Men, who take their Platters of Wood, or Bark of Birch; Then they rendezvouz at the Cabin of him who invited them, which they commonly enter, singing Warlike Songs. I am going to War, I will revenge the Death of such a Kinsman, I will slay, I will burn, I will bring away Slaves, I will eat Men, and such like Expressions that breathe nothing but Cruelty.

When all the Crew are assembled, they fill the Kettles of those that have any, or else their Porringers of Wood or Bark: then they sit down to eat; and during the Entertainment, he that invited them to the Feast, sings without intermission, and exhorts them to follow him.

All this while they speak not one word, and eat up [73] all they have given them in profound Silence, except one or other of 'em between whiles applauds him that made the Feast of War, by answering Netho, or Joguenske. When the Orator has done, he says to 'em all, 'Tis well; I'll march to morrow, or within two or three days, according as he hath projected. The next day those who are willing to accompany him to the War, go to him, and assure him that they will follow him any where to revenge him upon his Enemies.


'Tis very well, Nephews, says he, we'll be going three days hence. And the Savages make twelve or fifteen Feasts of this kind before they set out.

These Barbarians had us'd to make very lascivious Feasts. The Leader of the Party ordered a young Woman to prostitute her self to such or such a one as he pointed at. If she refus'd to gratify them, they attributed all their Miscarriages in their Enterprizes to her; so cunning is the Devil in cherishing their impure Imaginations.

When they marry their Children, they seldom make a Feast. But if they do think fit to make any, they observe certain Ceremonies in it: the first thing they do, is to prepare Victuals. To this end they fill with Meat those Kettles which they have truck'd for with the Europeans, or great Earthen Pots which the Women make. They provide as many of them as they design to have Guests: when the Meat, or Sagamite is dress'd, they go to invite their Guests, and this they do by putting a little stick into their hand, and saying, I invite thee to my Feast. No sooner said, but 'tis done, they need not be ask'd twice. They all come with their usual Utensils. The Master of the Cabin distributes to each an equal Mess, and he that provides the Feast, or some other in his place, sings without ceasing till they have eaten all up: after the Banquet they sing and dance, and at last without any Formality of [74] returning Thanks to the Donor, they go back every one to their Cabin without speaking a word. None but those who have convers'd with the Europeans, return Thanks to those that invited them.


The Feasts made to recover the Sick are much after the same manner: But they do more good to the Guests than to the sick weak Persons. The Feasts for the Dead are more doleful and sad. No Body sings or dances then. The Kindred of the Dead are in a deep mournful Silence. They look mightily troubl'd, to move their Guests to Compassion: all that go to these Feasts, carry Presents with 'em; and laying them at the feet of the near Kindred to the Deceas'd, say, here's something to cover him, towards building a Cabin, or making a Palisade round his Sepulchre, according to the nature of their Presents: then they feed plentifully, and return home without speaking a word.

As for the ordinary Feasts, they order 'em several ways according to their Fancy: if they have any Knives bought of the Europeans, and have eaten and cut fat Meat with them, they ordinarily wipe their Knives with their Hair. They commonly eat sitting upon the ground, and have nothing to wipe upon. So they are forc'd to wipe their greasy Knives in their Hair, and then rub their Faces all over with it. These frequent Unctions without doubt harden them, and make 'um capable of undergoing much Toil.


Chap. XVI.

The manner of Adopting the Europeans among the Savages.

I TOOK notice in my former Volume that a Barbarian Captain of the Issati, or Nadouessans, named Aquipaguetin, adopted me in the place of his Son, who was [75] kill'd in Battle by the Miamis, and that this help'd me to gain Credit among these People, and insinuate my self into 'em, the better to dispose 'em to believe the Gospel. This is what the Missionaries should aim at, when they are among the Savages; they should endeavour to insinuate themselves into the Favour of him who is most famous of all the Leaders among 'em, and most inclin'd to the Europeans. Then this Captain brings them forth, for that's the term the Savages use to signify their Adoption; and this is done in a Feast. The Captain, I say, adopts a Missionary for his Son, or for his Brother, according to his Age and Quality; after which all the Nation look upon him as if he were actually born in their Country, and a-kin to their Captain: by means of this Ceremony he gets admission into the Family, in the quality of a Son, a Brother, Uncle, Nephew, or Cousin, with respect to those of the Family, and according to the rank they hold in it by their Birth.

And to carry on their Designs the better, the Missionaries


cause a Council to be assembled, to set themselves off the more to the Barbarians. And here let it be observ'd, that all Assemblies, held by order of their Captains, are call'd Councils. Those that come to these Assemblies, sit upon the Ground in a Cabin, or in open Field; they keep silence whilst their Leader makes his Harangue, and religiously observe whatever they once firmly conclude upon.

The Missionaries deliver themselves, in these Assemblies, either by word of Mouth, if they understand the Language of the People, or else by Interpreters. They tell 'em that they come among them to make an Alliance and Friendship with them, and at the same time to invite them to traffick with their Nation; in conclusion, they desire the Savages to permit them to dwell in their Country, to instruct them in God's Law, which is the only way to Heaven.

[76] The Savages often accept the Offers of the Missionaries, and assure them they are well satisfied with their Persons: but to win the Barbarians, 'tis requisite that the Missionaries give them Hatchets, Knives, or other European Merchandizes, which the Savages, especially those who never yet had any Commerce with the Europeans, set a high value upon. We never treat of any Affair with them without presenting them with something of that nature, which they value more than we in Europe do Gold. After this the Barbarians bring forth, that is to say, adopt those that have made Presents to them. They publickly declare them Citizens, or Children of their Country; and according to their Age, as I said before, the Savages call the adopted Persons, Sons, Brothers,


Cousins, according to the degrees of Relation: And they cherish them whom they have once adopted, as much as if they were their own natural Brothers or Children.

I forgot to take notice in my former Volume, that the great Captain of the Issati, named Ouasicoude, or pierced Pine tree, call'd me his Brother. There are no examples among the other Nations of adopting any one for a Brother to a Captain so absolute as he. He had been several times at war with seventeen or eighteen Nations, Enemies to his, and brought away their Heads, or made them Prisoners.

Those that are Valiant and Couragious are very much esteem'd by the Savages. They ordinarily use no other Arms than Bows, Arrows, and Maces [i.e., war-clubs]; but they use them very dexterously. They are clear-limb'd, active, and robust: I never saw any blind, crooked, or deform'd Person among them.


[77] Chap. XVII.

Of the Marriages of the Savages in North America.

MARRIAGE is not a Civil Contract among these People; the Man and Woman don't intend to bind themselves together for as long as they live, they live together no longer than they agree together, and love one another. As soon as they are discontented with each other, they say, as I have before observed, My Wife is uneasy to me, and I to her, she'll agree well enough with such a one who is weary of his Wife; there's no reason why we four should live unquietly all our days: So without more ado, without any Clamor or Noise, they separate, and remain perfectly indifferent for each other.

These Barbarians sometimes marry their Daughters at nine or ten Years old, not that the young Couple come together so soon, their Age is too green for that, but they expect to make some Advantage of their Sons-in-law; for when they return from hunting, the Girl's Father has the disposal of the Skins, and the Flesh they have taken: but at the same time the Girl is obliged to bring the Sagamite, or Milk thicken'd with Indian Corn, and the Meat provided for her Husband's eating, tho she do not yet cohabit with him: sometimes 'tis five or six Years before they consummate.

When they marry, they make Feasts with great pomp


and rejoicing; all the Village is invited by turns: every one makes good Chear. After the Banquet they sing and dance, as the Europeans upon that occasion, but after their own way.

[78] They often marry clandestinely, and there goes but one word to the Bargain. A Savage unmarried Man goes to a Maid, or unmarried Woman; without more Courtship, he tells her, if she will go with him, she shall be his Wife: She makes no Reply at first, but pauses a little while, holding her Head betwixt both her Hands while she is considering what to do; the Man holds his Head in the same posture, and stands silent. After she has thought a little of the matter, she says Netho, or Niaoua, which signifies, I am content: The Man lifts up his Head presently, and replies, Oné, that is to say, 'tis a Match. At Night the Woman or Maid takes an Iron Hatchet, or if her Nation have no Commerce with the Europeans, she takes one made of Stone that will cut; she goes and cuts as much good Wood as she can carry, brings it to the door of the Savage's Cabin, and lays it down; she goes in and sits down by the Man, who does not offer to caress her: when they have sat together long enough without speaking, the Husband tells her in the Iroquoise Tongue, Sentaouy, 'tis time to lie down, repose your self: sometime after he comes and lays himself down by her.

'Tis very rarely seen that any of 'em make Love after the European manner, courting, dallying, and jesting fondly and merrily; they re-enter into a reciprocal Kindness with as much ease as they broke it off before: They part very quietly, for they make no more words on't than, I quit thee; that's all:


they are perfectly indifferent to each other after when they meet, and take no more notice than if they had never seen one another. 'Tis true, they sometimes fight before they part, but that happens very rarely.

Among the Northern Savages, and particularly the Iroquois, some have two Wives, but not for any long time: when they part, sometimes the Woman carries away all the Clothes and Skins; but at other [79] times again she carries nothing away but the piece of Stuff that serves her for a little Petticoat, and her Blanket. Commonly the Children follow their Mothers, who continue to nurse and bring them up, because the Estate of every Tribe or Family lies in common: there are some that stay with their Fathers; but almost all the Savages that are divorced leave their Children to their Wives, saying, they don't believe they are theirs; wherein they frequently tell truth, for there are very few Women among them that withstand the temptation of a woollen Blanket, or any other trivial Present.

When their Children are begotten by an European, one may perceive it by their Face or Eyes; the Children of the Savages are perfectly black, and not pale or swarthy like the Europeans; they see farther into the Woods likewise, and with more quickness than ours: Their Eyes are more piercing than the Europeans.

If the Savage Women were capable of contracting Marriage, and keep stedfast in it, we might marry as many of them as we would to the Europeans; but they have no inclination to Constancy, they can't keep their Conjugal Vows


inviolated, and are very ready to leave their Husbands: this we know by Experience, and their common discourse upon this Subject confirms us in it. When a Barbarian who has no Wife passes through a Village, he hires a Woman for a Night or two, whilst he tarries from home, or is hunting Bevers, or for some Weeks, according to his fancy; the Parents never hinder it: on the contrary, they make the first advances, and are over-joy'd that their Daughters gain some Clothes or Skins.

There are all sorts of Humours reigning among the Savages, as among the Europeans: some love their Wives very tenderly, others slight 'em; some beat and use them very hardly, but that does not last [80] long, because they turn them off; nay, there are some of them that are jealous, as I saw one who beat his Wife because she danc'd with other Men. Those that are good Hunters have the choice of the finest Women, the rest have none but the homeliest, and the Refuse. When they grow old, they rarely part with their Wives; and if they do, 'tis for weighty Reasons. Some of them live twelve or fifteen Years with their Wives, who are ready to go distracted if their Husband is a good Hunter, and leaves them: sometimes they are so grieved at it, that they poison themselves; I have known some attempt it, and have saved their Lives by giving them Treacle.

When these Barbarians go to hunt the Bever in the Spring-time, they frequently leave their Wives in the Village to sow Indian Corn and Gourds, and then they hire another to go along with them: When they are about to return, they


give them a Bever or two, and send 'em back to their Cabin; then they go home to their Wives as tho they had done nothing blameable: but if the last pleases them best, they take her, and turn away the first without more ado: and these Savages wonder the Europeans don't take the same course.

One day whilst I liv'd at Fort Frontenac amongst the Iroquois, the Husband of one of our Women of Canada was gone twenty or thirty Leagues from thence; the Women Savages came to her, and told her she had no sense, take another Man till your Husband returns. This great Inconstancy, and continual change of Women, are two things very opposite to the Maxims of the Gospel, which we endeavour to instil into the Savages: 'Tis one of the most considerable Obstacles to the Faith; but among the Southern Nations, and those of Meschasipi, Polygamy is in fashion. In all the Countries of the Louisiana there are Savages to be met with that have often ten or [81] twelve Wives; they frequently marry three Sisters, and give this reason for so doing, that they agree better together than with Strangers.

When a Man has given Presents to the Father and Mother of the Maid that he would espouse, she becomes his own for Life if he please. Sometimes the Parents take their Son-in-law's Children, and then they give 'em back the Presents they made 'em, but this happens very seldom. If any Woman defile her Marriage-bed, the Husband cuts off her Nose, or an Ear, or gives her a slash in the Face with a stone Knife; if he kill her, he is clear'd for a Present which he gives to her Parents to wipe away their Tears, 'tis the very


Expression they use: I have seen several markt in the Face.

The Men of the hot Country are more jealous of their Wives than those of the North; the first are so jealous in this matter, that they wound themselves, and sometimes kill themselves in a blind passion of Love, which prompts them to this Fury.

One thing is very remarkable, and that is, young Warlike Savages seldom have to do with Women till thirty Years of Age, because, say they, their Commerce with Women exhausts their Strength, weakens their Knees, and renders them heavy in the Course; those that marry before that Age, are look'd upon as Men unfit for War or Hunting, and are despised as Effeminate Persons.

The Southern Men commonly go naked, but their Women are partly covered with a Skin finely drest, especially in their Dances and Ceremonies: The Maids oil their Hair, curl it, and tie it in Locks: The Women wear their Hair like the Bohemians, they greaze it too, and paint their Faces with all sorts of Colours, and so do the Men.


[82] Chap. XVIII.

Of the Remedies which the Savages administer to the Sick; they have Mountebanks among them. Their opinion of Infant-Baptism when the Author liv'd there.

WHEN the Savages are tired and weary, they go into a Stove to recruit the strength of their Limbs; and if they have a pain in their Thighs or Legs, they take a Knife or a Stone that will cut, which they can get, and make a sort of Scarification upon the Part that is grieved; while the Blood runs, they scrape it off with their Knives or Stones till it has done running, and then they rub the Wounds with Bear's Oil, or Deer's Grease; this is a soveraign Remedy, and they use the same when they have a Pain in the Head or Arms.

To cure Tertian or Quartan Agues, they compose a Medicine with a certain Bark which they boil, and give it to the sick Person to swallow after his Fit. They have some knowledg in Herbs and Roots, with which they cure several Distempers: They have infallible Remedies against the Poison


of Toads, Rattlesnakes, and other dangerous Animals; but none against the Small-Pox, as we have.

There are Mountebanks or Quacks among them, whom we have already spoke of under the name of Jugglers: These are some old Savages who live at other Peoples Cost, by counterfeiting themselves Physicians, after a very superstitious manner. They make no use of Medicines but when they are call'd to a sick Person; they make themselves be sued to, as tho they were to do some thing very extraordinary [83] and difficult: at last, after much intreaty, the Juggler comes, he approaches the sick Person, feels his Body all over; and after he has well handled and consider'd it, he tells 'em, there's a Charm or Spell in such a part, in the Head, Leg, or Stomach, or where he thinks fit; he adds, that he must remove this same Charm, and that it can't be done but with a great deal of difficulty, and 'tis necessary to do a great many things before he can succeed in it.

This Charm is very malign, says he, but it must be fetch'd out cost what it will: The sick Person's Friends, who blindly believe all the Quack tells 'em, make answer, Tchagon, Tchagon, Courage, Courage, Do what you can, spare nothing that you know will do him good: Then the Juggler sets himself down very gravely, and considers some time what Remedies to make use of; by and by he rises up, as out of a profound Sleep, and cries, It shall be done. You such a one, the Life of your Wife, or your Child is very dear to you, then spare nothing that may save it; you must make a Feast to day, you must give one thing or other, you must do this or that: at the


same time they never fail to execute the Juggler's Orders. The other Savages go all together into a Stove, and sing as loud as they can baul, and make a ratling with Tortoise Shells, or Pumkins made hollow, and Indian Corn put into 'em; and to this Noise the Men and Women dance: nay, sometimes they get drunk with Brandy bought of the Europeans, and then they make a horrible din and clutter.

While they are all taken up in this manner, the old Juggler keeps close to the sick Person, whom he torments by holding his or her Feet and Legs, and gripes them hard in the part where the pretended Charm lies; he makes 'em suffer incredible Pain, enough to kill 'em, and often makes the Blood start out at the end of their Fingers or Toes; at length [84] after he has done all this, he mews a piece of Skin, a lock of Woman's Hair, or some such thing, and tells 'em 'tis the Charm which he has drawn out of the sick Person's Body, when at the bottom 'tis all a piece of Roguery.

Once I baptiz'd a little Child which seem'd to me to be at the point of Death, and next day it recovered contrary to my expectation; a while after the Mother told several Women in my presence, that I had cur'd her Child: She took me for a Juggler, saying, I was an admirable Fellow, that I knew how to cure all sorts of Diseases with sprinkling Water upon the Head and Face.

The Jugglers spited at the Woman's Character of me, began to tell 'em that I was of an austeer melancholy Humour, that I fed upon Serpents and Poison, that such Folks


as I eat Thunderbolts. The Savages were astonish'd at the strange Stories these Rascals made upon me on the occasion of baptizing the Child; nay, these impostors added, that we had all Tails like Beasts, that the European Women have but one Pap in the middle of the Breast, and bear five or six Children at a time, and a great deal more of such stuff to make us odious; and this they did because they thought that what I did would lessen their Credit, and thereby they should be depriv'd of many a good Treat.

These poor honest People, who are easily put upon, began to suspect me: when one of them fell sick, they came and ask'd me whether I had poison'd him or no? and threaten'd to kill me if I did not cure him. I had much ado to undeceive them, and I was forc'd more than once to appease them, by giving them Knives, Needles, Awls, and other such like Trifles of little value with us, but much priz'd by the Savages. After which I gave a Dose of Treacle to the sick Man, and so I quieted them. The Savages often [85] have recourse to our Medicines, because they find them good; if they don't operate successfully, they lay the fault upon the Remedy, and never upon the ill Disposition of the sick Person.


Chap. XIX.

Of the Constitution or Temper of the Savages.

GENERALLY speaking, the Savages are very robust; the Men, Women and Children are of an extraordinary vigorous Constitution, therefore they are very rarely troubled with Distempers. They don't know what it is to cocker and make much of themselves; thence it comes that they are not subject to any of those Indispositions that our Luxury brings upon us. They are not afflicted with Gout, Dropsy, or Gravel, nor are they feverish; they are hardly ever incommoded with those Diseases which the Europeans fall into for want of Exercise; they are seldom troubled with loss of Appetite; they are usually addicted to gormandizing, insomuch that they rise in the Night to eat; if by good luck they have Meat or Sagamite by them, they fall to it like Dogs without getting up.

And yet they can undergo such long Abstinences as would doubtless be intolerable to the Europeans; sometimes they fast two or three days together, when there's a necessity for it, and this without discontinuing their business, whether it be War, Hunting, or Fishing. The Children of the Savages that dwell towards the North, are so harden'd against Cold, that in the depth of Winter they run stark naked through the


Snow, and tumble about in it, as Hogs wallow in the Dirt in Summer-time. When the Air [86] is fill'd with Maringouins, [i. e. , mosquitoes] they don't feel their stinging.

'Tis true, the sharp Air they expose themselves to as soon as they can run about, contributes in some sort to harden their Skin for any Fatigue; but yet it must be confest that this great Insensibility is owing to a strong robust Temper of Body: for tho our Hands and Face are always expos'd to the Weather, yet they are never the less sensible of Cold. When the Men are a hunting, especially in the Spring-time, they are almost continually in the Water, notwithstanding it be very cold; and yet they come out of it fresh and gay, and return to their Cabins without complaining.

When they go to War, they sometimes post themselves behind a Tree three or four days together, eating a very inconsiderable quantity of Victuals all that while; and thus they lie hid in ambush, waiting to make a favourable Blow. They are indefatigable Hunters, they run very swift, and hold it a long time.

The Nations of Louisiana, and of the River Meschasipi, run much faster than the Iroquois; there are no wild Bulls or Cows which they can't overtake. The Savages of the South, tho inhabiting a warmer Country, and more pleasant than the North, are no less robust, nor less accustomed to Fatigue than the Savages of the North, who sleep upon the Snow wrapt in a little Blanket, without Fire or Cabin.

The Constitution of the Women is no less vigorous than that of the Men Savages, nay they are rather more robust;


the Women serve for Porters, and are so strong, that few Men in Europe can match them; they'l carry Packs that two or three can hardly lift up: I observ'd in my first Volume, that they usually carry two or three hundred Weight, and set their Children a top of their Burden, who are not [87] reckon'd into the Weight: 'tis true they walk slowly, but they never fail to meet at the rendezvous of the Nation, The warlike Savages undertake Voyages of three or four hundred Leagues, as if 'twere no more than a kind of Walk, as from Amsterdam to Breda: They don't carry their Provision along with them; they live by Hunting, which they follow daily; they take nothing but a Knife with them to make Bows and Arrows with; and in that Equipage they will go a thousand Leagues, if they are minded.

The Women Savages are brought to bed without any great Pain; some of them go out of their Cabins, and retire aside by themselves into the next Wood; they come back agen presently with the new born Infant wrapt up in their Blanket or dressed Skin: Others, if they fall in labour in the Night time, deliver themselves of their Children upon their Mats, without crying out, or making a noise; the next morning they rise, and go about their ordinary Business within doors or without, as tho nothing had happened. 'Tis further remarkable, that whilst they are big with Child, they stir about, carry heavy Burdens, sow Indian Corn, and Gourds; and what is more strange than all this, their Children are very well shap'd, there are few of them crooked or


deformed, they have no natural Faults in their Bodies; which makes me think, that their Mind might easily be fashioned as comely as their outward Form, if it were cultivated, and if we conversed more with them to polish their wild barbarous Humour.


[88] Chap. XX.

A Description of the Savages that go clothed, and those that do not.

THE Savages of North America on the North side, according to the report of their antient Men, have always gone cover'd, even before they had any Commerce with the Europeans: The Men and Women cloth'd themselves with dress'd Skins; they are now cloth'd after the same manner, but those that have any Commerce with the Europeans have commonly a Shirt, a great Coat, fuch as the Mariners watch in at Sea, with a Cowl to it, and a Piece of Cloth made fast before and behind, with a Girdle which comes down to their Knees; besides they have Stockings without Feet, and Shoes made of dress'd Skins.

When they return from Hunting in Spring time, they truck their Skins for Coats, Shoes, and Stockings: some wear Hats out of complaisance to the Europeans: Some of them have Blankets in which they wrap themselves, holding two Corners of it in their Hands, when they are in their Cabins, they often go quite naked, having nothing but a Piece of Cloth, which they gird about them in Winter; 'tis fasten'd about their Loins, and hangs down between their Thighs as low as their Knees. When these Barbarians go to War, or to a Feast, they dawb their Faces all over with red


or black, that their Enemies may not perceive they turn pale with Fear; they likewise colour their Hair red, and cut it in several fashions, especially the Northern Savages: Those of the South cut all their Hair off, or rather they singe it off with Stones made red hot in the Fire, till it be so short, that it does not cover their Ears: [89] Often-times the People of the North let their Hair hang down in Curls on one side, and cut the other side close, according to their Fancy. There are some that rub their Hair with Oil, and afterwards clap some Down, or little Feathers upon their Heads: sometimes they fasten near their Ears great Plumes of Feathers; some make themselves Wreaths of Flowers, others make 'em of Birchen Bark, and some of dress'd Skins, that are work'd very prettily; then they look like some of Cesar's Soldiers, who were painted of divers colours: They make themselves taken notice of for their Fantasticalness.

The Northern Women are clothed like the Men, except that they wear a piece of Stuff made like a Petticoat, which reaches down almost to their Knees: When they go to Feasts, they dress themselves in all their best Attire, bedawb their Temples, their Cheeks, and the Tip of their Chin with three sorts of Colours. The Boys go stark naked, till they are capable of Marriage; and even when they are clothed, those Parts, which Nature forbids Men to discover, are always left uncover'd, at least if they have no Shirts. The Girls begin to put on Clothes at five or fix years old; and then they wear a piece of Stuff, that goes round 'em, reaching from their Loins down to their Knees. When we went into their Cabins


to instruct them, we obliged them to cover themselves: this produced a good effect; now they begin to be asham'd of their Nakedness, and cover themselves a little better than they did formerly.

'Tis otherwise with the Women and Girls of the Louisiana and Meschasipi, which lie Southwell of Canada above a thousand Leagues from Quebec; there we see the Girls in puris naturalibus, just as they came out of their Mothers Belly, till they arrive at a fit Age to marry; mean time they are not at all asham'd, because us'd to it.

[90] The Men and Women, and especially the Girls, wear about their Necks Sea-shells of all Figures; they have likewise some Shells of about a Finger's length, made like little Pipes, which they wear at their Ears for Pendants; they have Girdles likewise, some made of Porcelain, others of Porcupines Hair, some of Bears Hair, and others of both mixt together.

The more considerable Savages carry at their Backs with much Gravity, a little Bag, wherein is their Calumet or Pipe, their Tobacco, their Steel to strike fire, and other Trifles. They have Skill enough to make a little Cloke or sort of Robe with dress'd Skins of Bears, Bevers, Otters, black Squirrels, Wolves, Lions, and other Animals: they put 'em on when they go to their Assemblies, where they sit as gravely when they are at Council, as the Senators of Venice. But the Savages of our last discovery betwixt the frozen Sea and new Mexico, appear always naked upon all occasions; from whence I took occasion to tell Father Gabriel one day, whilst we were


among the Illinois, that probably these Savages did not sin in Adam; because he cover'd himself with Leaves, and then had a Habit of Skins given him after he had sinned: These Savages have really no manner of Shame to see themselves naked; nay they seem to glory in it. When they talk with one another, they often make use of those Terms, Tchetanga, which are obscene, and would make me write 'em down, when I was about composing a Dictionary, and they nam'd the Parts of the Body to me. Whatever I might say to Father Gabriel de la Ribourd, I am nevertheless perswaded by the Scripture, that all Mankind are descended from Adam; and therefore the Savages as well as others, are Sinners, and corrupted by their Birth, and that they will perish in their Sins if they don't receive the Gospel; for there is no other name by which Men can be saved, but the Name of Christ. [91] I know very well that Habits don't save any body; but in short, if these poor People would observe the Precepts of the Law of Nature, God would work a Miracle in their favour, rather than suffer 'em to perish in their Ignorance; and therefore he would lead 'em into the knowledg of the Truth, by means worthy of his Wisdom. But these unhappy Barbarians violate the Precepts of the Law of Nature, and live in Stupidity, and in the disorders of a dreadful Corruption, which makes them fit Subjects of God's Wrath. Mean time, Christians, who are guided by the saving Rays of Truth, ought to labour with all their power to bring these People out of Darkness, into the Light of the Gospel, and the Hopes of Salvation; so may they help to extend the Kingdom


of Jesus Christ, and draw these poor People out of Condemnation. To this end they should establish strong Colonies, who by trafficking and conversing with the Barbarians, will dispose them to imitate them; engaging them, by works of Charity, their Instructions, and good Examples, and even by the temporal Advantages to be drawn from the Conversation of the Europeans, to embrace Christianity, and grow more traceable and gentle than they are yet.


Chap. XXI.

Of the Games and Sports of the Savages.

THE Savages of North America, have Games for Men, and some for Children. The Men commonly play with the Stones of certain Fruits that are red on one side, and black on t'other; they put 'em into a pretty large Wooden-platter, not very deep, or into a Bason of Birchen-Bark, upon a Woollen-Blanket, on a dressed [92] Skin, upon a Robe of Bever, or upon a large Coat; they play six or seven together, but there are but two of them that take hold of the Platter with their two Hands, one after another; they lift it up, and strike the bottom of the Platter against the Ground, to hustle these six Nuts together: If there come up five red or five black all of a side, that's one Game won; for they make three or four Games up, more or less, according as they agree upon it. All the Gamesters play one after another. Some of the Savages are so addicted to this Game, that they play away all they have to their great Coat, and their furr'd Gown. When they are at play, they bawl as loud as they can shout, as earnestly as if the decision of an Empire were in agitation: and all this Noise is made as if the Chance were to be forc'd to fall on their side. When they shake the


Platter, they lay themselves over the Shoulders at such a rate, that they make themselves black and blue with the Blows. These Barbarians play often with Straws or Broom-sprigs, half a foot long, or thereabouts; one of them takes them all in his hand, and then without looking upon 'em, divides 'em into two parts, and gives one to his Adversary: he that has the even, or the odd Number, according to their Agreement, wins the Game. The Children Savages likewise often play at this Game, but they don't follow it so eagerly as the Men, because they have nothing to stake. The Women or Girls dare not meddle with this Game, I don't know for what reason.

The Savages have another Game which is common among the European Children. They take some Grains of Indian Corn, or some such thing; then they put some into their Hand, and ask how many is there: he that guesses right, has the Game.

They have another Game that they are mightily pleas'd with, and which in the Iroquoise Tongue they call Ounon hayenti; but 'tis rather a fort of Traffick [93] and Barter than a Game: they go into two Cabins, fix into one and fix into t'other, then comes one with some Skins, Clothes, or what else they have a mind to truck; he goes to the Door of one Cabin, makes a certain Cry; and they within answer him: then he tells 'em, singing aloud, that he will sell or


truck what he holds in his hands, repeating, Ounon hayenti: Those within the Cabin make answer with a hollow Voice, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, Hon, five times. The Crier or Seller having ended his Song, throws the Goods into the Cabin, and returns home.

Then the fix in t'other Cabin, after they have conferr'd about the Price of the things that this Person threw into the Cabin, depute one of their Number to ask the Seller if he is willing to take in exchange, a great Coat, a Shirt, a pair of Shoes, or such like Commodity; and then a 2d Person carries the Equivalent to the other Cabin, or else they deliver back their Goods again that they threw in, if they can't agree about it, or if it is not worth as much as what they offer in exchange.

These Ceremonies are accompany'd with Songs on all sides: sometimes whole Villages of Savages visit one another alternately, more for the diversion of this Game of Ounon hayenti, than to see one another. This word signifies a Bargain, where one gives to receive again. The Iroquoise Tongue has compound words in it; one of their Terms imports sometimes five or fix French words, as the word Gannoron is as much as to say, This is an Affair of great Consequence.

Their Children have another Game. They take a Bow and two Sticks, one big, one little: they hold the little one in their right hand, and strike it up as high as they can with the other; another looks where it falls, and throws it up again to him that struck it. This Play has likewise something


in it [94] like some among the European Children. They likewise make a Ball of Rushes or Leaves of Indian Corn; they toss it up, and catch it upon the point of a stick. The great People, Men and Women, pass away the Winter-Nights a telling Stories over the Fire, like the Europeans.


Chap. XXII.

The manner of making War among the Savages; they are very much given to Revenge.

THE Savages of America have almost all of them a strong Propension to War, because they are very Revengeful: when once they have taken a disgust to any one that is not of their own Nation, they must be reveng'd sooner or later, tho they wait an Opportunity to the third or fourth Generation. They are restless day and night till they have taken Satisfaction for an Affront, by destroying, if they can, most of that Nation they are enrag'd at: And then they make the rest dwell amongst them, and take up their way of living in every thing. The Iroquois, whom the Sweeds, then the Dutch, the English, and French, have furnished with Fire-Arms, are reckon'd at present the most Warlike of all the Savages yet known: They have slain the best Warriours among the Hurons, and forc'd the rest of that Nation to join with them, to make War together against all their Enemies situated 5 or 600 Leagues distant from their five Cantons. They have destroy'd above two Millions of Men, and are now actually at War with the Inhabitants of Canada.

If France do not send Succours of Ammunition and Provision to the Canadans, the Iroquois may be able [95] to ruin


them by the means I have mention'd in my former Volume. These Barbarians can spoil their Neighbours, as we have seen by experience: we can gain nothing from them, because all we can plunder them of is worth little or nothing; this fierce Nation I say may easily ruin the Commerce of their Neighbours, who chiefly subsist by trafficking for Skins with the Savages. The European Colonies are not yet sufficiently established, and cannot subsist without Commerce, unless every thing necessary for Life be brought them by Ship; besides the Iroquois are mischievous and crafty, yet like wild Horses who don't know their own strength. They are certainly able to ruin their Neighbours, for some Reasons which 'tis not prudent to make publick. They had utterly ruin'd Canada long ago, if the Count de Frontenac had not won them by gentle Methods. They are the most formidable Enemies that the Europeans have in all America. I do but hint it here, but am assur'd of it, from what I know of those People; I dwelt four whole years among them; I have been sent in Ambassy to them, and they have carried themselves very friendly towards me.

This People have over-run many different Nations, and those who remain'd, after the defeat of the rest, have been always forc'd to submit to them. The Iroquois have considerable Men among them who are their Leaders, and Governours in their Voyages. They have those under their command that will follow them any where, and do all they are order'd: before they set out, they provide themselves


with good Firelocks, which they get in exchange from the Europeans for Skins, and Furs; they take Powder, Ball, Kettles, Hatchets, and other necessary Implements in War along with 'em. Sometimes they have young Women and Lads, that go along with [96] them, and in this Equipage they march three or four hundred Leagues.

When they come near the place where they design to make War, they march slowly, and with much Precaution; then they never kill Deer with their Fire-arms, for fear of being discover'd. They only use their Arrows upon that occasion, which make no noise in flying. When they would snoot, they look carefully round them, for fear of a Surprize. They send out Spies, to discover the entrance into the Villages, and see where best to begin their Attack: and if they see any one come out of the Village, they surprize and take him if they can, which often succeeds, for they do all their business treacherously.

There are no Warriours like them in all America for Ambuscades: They lay wait for Men hid behind a Tree, as tho their Design was upon some Beast. They count him a good Warriour that is cunning at surprizing his Enemies. If they can escape handsomly, after they have given their blow, from their Enemies, they are reckon'd incomparable Fellows. 'Tis not to be conceived how quick they skip round a Tree with their Firelock in their hands, to defend themselves from the Arrows that are shot against them. They are very nimble at leaping over the Trees that are


fallen down in the Woods as they run along: There are abundance of these Trees of a prodigious bigness, which fall with Age for want of Roots.

Their Patience is admirable. When they find they are cleverly hid, they'll tarry behind the Trees two or three days without eating, waiting a favourable opportunity to kill an Enemy: Sometimes they will shew themselves fairly, but that's very rare; and if they were not almost certain of their Blow, they would hardly expose themselves, at least if they were not back'd by a great number of their own Men. These Barbarians don't fight after the European [97] manner, because they are not disciplin'd to it, and can't keep their Ranks so well in open Field: So that they can't stand a Skirmish so well as our well-commanded Souldiers: Nevertheless when they are once heated and animated, they are incomparable.

They are so malicious, that they set fire to the Corn of their Europeans when they are dead: They burn their Houses, which they set fire to with lighted Cotton, fastned to the Point of their Arrows; for then the Fire takes hold of the Boards, or of the Straw that their Houses are thatch'd with; for the Savages let fly their Arrows with extraordinary Force, so the Houses are soon in flames.

There was an Iroquois Captain nam'd Attréouati Onnontagé, whom I know very well, that treated me very civilly in my Voyage from Fort Frontenac to New York; we call'd him La grande Gueule, because his Mouth was very broad. This Man having miss'd his aim once, ran into Montreal in Canada,


crying, Hai, Hai, which is a token of Peace: He was very kindly receiv'd, and made much of; nay, they gave him considerable Presents, because they had a mind to have a good Understanding with that insolent Nation. When he withdrew from that place, the perfidious Villain kill'd two Men that were thatching a House.

Some of them told us, that they had been at War as far as the Spanish Territories in New Mexico; for they said they had been in a Country where the Inhabitants gather'd red Earth, and carry'd it to sell to a Nation who gave them Hatchets and Kettles for it; and this they said was call'd the Country of Gold: but 'tis likely this Story was devised by the Savages to please Mr. de la Salle when he was at Fort Frontenac, for he greedily heard any one talk of the Golden Mines of St. Barbe. I have been among all the Nations of the River Mescbasipi, none of whom except the Illinois ever mention'd the Iroquois otherwise than [98] as certain People, Neighbours of the Illinois, from whom they learnt that the Iroquois are a very cruel People, tho not stout, but only because they have Fire-arms, which they bought of the Europeans: That without them they never durst attack the Illinois, who are valianter, and more dexterous at Bows and Arrows than the Iroquois.

Those Iroquois that don't go out to fight, are contemn'd, and pass for Cowards and effeminate Men. Because they have Firelocks, they invade all other Nations between both Seas, that is, from North to South: and no Nation in America can stand before the Iroquois on account of their Firelocks.


This renders them haughty and insufferable. They call themselves Men by way of Excellence, as tho other Nations were no more than Brutes in comparison with them. I understand very well how to bring the Iroquois to a better pass: but a Man of my Character ought not to talk of these Matters, but with a great deal of Caution, because the Remedies which I would propose, might perhaps be worse than the Mischief that might be apprehended from that Nation; nevertheless I may discover my Sentiments in due time to those high Persons that put me upon writing this Work.


Chap. XXIII.

Of the Cruelty of the Savages in general, and particularly of the Iroquois.

THERE are no Savages in all the Northern America but what are very cruel to their Enemies. We are astonish'd at the Cruelties which the Neroes, the Dioclesians, and the Maximins inflicted upon the Christians, and have their Names in Detestation and [99] Horror; but the Inhumanity of the Iroquois towards the Nations they make Slaves goes beyond theirs.

When the Iroquois have kill'd a Man, they tear off the Skin of his Scull, and carry it home with them as a certain Mark of their Victory. When they take a Slave, they tie him, and make him run after them; if he is unable to follow them, they stick their Hatchet into his Head, and there leave him, after they have torn off Skin and Hair together. They don't spare sucking infants: If the Slave can march after them, they tie him every Night to a piece of Wood made in the form of a St. Andrew's Cross, and leave him expos'd to be stung by the Maringoins, and other Flies, in Summer-time, and use him as cruelly as may be.

Sometimes they fix four Pegs into the Ground, to which they fasten their Slaves by the Feet and Hands, and so


leave them all Night long upon the Ground in the sharpest Weather. I omit a hundred other Sufferings which these miserable Wretches undergo in the day-time. When they are near their Villages, they set up loud Cries, whereby their Nation knows that their Warriours are return'd with Slaves. Then the Men and Women put on their best Apparel, and go to the entrance of the Village to receive them; there they make a lane for the Slaves to pass through them. But 'tis a lamentable Reception for these poor People: The Rabble fall upon them like Dogs or Wolves upon their Prey, and begin to torment them, whilst the Warriours march on in File, mightily puff'd up with their own Exploits.

Some kick the Slaves, some cudgel them, some cut them with Knives, some tear off their Ears, cut off their Noses or Lips, insomuch that most of them die in this pompous Entry. Those that resist against these rude Treatments, are reserv'd for exemplary Punishment. Sometimes they save some, but very [100] rarely. When the Warriours are entred into their Cabins, the Antients assemble themselves to hear the relation of what pass'd in the War.

If the Father of a Savage Woman has been kill'd, they give her a Slave for him, and 'tis free for that Woman either to put him to Death, or save him alive. When they burn them, this is their manner; They bind the Slave to a Post by the Hands and Feet, then they heat red-hot Musquet-barrels, Hatchets, and other Iron Instruments, and apply them red hot from head to foot, all over their Body; they tear off their Nails, and pluck out their Teeth; they cut Collops of Flesh


out of their Backs, and often flea [flay] their Skin off from their Scull: After all this they throw hot Ashes upon their Wounds, cut out their Tongues, and treat them as cruelly as they can devise. If they don't die under all these Torments, they make them run and follow them, laying them on with Sticks. 'Tis reported, that once a Slave ran so well, that he sav'd himself in the Woods, and could not be catch'd again. 'Tis probable he died there for want of Succour. But what is more surprizing is, that the Slaves sing in the midst of their Torments, which frets their Executioners exceedingly.

An Iroquois told us that there was one Slave whom they tormented cruelly; but he told them, You have no Ingenuity, you don't know how to torment your Prisoners, you are mere Blockheads; if I had you in my Circumstances, I'd use you after another manner: but whilst he ran on so boldly, a Savage Woman gets a little Iron Spit heated red-hot, and runs it into his Yard: this made him roar; but he told the Woman, You are cunning, you understand something, this is the Course you should take with us.

When the Slave which they burn is dead, they eat him; and before his Death they make their Children [101] drink some of his Blood, to render them cruel and inhumane. Those that they give their Lives to, live with them, and serve them like Slaves: But in length of time they recover their Liberty, and are look'd upon as if they were of their own Nation.


The Savages of the Louisiana that dwell along the River Meschasipi, and are situated seven or eight hundred Leagues beyond the Iroquois, as the Issati and Nadouessans, amongst whom I was a Slave, are not less brave than the Iroquois; they make all the Nations round them tremble, tho they have nothing but Bows, Arrows, and Maces. They run swifter than the Iroquois, and make excellent Souldiers; but they are not so cruel: they don't eat the Flesh of their Enemies; they are content to burn them only. Once having taken a Huron, who eat humane Flesh as the Iroquois, they cut off pieces of Flesh from his own Body, and said to him, You that love Man's Flesh, eat of your own, to let your Nation know, who now live among the Iroquois, that we detest and abominate your Barbarities; for these People are like hungry Dogs that devour any sort of Meat.

The Iroquois are the only Savages of North America that eat humane Flesh; and yet they don't do it but in cases extraordinary, when they are resolved to exterminate a whole Nation. They don't eat humane Flesh to satisfy their Appetites ; 'tis to signify to the Iroquoise Nation, that they ought to fight without ever submitting to their Enemies ; that they ought rather to eat them than leave any of them alive: They eat it to animate their Warriours; for they always march out of their five Cantons the day after, to fight with their Enemies ; for the Rendezvous for next day is always given notice of by these Feasts of humane Flesh.


If the Europeans would leave furnishing the Iroquois with Fire-arms, who are not so dextrous at the Bow [102] as formerly they were, the other Nations on the contrary having always been us'd to it, they would infallibly root out the Iroquois, their common Enemies, who dwell four and five hundred Leagues off from them.

The first Canton of the Iroquois lies Southward; they call it Gagnieguez, or Agniez; they are Neighbours to New York, and have three Villages which I have been in; they make up at most four hundred fighting Men. The Second lies Westward, and is call'd Onneiouts, and make up about a hundred and fifty fighting Men. The Third, which lies Westward likewise, contains the Onnontaguez or Mountaineers, a People situated upon the only Eminence in the five Cantons; they border upon the Onneiouts. These Onnontaguez have three hundred fighting Men, the bravest of the whole Nation. The Fourth lies about thirty Leagues further Westward, where live the Oiouguens, divided into three Villages, who make up three hundred fighting Men. The Fifth contains the Tsonnontouans, towards the further end of the Lake Frontenac or Ontario: These People are the greatest and most considerable of all the Iroquois Cantons. They comprehend in three Villages three hundred fighting Men.

I took notice in my first Volume of three or four Iroquois Villages on the North-side of the Lake Ontario or Frontenac; but I don't describe these five Cantons of the Iroquois here, I only treat of their Barbarity and Cruelty; and add, that they have subdued a very large Country since within these


fifty Years; that they have extended their Territories, and multiplied their Nation by the Destruction of other People, the Remainder of whom they have made Slaves, to encrease the number of their Troops.


[103] Chap. XXIV.

The Policy of the Savage Iroquois.

THE Councils held continually by these Barbarians for ordering all Affairs, ought to be consider'd as the main Cause of their Preservation, and the fear all the Nations of North America are put in by them. They assemble for every little Business that is to be done, and consult what Methods they should take to gain their ends. They undertake nothing hand over head. Their old Men, who are wise and prudent, watch over the Publick. If one complains that some Person has robb'd him, they carefully inform themselves who it is that committed the Theft. If they can't find him out, or if he is not able to make restitution, provided they be satisfied of the truth of the Fact, they repair the Loss, by giving some Present to the injur'd Party, to his Content.

When they would put any body to death for an enormous Crime, which they are perswaded he is guilty of, they hire a Man, whom they make drunk with Brandy, (for these People are very greedy of it) that the Kinsfolks of the Criminal may not seek to revenge his Death. After this drunken Man has kill'd him whom they judg culpable, they give this account of


it, that he that slew him was mad and drunk when he struck the blow. Formerly they had another way of doing Justice, but 'tis abrogated; They had a Feast once a Year, which we may call, The Feast of Fools, for they play'd the fool in good earnest, running about from Cabin to Cabin. If during that day they fell foul upon any one, or took away any thing, the cunning old Men next day excus'd [104] all, by alledging that he that had done the Mischief was a Fool, and out of his Wits. Afterwards they made some Presents to wipe off the Tears of the Kindred of the Person who was maliciously kill'd. His Relations take up with that Excuse, without proceeding to take Vengeance. Then these Antients hir'd secretly some Person, who acted the Fool, and kill'd the Person pitch'd upon, whom they had a mind to get rid of.

The Iroquois have Spies and hir'd Men amongst them, who come and go perpetually, and tell them all the News they learn. They are crafty enough in Traffick, and are not easily cheated: They deliberate maturely upon every thing, and endeavour to understand the Merchandize before they truck for it.

The Onnontagez, or Iroquois Highlanders, are more subtle and crafty than the rest: They steal very cleverly. The Algonkains,


the Abenaki, the Esquimoves, and abundance more Savages that have convers'd with the Europeans, are as sharp and politick as they. We are not to imagine that these People are Brutes, and irrational; no, they understand their own Interest thorowly, and order their Affairs very discreetly.


Chap. XXV.

Of the manner of the Savages hunting of all sorts of wild Beasts; and of the admirable Industry of the Castors or Bevers.

THE Savages observe the Time, the Seasons, and the Moons of the Year very punctually, for the better ordering their Hunting. They call their [105] Moons from the Name of those Beasts which at certain Seasons appear the most. They call it the Moon of Frogs, when the Frogs make their greatest Croaking; the Moon of Bulls, when those wild Beasts appear; the Moon of Swallows, when those Birds come, and when they go. These Barbarians reckon thus, because they have no other Names to distinguish their Months by, as the Europeans have. They use the same Method for the Names of Men, calling them, Serpent, Wolf, wild Cat, &c. They hunt the Elk and the Goat in all seasons, but more particularly when there is Snow. They hunt the wild Cat and the Marmoset in Winter, the Porcupine, the Castor, and the Otter, in the Spring, and sometimes in Autumn. They take the Elk in a Gin by the Neck, and the Castor in Traps. They kill the Bears with Arrows or Shot, upon the Oaks,


when they eat the Acorns. As to the wild Cats, they fell the Tree they are upon, and then the wild Dogs fall upon them and kill them. The Porcupines are taken almost in the same manner, with this only difference, that they kill them with a Hatchet or Fork when the Tree is faln; for the Dogs cannot come near them, because of their Quills, which are sharper than Awls, and by little and little pierce a Man's Body in an imperceptible manner; and these Beasts would infallibly be the death of those Dogs that should attack them: These Beasts do not run swift, a Man may easily overtake them in running. They take the Otters in Traps, where they kill them with Arrows or Shot; they seldom kill them with Hatchets, because they are quick of hearing.

They take the Castors in Winter under the Ice: they first seek out for the Ponds where these Beasts frequent: The Castors shew an admirable Skill and Industry in the building of their little Cabins. When they change their abode, they seek out some [106] Brook in the Woods, and run upwards along the side of it till they come to some flat Country fit to make a Pond in; then after they have well viewed the place on every side, they begin to make a Dam to stop the Water: They make it as strong as the Dam of any Pond in Europe, of Wood, Earth, and Mud; and sometimes so big, that it will hold the Water of a Pond a quarter of a League long. They make their Cabins about the middle of the Level of the Water, with Wood, Rushes and Mud; and they plaister it all smoothly together with their Tails, which are longer,


and full as broad as a Mason's Trowel. Their Buildings are three or four Stories high, filled almost full with Mats of Rushes; and in this place the Females bring forth their young ones.

At the bottom of the Water there are Passages higher and lower. When the Ponds are frozen over, they can only go under the Ice: And for this reason at the beginning of Winter they make a provision of Aspen Wood, which is their ordinary Food: They keep it in the Water round about their Cabins. The Savages pierce the Ice about the Cabin with the handle of a Hatchet, or a Stake; and when they have made a hole, they found the bottom of the Water to find out the Castors Track: When they have found it out, they put in a Net a fathom long, and two Sticks, of which the two ends below touch the ground, and the two ends above come out at the hole which is made in the Ice. They have two Cords fixed to the Sticks to draw the Net when the Castor is taken.

But to the end this subtle Animal may not see the Net, nor the Men, they strow upon the Surface of the Ice rotten Wood, Cotton, and such like things. One Savage stays to watch near the Net with a Hatchet, to draw the Castor upon the Ice when he is taken, while the rest break down the Cabins with a great deal of labour: They often find more than a [107] foot of Wood and Earth, which they are forced to hew with a Hatchet, for it's frozen as hard as a Stone. When that is done, they found the Pond, and wheresoever they find a hole, they break the Ice for fear the Castors should hide themselves under it; so driving them from place to


place, at last they force them into the Net. They labour extream hard in this manner from Morning till Night without eating any thing, and for all that do not take above three or four Castors.

The Savages take also in the Spring these Beasts with Traps in the following manner. When the Ice begins to thaw, they observe the Castor's Passage, and set a Trap there; they bait that with a branch of the Aspin Tree, which reaches from the Trap into the Water. When the Castor finds, he eats it even in the Trap, and then falls upon two great Logs of Wood which kill him. They take the Martens almost in the same manner, with this difference only, that they put no Bait for them.

All the Southern Nations towards the River Meschasipi are more superstitious in their hunting than the Northern People, and particularly the Iroques. Whilst I was among them, their old Men, fix days before the hunting of the wild Bulls, sent four or five of their most expert Hunters upon the Mountains to dance the Calumet with as many Ceremonies, as amongst the Nations to which they are wont to send Embassies, to make some Alliance. At the return of these Men, they openly exposed for three days together one of the great Caldrons they had taken from us: They had wreathed it round about with Feathers of divers Colours, and laid a Gun across over it. For three days together the chief Wife of a Captain carried this Caldron upon her Back, with Flowers in great Pomp, at the head of above two hundred Hunters: They all followed an old Man who had fastned [108] one of


our Indian Handkerchiefs to the end of a Pole like a Banner, holding his Bow and Arrows; he marched with great Gravity and Silence.

This old Man made the Hunters halt three or four times, to lament bitterly the Death of those Bulls they hop'd to kill. At the last Stage where they rested, the most antient of the Company sent two of their nimblest Hunters to discover wild Bulls. They whispered softly to them at their return, before they began the hunting of these Beasts. Afterwards they made a Fire of Bulls Dung dry'd in the Sun, and with this Fire they lighted their Pipes or Calumets, to smoak the two Hunters which had been sent to make the Discovery. Presently after this Ceremony was over, a hundred Men went on one side behind the Mountain, and a hundred on the other, to encompass the Bulls, which were in great numbers: They killed a great many in Confusion with their Arrows, and we Europeans seven or eight with Shot. These Barbarians did wonderfully admire the effect of our Guns: They heard the Report, but did not see the Bullets, and they thought it was the Noise that kill'd them; they laid their Hands on their Mouths, to show how much they were astonish'd, and cry'd out, Mansa Ouacancbe, which signifies in the Language of the Issati, this Iron does harm to Men and Beasts: We do not know how it comes to pass, but we cannot sufficiently admire how the Noise of this round Instrument breaks the Bones of the largest Beast.

It was no small matter of Admiration to see these Savages flea [flay] the Bull, and get it in pieces; they had neither


Knives nor Hatchets, but some few they had stole from us, and yet they did it dexterously with the Point of their Arrows, which was made of a sharp Stone: Afterwards they took Stones, and broke the Bones, and with them they separated one piece [109] from another. After they had thus dismembred the Beast, their Wives dry'd them in the Sun, and the Smoak of small Fire, upon wooden Gridirons. While the Hunting lasts, they only eat the Intrals, and the worst pieces of those Beasts, and carry the best part home to their Villages, which are above two hundred Leagues from the place of hunting.


Chap. XXVI.

Of their manner of Fishing.

THE Savages that dwell in the North fish in a different manner from those of the South: The first catch all sorts of Fish with Nets, Hooks, and Harping-irons [i. e., harpoons], as they do in Europe. I have seen them fish in a very pleasant manner: They take a Fork of Wood with two Grains or Points, and fit a Gin to it, almost the same way that in France they catch Partridges: After they put it in the Water, and when the Fish, which are in greater plenty by far than with us, go to pass through, and find they are entred into the Gin, they snap together this sort of Nippers or Pinchers, and catch the Fish by the Gills.

The Iroques in the fishing season sometimes make use of a Net of forty or fifty fathom long, which they put in a great Canow; after they cast it in an oval Form in convenient places in the Rivers. I have often admired their dexterity in this Affair. They take sometimes four hundred white Fish, besides many Sturgeons, which they draw to the Bank of the River with Nets made of Nettles. To fish in this


manner, there must be two Men at each end of the Net, to draw it dexterously to the shoar. They take [110] likewise a prodigious quantity of Fish in the River of Niagara, which are extreamly well tasted.

The Fishery is so great in this place, that it's capable to furnish with Fish of several sorts the greatest City in Europe. It's not to be wonder'd at. The Fish continually swim up the River from the Sea towards the Spring, to find convenient places to spawn in. The River of St. Laurence receives in this part of Niagara an infinite quantity of Water from the four great Lakes of which we have spoke, and which may properly be called little fresh-water Seas. This great deluge of Water tumbling furiously over the greatest and most dreadful Leap in the World, an infinite number of Fish take great delight to spawn here, and as it were stagnate here, because they cannot get over this huge Cataract: So that the quantity taken here is incredible.

Whilst I was in the Mission of the Fort Frontenac, I went to see this Leap, which comes from a River in the North, and falls into a great Bassin of the Lake Ontario, big enough to hold a hundred Men of War. Being there, I taught the Savages to catch Fish with their Hands: I caused Trees to be cut down in the Spring, and to be rolled down to the Bank of the River, that I might lie upon them without wetting me; and after I thrust my Arm into the Water up to the Elbow, where I found a prodigious quantity of Fish of different Species; I laid hold on them by the Gills, gently stroking them; and when I had at several times taken fifty


or sixty large Fish, I went to warm and refresh me, that I might return fresher to the Sport: I cast them into a Sack which a Savage held in his hand. With these I fed above fifty Iroquese Families of Ganneousse, and by the assistance of Monsieur de la Salle, taught them to plant the Indian Corn, and to instruct their Children in the Christian Religion at the Fort Frontenac.

[111] The most considerable Fishery of the Savages is that of Eels, which are very large, of Salmons, and Salmon-trouts, and white Fish. The Fishery of the Iroques Agnies which are near New York, is of Frogs, which they take, and put them whole into their Caldrons without skinning them, to season their Sagamite, which is a sort of Pottage made of Indian Corn. The Salmon-trouts are taken in many other places of the Rivers which fall into the Lake of Frontenac: There are there such quantities of them, that they kill them with Sticks.

They take the Eels in the Night when it's calm: These come down all along the River of St. Laurence, and are taken in this manner. The Savages put a large Bark of the Birch Tree, with some Earth upon the end of a Stake, after which they light a sort of a Flambleau which gives a clear Light; after that one or two go into a Canow, with a Harping-Iron placed between the two Grains of a little Fork: when they see the Eels by the light of the Fire, they strike an infinite quantity of them, because the great white Porposes which pursue them make them fly towards the Banks of the River where the Porpose cannot follow, because of the shallowness


of the Water. They take Salmons with Harping-Irons, and the white Fish with Nets.

The Southern People which dwell upon the River Meschasipi are so crafty, and have such quick and piercing Eyes, that tho the Fish swim very fast, they will not fail to strike them with Darts a great depth in the Water, which they shoot with a Bow. Besides, they have long Poles sharp at one end, which they dart most dexterously: In this manner they kill great Sturgeons, and Trouts, which are seven or eight fathom in the Water.


[112] Chap. XXVII.

Of the Utensils of the Savages in their Cabins; and of the extraordinary manner they strike Fire.

BEFORE the Europeans arrived in the North America, the Savages of the North and the South made use (as they do even to this day) of Pots of Earth ; especially those that have no Commerce with the Europeans, and can procure no Caldrons or other Utensils: Instead of Hatchets and Knives, they make use of sharp Stones, which they tie with Thongs of Leather in the end of a cleft Stick. Instead of Awls, they make use of a certain sharp Bone, which is above the Heel of the Elk: They have no Fire-Arms, but only make use of Bows and Arrows.

For to make Fire in a new manner, new, and quite unknown to us, they take a Triangle of Cedar Wood, of a foot and half, in which they make some Holes of a small depth: After they take a Switch or little Stick of hard Wood; they twirl it between both their Hands in the Hole, and by the quick Motion, produce a kind of Dust or Meal, which is converted into Fire; after they pour out this white Pouder


upon a Bunch of dried Herbs, and rubbing altogether, and blowing upon this Pouder, which is upon the Herbs, the Fire blazes in a moment.

When they would make Platters, or wooden Spoons, or Porringers, they drill their Wood with their stone Hatchets, and hollow it with Fire, and do after scrape it, and polish it with a Bever's Tooth.

[113] The Northern Nations, who have commonly very sharp Winters, make use of Rackets to go over the Snow; they make them of the Thongs of Skins cut out as broad as little Ribbons, neater than our Tennis Rackets: These Rackets have no Handles, as those of the Tennis Court, but they are longer and broader; they leave in the middle a Slit the breadth of their Toes, that they may be at more liberty to walk with their savage Shoes: They will perform a greater Journey in a Day than without them. Without these Rackets they would sink into the Snow, which is commonly six or seven foot deep, and sometimes more in Winter; in some places it's higher than the highest Houses in Europe, being driven into Mountains by the Wind.

Those Savages which are near the Europeans, have at present Guns, Hatchets, Caldrons, Awls, Knives, Tongs, and such like Utensils.

To plant their Indian Corn, they make use of Pickax's of Wood, for want of those of Iron: They have large Gourds in which they put the Fat of Bears, wild Cats, &c. There is none, but has his leather Bag for his Pipe and Tobacco. The Women make Bags of the Rind of Linden Tree, or of Rushes,


to put their Corn in: They make Thred of Nettles, and of the Bark of the Line Tree, and of certain Roots, whose Names I know not. To sew their savage Shoes they make use of very small Thongs: They make likewise Mats of Bulrushes to lie upon; and when they have none, they make use of the Barks of Trees. They swathe their Children as the European Women do, with this only difference, that they make use of swathing Bands of large Skins, and a sort of Cotton, that they may not be too hot: After they have swathed them, they tie them upon a Board, or Plank with a Skin Girdle; after they hang this Plank upon the Branch of a Tree, or in some place [114] of their Cabin, so that their little ones never lie in Bed; they hang perpendicularly: And to the end their Urine may not hurt them, they place conveniently a piece of Birch-tree Bark; so that it runs away as it were in a Gutter, and touches not the Child's Body.

These Women have so great a care of their Children, that they avoid all carnal Commerce with their Husbands, till the Child be three or four Years old: The European Women do not so, because 'tis easy to supply the defect of the Mother's Milk, with the Milk of Cows, and other domestick Animals; but they have none of this sort of Cattel: They avoid therefore the Commerce of their Husbands while they are Nurses; for if they should prove with child, their Infants would undoubtedly perish, they having nothing sutable for a Child of seven or eight Months old.

The Savages which have Commerce with the Europeans,


begin to make use of Iron Crooks and Pot-hooks, which they hang upon a Stick, which rests upon two-forked Sticks fixed in the Ground: but those that have no Commerce, make use of the Branches of Trees to hang their earthen Pots upon to boil their Victuals.


[115] Chap. XXVIII.

Of the Manner of their Interring their Dead: Of the Festival of the Dead, with some Reflections on the Immortality of the Soul.

THE Savages bury their Dead with the greatest Magnificence they can devise, especially their Relations, and particularly their Captains or Heads of their Clans or Tribes: They put on their best Attire, and paint their Face and Body with all sorts of Colours. They put them in a sort of Coffin made of the Bark of Trees, and they polish the outside neatly with light Pumice Stones; and they make a Place where they bury them in the manner of a Mausoleum, which they encompass round about with Stakes or Palisadoes twelve or thirteen foot high.

These Mausoleums are commonly erected in the most eminent Place of their Savage Borough. They send every Year solemn Embassies to their neighbouring Nations, to solemnize the Feast of the Dead. All the People of the Northern America spare nothing to honour their dead Friends and Relations, whom they go to lament: They make Presents esteemed among them very considerable, as Girdles dyed with Sea-Purple, and Pipes made with the most precious Stones that can be found; and in a word with what they look upon to be the most estimable to the Parents of the


Defunct. They conduct them to the Mausoleum, muttering a sort of Prayers, accompanied with Tears and Sighs, before the Bones, whose Memory they honour for their great Exploits in Peace and War.

[116] These Savages have particular Ceremonies for the Children of their deceas'd Friends: When they design to bury these little ones, as soon as they are dead they wrap their Bodies in a white pinked Skin in the presence of their Parents; it's painted with many Colours: After they carry it and place it upon a kind of Sledg, and so carry it to be buried: but instead of making Presents to the Parents of the deceased Infants, as they do for those of riper Years, they themselves receive them to wipe away their Tears, which they shed in abundance, in the presence of the Parents.

The Savages have likewise a Custom of putting in the Coffin of the deceased of riper Years, whatever they esteem valuable, tho to the value of two or three hundred Crowns: They put there Shoes of pinked Skins, garnished with red and black Porcupine, a Pair of Tongs, a Hatchet, Necklaces of Purple, a Pipe, a Caldron, and a potful of Sagamite, or Pottage of Indian Corn, with some fat Meat. If he be a Man, they bury him with a Gun, Powder, and Ball; but those that have no Fire-Arms, content themselves with putting in their Coffin their Bows and Arrows, that when they are in the Country of Souls (as they phrase it) and of the Dead, they may make use of them in Hunting.


When I was among the Issati Nadouessans, there died one of the Savages, that had been bit with a Rattle-Snake; I came not time enough to give him my infallible Remedy, viz. Orvietan in Pouder. If this Accident happened to any one in my presence, I made them presently be scarified upon the place that was bit, and cast some of the Pouder upon it; afterward I made them swallow some of it, to keep the Poison from the Heart. These Barbarians strangely admired me, that I cured one of their Chieftains, that had been bit by one of these Serpents: [117] They said to me, Spirit, for so they call all Europeans, we fought after you, and the other two Spirits your Companions; but we were so unfortunate, that we could not find you; leave us no more, we'll take care of you for the future: if you had been with us, our Chieftain, whom you see dead, would have been in a condition to have been merry with you: He was excellently well versed in the trade of surprizing and killing his Enemies; he with hunting maintained his ten Wives: He would have been in a condition to have been your Benefactor, if you had been here to save his Life: You could have done it easily, since you have cured so many of our Relations; you would have done him this important piece of Service, and spared our Tears.

These poor People seeing our Method, but not comprehending it, believe we are capable of doing any thing even of arresting Death: They often admired the effects of the Remedies, which I gave to their Sick, with a design to cure their Spiritual Maladies, in bringing them to the Knowledg of the true God, by the Care I took of their Bodies.


I admired how neatly these Savages had laid out the dead Corps; they had laid him upon fine Mats, and put him in the posture of a Warriour, with his Bow and Arrows: They painted his Body with divers Colours; one would have thought at first he had been alive. They said I must give him some Tobacco of Martineco, of which I had a small quantity, that the Defunct might have something to smoak: This gave me an occasion to tell them, that the dead did neither smoak nor eat in the Country of Souls, and that they have no more need of Bows and Arrows; for in the Country whither those Souls go, they go no more a hunting: That if they would learn to know the great Captain, they would be so much satisfied with feeing him, that they would think no [118] more of Hunting, neither of eating or drinking; for the Souls do not need it.

They made but a gross Conception of what I said to them: afterwards I made them a Present of two Fathom of our black Tobacco; they love it passionately: Theirs is not so well cured, nor so strong as that of Martineco, of which I made them a Present. I made them understand, that I gave it them to smoak, and not to the deceased, because he had no need of it. Some of those Savages present gave me an attentive Ear, and were pleased with my Discourse of another Life; others said in their Language, Tepatoui, which is as much as to say very well: Afterwards they sat them down, and fell a smoaking, taking no further notice of my Discourse.

I observed that the Tears which they shed, and the Ceremonies they practised, as rubbing the Defunct; with Bears


Fat, and such like things, were rather the Effects of Custom, derived to them by Tradition, which seems to retain something of Judaism, than of any strong Attache [attachment] they have for them. I do not absolutely despair of the future Salvation of these Barbarians. I believe God will raise up some proper means to enlighten them with the Light of the Gospel; for his Holy Gospel is to be preached to all the World before the Day of Judgment.


[119] Chap. XXIX.

Of the Superstitions of the Savages, and of the ridiculous things they believe.

I ALWAYS observed that the strongest Arguments that can be brought for the Conversion of Infidels are of no value till God give a Blessing. How shall they believe in him whom they have not heard speak? says St. Paul. How shall they understand, if some do not preach to them? And how shall they preach if they be not sent? The sound of the Apostles is gone through the World, and their Words are heard even to the ends of the World. I ardently beg that the sound of the Successors of the Apostles may bring to the Pastures of Life that infinite number of Savages which I have seen in my Travels. Great pains have been taken a long time, but as yet no considerable progress is made, for the generality of them are strongly fixed in their Superstitions.

These Barbarians are one more superstitious than another, the Old Men especially; and the Women most obstinately retain the Traditions of their Ancestors. When I told them it was a Foolery to believe so many Dreams and Fancies; they ask'd me how old I was? You are not above thirty five or forty years old, and do you pretend to know more than our Antient Men? Go, go, you know not what you say;


you may know what passes in your own Country, because your Ancestors have told you, but you cannot tell what has passed in ours, before the Spirits, that's to say the Europeans, came hither.

I reply'd to these Barbarians, that we knew all by the Scripture, which the great Master of Life has given [120] us by his Son; that this Son died to deliver Men from a place where burns an eternal Fire, which would have been their lot, if he had not come into the World to save us from Sin and from Death; that all Mankind were Sinners in Adam, the first Man of the World. These Savages, who have a large share of common Sense, often ask'd me, Did you Spirits know of our being here before you came hither? I answered them, No: You do not learn therefore all things by Scripture; it tells you not all things, reply'd they.

It requires a great deal of time to shew them the Falsity of their Superstitions, and much more to perswade them to imbrace the Verities of the Gospel: There's none but God can do it by the Unction of his Grace and Holy Spirit. But for all this the Evangelical Reapers must not desert the Harvest. A time will come that Men will prefer the Interests of Jesus Christ, before their own: then there will be but one Shepherd, and one Sheepfold.

There are many of the Savages that make the Stories of their Antients the subject of their Raillery, but others believe them. I have formerly given an account of the Sentiments they have of their Origine, and of the Cure of their Maladies. They have some Sentiments of the Immortality


of the Soul. They say there is a delicious Country towards the Weft, where there's good Hunting, and where they kill as many Beasts as they please. It's thither they say their Souls go. They hope to see one another there. But they are yet more ridiculous, in believing that the Souls of Caldrons, Guns and other Arms, which they place near the Sepulchre of the Dead, go with them to be made use of in the Country of Souls.

A young Savage Maid dying after Baptism, the Mother seeing one of her Slaves at the point of Death, said, my Daughter is all alone in the Country of the Dead, among the Europeans, without Relations, [121] and without Friends: The Spring is at hand; it's time to sow Indian Corn, and Citruls, or Pompions; baptize my Slave, says she, that she may go and serve my Daughter in the Country of the Europeans.

A Savage Woman being at the last Gasp, cried out that she would not be baptized, for the Savages that die Christians are burned in the Country of Souls by the Europeans. Some of them told me one day, that we baptized them to make them our Slaves in the other World. Others asked me, if there was good Hunting in the Country, whither their dying newly baptized Infants were going? When I answer'd them, that they lived there without eating and drinking, because they are there satiated with the Contemplation of the great Master of Life: We will not go thither, say they, because


we must eat. If we reply that they will have no need of Food, they clap their Hands upon their Mouths in sign of Admiration, and say, you are a great Liar; Can one live without eating?

A Savage told us one day this Story: One of our old Men, says he, being dead, and being come to the Country of Souls, he found there first Europeans that caressed him, and made much of him; after he came to the place where his Country-men were, who likewise received him very kindly: There were Feasts there every day, to which the Europeans were often invited; for there are there neither Quarrels nor War: After this old Man had taken a full view of the Country, he returned home, and recounted all his Adventures to those of his Nation. We asked the Savage if he believed this Story? He answered, No, that their Ancestors related it, but they might tell a Lie.

These People admit some sort of Genius in every thing; they all believe one Master of Life, but they make divers applications of it. Some have a lean [122] Crow, which they carry always about with them, and which they call their Master of Life. Others have an Owl, others a Bone, some the Shell of a Fish, and such like things. When they hear the Owl hout, they tremble, and take it for an ill Omen. They are great believers of Dreams. They go unto their Baths to procure good weather for Hunting. They never give the Bones of Bevers or Otters to their Dogs. I asked them the reason; they answered me, that there was an Otkon, or Spirit, in the Wood which would tell the Bevers and Otters,


and after that they would catch none. I asked them what that Spirit was; they answered me that it was a Woman that knew every thing, who was the Lady of Hunting. But the greatest part of them do not believe these Fables.

Whilst I was in the Mission of Frontenac, a Savage Woman was poisoned in the Wood by accident: The Hunters brought her into her Cabin; I went to see her after she was dead. I heard them discoursing near the Body of the Dead; they said they had seen upon the Snow the winding Tracts of a Serpent which came out of her Mouth. They related this very seriously. While they were discoursing thus, an old superstitious Beldam said, she had seen the Spirit that had killed her.

I have seen a Boy of about eighteen years old, who believed himself to be a Girl; and this Fancy wrought so strongly upon him, that he acted all things accordingly: He habited himself like a Girl, and employed himself in their sort of work. A Savage which we had decoyed into the Fort, and who was the Chief of his Village, told me one day that Onontio, which is the Name they give to the Governour-General of Canada, who at that time was the Count of Frontenac, would come such a day, when the Sun was in such a place: which precisely came to pass as he had [123] said. This same old Man, who was called Ganneouse Kaera, that is to say, the bearded, was the only Man of all the Savages which I saw with a Beard. The People of the Northern America commonly pluck away the Beard when it is but Down, and for this reason they have no Beards. I must confess I knew not what


to say when I saw the Count de Frontenac arrive. This Man had heard no News from any body. When I asked him how he came to know it; he said he had learned it of a Jugler who pretended to foretel things. But I believe their Predictions are rather the effect of Hazard, than of any Commerce they have with the Devil.


Chap. XXX.

Of the Obstacles that are found in the Conversion of the Savages.

THERE are many Obstacles that hinder the Conversion of the Savages; but in general the difficulty proceeds from the indifferency they have to every thing. When one speaks to them of the Creation of the World, and of the Mysteries of the Christian Religion ; they say we have Reason: and they applaud in general all that we say on the grand Affair of our Salvation. They would think themselves guilty of a great Incivility, if they should shew the least suspicion of Incredulity, in respect of what is proposed. But after having approved all the Discourses upon these Matters; they pretend likewise on their side, that we ought to pay all possible Deference to the Relations and Reasonings that they make on their part. And when we make answer, That what they tell us is false; they reply, that they have acquiesced [124] to all that we said, and that it's want of Judgment to interrupt a Man that speaks, and to tell him that he advances a false Proposition. All that you have taught touching those of your Country, is as you say: But it's not the same as to us, who are of another Nation, and inhabit the Lands which are on this side the great Lake.

The second Obstacle which hinders their Conversion,


proceeds from their great Superstition, as we have insinuated before.

The third Obstacle consists in this, that they are not fixt to a place. While I was at Fort Frontenac, Father Luke Buisset, and my self, were employed a great part of the Year to teach many Children our ordinary Prayers, and to read in the Iroquois Language; their Parents assisted at the Service in the Chappel: they lift up their Hands to Heaven, and kneeled, beating their Breasts, and behaved themselves with great respect in our Presence. They seemed to be moved with our Ceremonies; but they did so to please us, and their only aim seemed to be to get some Presents from the Europeans.

But in case they had had some laudable Design, they would quickly have renounced it, because they stay no longer in their Villages than till Harvest be over, which is but a small time: All the rest of the Year they pass in Wars and Hunting. Then they carry their Families with them, and are absent eight or nine Months: Their Children then, which have begun to learn something, forget all, and fall to their former Superstitions and methods of living. Besides, their Juglers, and their old Superstitious Men, minding nothing but their Interest, endeavour to create in them a hatred towards us, lest they should believe what we teach them.

The Merchants who deal commonly with the Savages, with a design to gain by their Traffick, are [125] likewise another Obstacle: St. Augustine long since said of them, Continua est in illis meditatio doli, & tritura mendacii; They think


of nothing but cheating and lying, to become rich in a short time. They use all manner of Stratagems to get the Furs of the Savages cheap. They make use of Lies and Cheats to gain double if they can. This without doubt causes an aversion against a Religion which they see accompanied by the Professors of it with so many Artifices and Cheats.

It must likewise be confessed, that there are some Missionaries which in part hinder the progress. It's hard to learn their Languages, they being so different one from another, that they are nothing like. There is then required a great deal of time to be able to teach them the Mysteries of our Religion; and unless the Holy Ghost inspire extraordinarily, little Fruit is to be expected from these barbarous People.

Besides, the different methods that are used to instruct them, retard much their Conversion. One begins by the Animal part, and another by the Spiritual. There are diversity of Beliefs among the Christians; every one abounds in his own Sense, and believes his own Faith the purest, and his Method the best. There ought therefore to be an uniformity in Belief and Method, as there is but one Truth, and one Redeemer, otherwise these Barbarians will not know what to resolve.

I put a great deal of difference between the zeal and indefatigable pains of the Missioners, and the pretended Successes which are vaunted of in the World. They who are absolutely disingaged from the love of Riches, and who have been in the Mission among the People of the Southern America, have without doubt made a great progress in those


Countries. There are forty or fifty Provinces of our Order, where the publick Service is performed. They are in possession [126] to preach with Authority, after having destroyed Idolatry.

But we must confess, that those who have laboured in the Northern America, have not had the same progress. They have made it their application to civilize those barbarous People, and make them capable of something of Policy. They have endeavoured to put a stop to the Current of their Brutal Sallies, and so prepare the way of our Lord: notwithstanding we must confess they have made little Progress. These barbarous Nations, by I know not what fatality of Interest, are almost as Savage, and have as great an Attache to their antient Maxims, to Gluttony, Pride, Cursing and Cruelty, and a thousand other abominable Vices as ever.

They are the same they were forty years ago, and above: And yet many Books are published of the great Conversions of the Iroquois and Hurons. We were told for certain, that these Barbarians had built as many Churches and Chappels as they had destroyed, and yet they are still Enemies of all the good Maxims of Christianity.

I do not deny here but that the Missionaries have faithfully discharged their Ministry: But the Seed has fallen upon an ungrateful Soil, either on the Highway, or among the Thorns; so that they'l remain inexcusable at the day of Judgment, having resisted so clear Convictions.

Be it as it will, every day a great many Children are


baptized, and some grown Men on their Death-beds if they desire it, which is a great step to Eternity: But as to those in Health, few are converted, and fewer persevere. But the Pains, and the entire Sacrifice of the Life of a Missionary, would be well employ'd, and gloriously recompens'd, if they had had the Happiness to convert and save one only Soul.

[127] The principal and most assured part of a Missioner consists in the Administration of the Sacraments to those who go to barter among the Savages. And we may to our shame truly say, that as soon as the Furs and the Bevers begin to grow scarce among the Savages, the Europeans retire, and not one is to be found. The Savages reproached us with it once in the Presence of Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, in full Council, at the three Rivers of Canada, saying, While we have Bevers and Furs, he that prayed was with us; he instructed our Children, and taught them their Prayers and Catechisms; he was inseparable from us, and honoured us sometimes at our Feasts: but when our Merchandize failed, these Missioners thought they could do no further Service among us.

It's likewise true, that the greatest part of those Missions which were established above forty Years ago have failed: Witness those of the great Bay of St. Lawrence, of Ristigouch, of Nipisiguit, of Miskou, Cape Breton, Port-royal, of the River Wolf, of the Cape of St. Mary Magdalen, of the three Rivers, and many more which were established among the Hurons at


the head of this River. Those that were Missionaries in those Parts, thought good to quit them, and even Tadoussac it self, to establish themselves at Chigoutimi.

If God give me Health and Life, in a third Tome I'll give an account of other Obstacles more considerable, which hinder the propagation of the Gospel: I'll only say in this place that those that would employ themselves to the purpose in those Parts in this painful Ministry, must tread under foot the Riches of the World, and content themselves with a mean Subsistence, according to the Doctrine of the Apostles.


[128] Chap. XXXI.

Of the barbarous and uncivil Manners of the Savages.

THE Savages have small regard to the Civilities of Europe: They make a Mockery of the Civilities we use one to another: When they come to a place, they seldom salute those that are there: They sit upon their Breech, and have no regard even to those that come to visit them. They enter into the first Cabin they meet with, without speaking a word: They take a Seat where they can, and after light their Pipe or Calumet: They smoak without saying any thing, and even so go away again.

When they enter into a House built and furnished after the European Mode, they take the chief place: If there be a Chair before the middle of the Fire, they seize upon it, and never rise up for any body, tho he were a Prince or a King. They look upon themselves as the best Men of the World.

In the Northern Parts the Men and Women hide nothing but their Nakedness; all else is exposed to view. The Savages of the South are quite naked, having not the least sentiment of Shame: They do the Necessities of Nature before all the World, without the least scruple, and without regard to any Man. They treat their Elders with great Incivility when


they are out of Council. The common Discourse both of Men and Women is down-right Bawdy.

But as to the Commerce which Men have with their Wives, for the most part it's in private: But sometimes it's done with so little Precaution, that they are often surprized. Besides, the Savages observe [129] none of the Rules of that natural Honesty which is used among the Europeans of both Sexes. They never practise any Caresses or Endearments, which are common among the People of Europe; all is done grosly, and with a great deal of Brutality.

They never wash their Platters made of Wood or Bark, nor their Spoons. When the Savage Women have cleaned their little Infants with their hands, they wipe them very superficially upon a piece of Bark, after which they will handle the Meat that they eat. This often turned my Stomach, that I could not eat with them when I was invited to their Cabins. They seldom or never wash their Hands or Face.

The Children shew but small Respect to their Parents: Sometimes they will beat them without being chastised for it; for they think Correction would intimidate them, and make them bad Souldiers. They eat sometimes snuffling and blowing like Beasts. As soon as they enter into a Cabin, they fall a smoaking. If they find a Pot covered, they make no difficulty to take off the Lid to see what's in it. They eat in the Platter where their Dogs have eaten, without wiping it. When they eat fat Meat, they rub their Hands upon their Face and Hair to clean them: They are perpetually belching.


Those that have trucked Shirts with the Europeans, never wash them; they commonly let them rot on their backs: They seldom cut their Nails: They seldom wash the Meat they dress. Their Cabins in the North are commonly filthy. I was surprized one day to see an old Woman bite the Hair of a Child, and eat the Lice. The Women are not ashamed to make water before all the World: but they had rather go a League in the Woods than any body should see them go to stool. When the Children have pissed their Coverlets, they cast away their [130] piss with their hands. One may often see them eat lying along like Dogs. In a word, they act every thing brutally.

For all that there are many things found among them honest and civil. When any one enters into their Cabins when they are eating, they commonly present him with a plate-full of Meat, and they are extreamly pleased when all is eaten that they give. They had rather fast two days without Victuals, than let you go without heartily presenting you with part of all they have. If by chance the Portions be distributed when one comes in, the Wife who makes the Distribution orders the matter so, that she gives [her] share to the New-comer.

Some Savages presented us the finest Mats, and the best place in the Cabin, when we paid them a Visit. Those who frequent the Company of Europeans, salute us when they meet us. It's likewise the Custom of these People to return Present for Present.

Altho they shew small Respect to their old Men, yet they


have a great Deference for their Counsels. They follow them exactly, and confess that they have more Experience and know Affairs better than themselves. If an antient Man should say to a young Man, by way of Reproach, before others, Thou hast no Wit, he would presently go and poison himself, they are so sensible of Ignominy and Disgrace. In the Assemblies which are held for debating their Affairs, the young People dare not say a word unless they be asked.

In their Feasts they often give to the most considerable of the rest the whole Head of the Beast which they have killed, or the best portion of what is dressed: They never eat on the same Plate, unless it be in War, for then they observe no measures. They have a great Deference for the old Men, in that they leave them the whole Government [131] of Affairs, which is esteemed honourable among them.

There are few that salute after the mode of Europe. I knew a Savage who was called Garagontie, which is as much as to say, the Sun that moves; he one day made an Harangue before Monsieur the Count of Frontenac; and every time he began a new Discourse, he took off his Cap, and made a Speech like an Orator. Another Captain of the Hojogoins [Cayugas] seeing his little Daughter which he had given to the Count de Frontenac to be instructed, said very civilly to him, Onnontio, (for so they call the Governour of Canada, which word signifies a beautiful Mountain) thou art the Master of this Girl; order the business so that she may


learn to write and read well; and when she grows great, either send her home, or take her for a Wife. Which shows you, that the Iroquois look upon themselves as much as the greatest Persons in the World.

I knew another Iroques who was called Atreovati, which signifies great Throat: this Man eat as the Europeans do; he washed his Hands in a Bason with the Governour; he sat last down at the Table, and opened his Napkin handsomly, and eat with his Fork; and did all things after our mode: But often he did it out of Craft or Imitation, to get some Present from the Governour. The Count de Frontenac was very complaisant with these Savages; because he knew that the Iroquois were the Enemies most to be dreaded by the French, of all the People in the North America.


[132] Chap. XXXII.

Of the great Indifferency of the Humours of the Savages.

GENERALLY speaking, all the Savages of the Nations I have seen in the Northern America, have an extream Indifference for all things: They have no particular Attache to any thing, and set no great value upon the most precious thing they have: They look upon every thing as very much below them; and if they had a thousand Crowns, or any thing of equal value, they would part with it without trouble, and give it all to have what they desire. But of all the Northern Nations there is none so indifferent as the Iroquois: they look upon themselves as Masters of other People, and have often dared to declare War against the French in Canada, and would have conquered it if they had known their Forces. Notwithstanding, their Indifference for all things either of Peace or War, often induced them to make a counterfeit Peace with those of Canada. Besides, they are perswaded, that unless one send great Reinforcements thither, they can absolutely destroy them when they please, and ruin the Commerce. Let the Efforts be never so great against them, they can never extirpate them; and it will never pay the Charges which will be necessary to do it: There is nothing but blows to be got; and it will be a difficult thing to defend ones self


from their Treacheries: One can get but small Booties among them.

Their Indifference is such, that there is nothing like it under the copes of Heaven: They have a great Complaisance for all that is said to them, and in appearance [133] do all seriously you entreat them to do. When we say to them, Pray to God with us, they presently do it, and answer word for word, according to the Prayers they have been taught in their Tongue. Kneel down, they kneel; take off your Bonnet, they take it off; hold your tongue, they do it. If one say to them, Hear me, they hearken diligently. If one give them some Image, Crucifix, or Beads, they use them as Jewels to adorn themselves with. When I said to them, Tomorrow is Sunday, or Prayer-day, they answered me, Niaora, that's well, I am content. I said to them sometimes, Promise the great Master of Life never to be drunk any more; they answered, Netho, I promise you I'll commit no more such Folly: but as soon as they got Aquavitć [i. e., brandy], or other strong Liquors, which they trucked with the French, English, and Hollanders, for their Furs, they began afresh to be drunk.

When I asked them if they believed in the Great Master of Life, of Heaven and Earth; they answered, Yes. Notwithstanding, the Savage Women which some Missioners had baptized, and who were married in the face of the Church with some French Men of Canada, often left their Husbands, and took others, saying, they were not subject to the Laws of the Christians, and that they did not marry but with a


design to stay with their Husbands as long as they agreed together: but if they did not agree well, they were at liberty to change.

It's necessary to civilize this Nation before they be made to embrace the Christian Faith. If they be not under the Yoak, it's in vain to labour their Conversion, unless God by a particular Grace should do some Miracle in favour of this People. This is all I can say upon this Subject, founded upon the Experience I as well as many other Recolets have had of them.


[134] Chap. XXXIII.

Of the Beauty and Fertility of the Country of the Savages: That powerful Colonies may easily be planted on the North and the South.

BEFORE I enter into the Particulars of these charming Countries which are in the North and the South of the Northern America, I'll speak two words of the Countries of the North, to the end one may see that it's easy to establish there powerful Colonies.

We must confess that there are vast Forests to be rid up, which reach from Canada to the Country of Louisiana, all along the River of Meschasipi; so that it would require a great deal of time to clear the Ground. But this is incident to all new Establishments.

Considerable Advantages were formerly made, and are so still, from the Fishery, of which they dried one part, because they sold them in the hot Countries; in which Traffick were imployed in the past Age a thousand or twelve hundred Vessels. The great Bank of Newfoundland, the adjacent Banks, the neighbouring Isles, Cape Breton, the broken Island, and Acadia, have the most Fish in the World. I do


not speak here of the Fishery of the North, which France pretends a Right to, under the Title of the first Possessors. These Fisheries would be inexhaustible Mines for the Kingdom, which could not be taken from it, if they were supported by good Colonies. A great many Vessels might go every Year to fish for the Porpose, the Whale, and the Seawolf [i. e., Seal], which would furnish us with an infinite quantity of Oil for [135] our Domestick Manufactures, of which a part might be transported into Foreign Countries.

It's granted that the Traffick of Fishing which is upon these Coasts of Canada, gave birth to the first Establishments which were made in those Parts of America. There has not been time enough, nor Means to search the Country for Mines; without doubt there are Mines of Tin, Lead, Copper and Iron in many places, which are left for the Discovery of future Ages. The Country, by reason of the vast Forests, will furnish all sorts of Wood necessary to compleat the Mines. In many places is found a sort of bastard Marble, and great Bands of Coal fit for the Forges; there is also a sort of Plaister which much resembles Alabaster.

The further one advances into the Country, the more beautiful Forests are found, full of gummy Trees, fit to make Pitch for Ships, as also infinite store of Trees fit for Masts, of Pines, Firs, Cedars, Maples, fit for all sorts of Work, especially for the building of Ships: Great Men of War might be built there, Mariners might always find imploy enough, and get sufficient to maintain their Families; they would become abler Sea-men by this Navigation and


Commerce of the West, than of the Levant, and their Experience would be greater.

At the first beginning of the Establishment of the Colony in Canada, the Community gain'd every Year a hundred thousand Crowns, besides the Gains of private Persons. In the Year 1687, this Sum was tripled and above, by the Furs which were sent to France: And tho the Merchants are forc'd to advance further into the Country than at first, it's notwithstanding an inexhaustible Commerce, as we have observed, by the great Discoveries we have made.

It must be granted, that there are no Nations in Europe that have such an Inclination for Colonies as [136] the English and the Hollanders: The Genius of those People will not permit them to be idle at home. So the vast Countries of America which I have described, may be made the Soul of their Commerce. Private Persons who shall undertake it, without interesting their own Country, may bring it to a happy issue: They may easily contract: Alliances with the Savages, and civilize them. The Colonies which they shall establish there will quickly be well peopled, and they may fortify themselves there at a very small Expence: They may content themselves at first with a moderate Gain, but in a short time it will be extreamly considerable.

There are in England and Holland a great many sorts of Merchandizes and Manufactures of all sorts, which cannot be consumed upon the place, but in time here might be had a prodigious utterance of them. And from hence one may better learn to understand, than hitherto we have done, the


admirable Providence of God, whose Will and Pleasure it was that every Country in the World should not be equally furnished with all things, to the end Society and Commerce between different Nations might be established, and the glad Tidings of the Gospel be divulged to the ends of the World.

It is something great and glorious to gain Battles, and subdue rebellious Subjects; but it's infinitely more glorious to gain Souls to Christ: And I must needs say, that the principal aim I propose in publishing this great Discovery, is to animate Christians to extend the Dominions of our Saviour, and to aggrandize his Empire.

It's certain, to return to our Discourse of Trade and Commerce, that the Trade of Furs in the North is of infinite Profit and Advantage. There are to be had Skins of Elks or Orignaux, as they are called in Canada, of Bears, Bevers, of the white Wolf or [137] Lynx, of black Foxes, which are wonderfully beautiful, which were sometimes valued at five or six hundred Franks; of common Foxes, Otters, Martens, wild Cats, wild Goats, Harts, Porcupines; of Turkies, which are of an extraordinary bigness, Bustards, and an infinity of other Animals, whose Names I know not.

There may be catch'd, as I said before, Sturgeons, Salmons, Piques [Pikes], Carps, large Breams, Eels, Sword-fish, Gilt-heads, Barbels of an extraordinary bigness, and other


sorts of Fish without number. There is infinite Gain for the Fowlers: There is an infinity of Sea-Larks, which are a lump of Fat: There are Partridges, Ducks of all sorts, Huars, a kind of Dottrel, which imitates Mens Voices, which have an admirable diversity of beautiful Colours, Turtles, Ring-doves, Cranes, Herons, Swans, Bustards, which have a relish of all sorts of Meat when you eat them, and a great abundance of all such like Game.

The great River of St. Laurence, which I have often mentioned, runs through the middle of the Country of the Iroques, and makes a great Lake there which they call Ontario, viz. the beautiful Lake; it's near 100 Leagues long, and a vast number of Towns might be built upon it. These places having Correspondence with New York, judicious Persons will easily see of what vast Profit the Trade will be; and here it's to be observed, that the middle of this River is nearer New York than Quebec, the Capital City of Canada.

The River of St. Laurence on the South has a Branch which comes from a Nation which is called Nez, or the Outtaouaets; on the North are the Algonquins, where the French have taken possession: Towards the East dwells the Nation of Wolves [Mohicans] near New Holland or York: On the South of the same River is situated New England or Boston, where are many [138] trading Ships: On the South-west is


Virginia, which together with New Holland was formerly called New Sweedland : On the East [sc. West] is the Country of the Hurons, so called, because they burn their Hair, and leave but a little Tuft upon their Head, which flares like a wild Boar's Bristles. This Nation has been almost destroy'd by the Iroques, who have incorporated the Remainder among themselves. I have added many other Countries towards the North of the River of St. Laurence in the general and particular Map, which I have published in the first Volume of our Discovery.

The great Bay called Hudson's, is on the North of this River; it was discovered by the Sieur Desgroseliers Rochechouart,, with whom I was often in a Canoo during my stay in Canada. The English have given him a Pension; and Mr. Blathwait, first Secretary of War to William the Third King of England, told me the last Year, that Sieur Desgroseliers was then living in England.

This Hudson's-Bay is situated on the North of New France, and of the River of St. Laurence; it has above four hundred


Leagues Extent, and by Land it is not far from Quebec, as it may be observed in my Charts: Notwithstanding we count it eight hundred Leagues from Quebec by the River to the Sea. And the Navigation it self has something of difficulty, because of the continual Fogs.

While I was at Quebec, the Canadins told me that Sieur Desgroseliers assured them he had great trouble to get thither by reason of the Ice, which was seven or eight foot thick, which was driven from the Northward with whole Trees, and the Earth it self together. Birds were seen which had there built their Nests, so that they looked like so many little Islands. I do not affirm that it's altogether just as I say: But the said Sieur Desgroseliers and others [139] have assured me, that they have passed through Ice for two Leagues together, and that it's prodigiously thick, one piece upon another, driven by the Winds higher than the Towers of great Cities. So that we are not to admire what Sea-men tell us, that upon those great Banks of Ice they have placed their Forges, and made Anchors.

The English have in Hudson's-Bay the Forts of Nelson and Neusavane. The Court of France ordered heretofore the Traders in Canada to drive the English hence; but they had notice of it, and prevented the Canadins, by sending four great Ships to their assistance.

In the Countries to the North of the River of St. Laurence are found Mines of Iron and Steel, which would yield 40 or


50 per Cent. There are Lead-Mines which would yield about 30 per Cent, and Copper which would yield 18: And according to all appearance there might be found Mines of Silver and Gold. Miners were sent thither while I was there: but the French are too quick in their Enterprizes; they would be rich too soon, and threw them up, because they did not presently find what they sought for.

Messieurs Genins, the Father and the Son, who were sent thither to see the Work go on, then told me, That since the Company did not perform their Contract, they had taken a Resolution to return home to Paris. That if the French who were in Canada had had as much Patience as other Nations, as Mr. Genin sen. told me at that time, they had without doubt gain'd their Point.

In short, all the Countries upon the River of St. Laurence produce all sorts of Herbage and Seeds. There are all sorts of Materials, as Oak, and all other sorts of Wood fit for building of Ships; and the prodigious quantity of Firs furnish Pitch in abundance. [140] Above all this, the Firs of which we have spoke, and Ashes fit to make Potashes of, which may yield more than a hundred and fifty thousand Livers a Year, and which alone are sufficient to subsist a great number of poor People; all these things, I say, are capable of producing a considerable Profit for the subsistence of the Colonies which may be established there.

That which is most remarkable is, that those who are Masters of those Countries may keep in awe above a thousand Vessels which go every Year to fish, and who bring back


Whale-Oil, and a great quantity of Salmon, and Poor-Jack, enough to furnish whole Kingdoms. All those Ships must of necessity come to the Pierced Island, where our Recolets have a little Mission House near the Fishers Huts, because there is no other convenience in those Countries. There is no Fortress at the entrance of the River, at least I saw none. An Establishment in this place without doubt would gain the Trade, and make it very advantagious in case a good Colony were settled there, which were very easy.

In the Description which we have published of Louisiana, and the Countries of the South, which may truly be called the Paradise of America, we have made mention of all the Animals, of which we have spoke here above; but besides them, there are a great quantity of Bulls and wild Cows, which have a frisled Wool; they may be tamed and made fit for labour: besides they would serve for Food, and might be shorn every Year like Sheep, and as good Cloth made of them as any in Europe. The Savages that dwell in those Countries were never able to destroy these Beasts, because they change their Country according to the seasons.

There are many Medicinal Herbs which are not in Europe, whose Effects are infallible, according to [141] the Experience of the Savages: They cure with them all sorts of Wounds, the Tertian and Quartan Agues; some of them purge well, and allay the Pains in the Reins, and such like Maladies.


There are likewise great quantities of Poisons, as the Rind of the wild Gourd, and others which they make use of to destroy their Enemies. Serpents are common in some Parts particularly Adders, Aspicks, and Rattle-snakes; they are of a prodigious length and bigness, and bite dangerously poor Passengers: But they have Sovereign Remedies against their biting. There are in these Countries Frogs of a stupendous bigness, their croaking is as loud as the lowing of Cows.

There are here all sorts of European Trees, and many of different species from ours, as I have already mentioned: Those are, for Example, the Cotton Tree, and many others. These Trees take deep rooting, and become very tall, which shews the goodness of the Soil. But the greatest advantage that may be drawn from our Discovery between the frozen Sea and New Mexico consists in this, as I have said, that by the means of these Countries of the South, a Passage may be found to China and Japan, without being obliged to pass the Equinoctial Line.


[142] Chap. XXXIV.

Of the Methods of the Savages in their Councils. Their crafty Policies against their Enemies, and their Cruelty against the Europeans; and how a stop may be put to them.

IT often happens that the Savages exercise great Cruelties against the Europeans, when they pretend to have been insulted. These Barbarians make Proclamation of War by three or four old Men in all their Villages: They do it with so loud a Voice, and so dreadful a Tone, that all that are in their Cabins, as well Men as Women, tremble for fear.

Presently all the antient Men, and all those who are to share in their Counsels, meet at one of their great Cabins, where the Chief of their Nation dwells: There one of their Chiefs speaks to them always in this manner; My Brethren, and my Nephews, one of such a Nation has killed one of our People. For tho they have but a small occasion of Discontent, they always give out they are killed : We must then, says the Chief, make War upon them, extirpate them, and revenge the Evil they have done. If all those that assist at the Council answer one after another, Netho, or Togenskč; and if they smoak in the Calumet, or Pipe of War, whilst a little Savage takes care from time to time to ram it with Tobacco; this is taken for an unanimous Consent of the Nation, and their


Allies. Then one may see from time to time Troops of Souldiers marching to surprise their Enemies, tho they be often very innocent, and 'tis wholly upon the false suggestion of some ill-minded Savage.

[143] One day the Iroques pretending an Injury done by a French-man of Canada, they would not attack the whole Nation, but contented themselves to discharge their Fury upon two of them, whom they killed with Hatchets; after they tied their Bodies to great Stones, and cast them into the River to conceal this black Action; and there had never been any thing known of it, if after some time the Ropes had not broke, and the River brought their Bodies to the Bank.

The Savages perceiving that they were suspected, because they were forbidden to come near the Fort and the Houses of the Inhabitants, began to fear lest the Canadins should revenge this barbarous Action: To prevent the Effects of it, they went up to the three Rivers, and held a Council of about eight hundred Men: The Result of their Assembly was, that they should endeavour to surprize and cut the Throats of all the People in Quebec, the Capital City of Canada, at that time but poorly inhabited.

It's hard to keep Secrecy in a Council of so many Men at once, who without doubt were not all of one sentiment: Providence therefore, that watched for the Conservation of this little growing Colony, permitted that one of the Savages, called Foriere, whom some of our Order of St. Francis had instructed at the three Rivers two years together, who had a


great kindness for them, gave Advice to one of our Friars, called Friar Pacificus, who presently gave notice to the Government. This obliged them to intrench themselves in a little wooden Fort, fortified with Stakes, and ill-ordered Palisadoes. This Savage was highly rewarded, and more was promised him, to oblige him not only to discover their further Designs, but also to endeavour to divert them from their Enterprize against the Canadins.

This Savage acquitted himself very well of his [144] Commission: He manag'd this Affair so happily, that he not only made them to quit their former Design, but fully perswaded them to reconcile themselves with the French, and to obtain Provisions, of which they stood much in need at that time. The Savages sent to this end forty Canoos with Women to fetch in Provisions. The Canadins furnished them with as much as the time would permit.

The French received with a great deal of Joy the Propositions of Peace, which were made them in full Council by the Savage Foriere on the part of the Iroques, whom he had appeased. They were told that the Chiefs and Captains of the Nation should give up the Murderers to the Canadins to dispose of them as they thought good: To this effect their Antients should have Orders to come to Quebec to treat on this Affair.

The Proposition which Foriere made to the Savages on this Subject, at first frighted them; but afterwards reflecting upon the Weakness, and the sweet Temper of the French in


Canada, and relying upon the Credit of Father Joseph Caron a Recolet, whom they esteemed their Friend, they perswaded one of the two who was the less guilty, to go down with them to Quebec. In the mean time the Iroques ordered their little Army to make a halt half a League from the French Fort, to expect [i. e., await] the Success of the Negotiation.

The Iroques presented their Criminals to the Canadins, with a quantity of Bever Robes, which they gave to wipe away their Tears, according to their Custom. In effect they made up the Business by their Presents: It's thus they commonly appease the Anger of those they have provoked, and engage their Allies, make Peace, deliver Prisoners, and as I may say, raise the Dead: In short, there's neither Proposal nor Answer, but by Presents, [145] which serve instead of Words in their Harangues.

The Presents which the Savages make for a Man who has been murdered, are many; but commonly it's not he that committed the Murder that offers them; but the Custom is that it be done by his Parents, Township, or sometimes by the whole Nation, according to the Quality of him who was killed. If the Murderer be met with by the Parents of the Defunct, before he has made satisfaction, he's put to Death immediately. According to this Custom, before Foriere, the Antients and Captains of the Savages began to speak, who made a Present of twelve Elk Skins to sweeten the Canadins.


After they had treated, they made a second Present, and laid it at the Feet of the Canadins, saying, It was to cleanse the bloody Part of the Place where the Murder was committed, protesting they had no knowledg of this Affair till it was done; and that all the Chiefs of the Nation had condemned the Attempt. The third was to strengthen the Arms of those who had found the Bodies on the Bank of the River, and who had carried them into the Woods: They gave them also two Robes of Bever, to repose upon, and refresh themselves after the Labour they had suffered in burying them. The fourth was to wash and cleanse those who were polluted with the Murder, and to obtain the Spirit again which they had lost, when they gave the unfortunate Stroke. The fifth to efface all the Resentments the Canadins might have. The sixth was to make an inviolable Peace with the French; adding, that for the future they would cast away their Hatchets, so far that they should never be found; which was as much as to say, that their Nation being in perfect Peace with the Europeans, they would have no use of any Arms, only for Hunting. The seventh was to evidence the Desire they had that the Canadins would have their [146] Ears pierced; which is to say in their Language, that they would be open to the Sweetness of Peace, to pardon the two Murderers the Fault they had committed.

They offered a Quantity of Chains of Sea-Purple-Shells, to light a Fire of Counsel (as they phrased it) at the three Rivers, where the Iroques then were, and another at Quebec. They added another Present of two thousand Grains of black


and blue Purple, to serve in Wood and Fewel for these two Fires.

Here the Reader is to observe, that the Savages seldom have any Assemblies, but they have their Pipe in their Mouth; Fire being necessary to light their Pipes, they always have it ready in their Consults: so that it's the same thing among them to light a Fire of Counsel, as to assemble to consult. The eighth Present was to desire a Union of their Nation with the Canadins; and then they offered a great Chain of Sea Purple, with ten Robes of Bever and Elk; to confirm all they had said.

Whatsoever purpose was made at Quebec to punish the Murderers, to prevent the like Mischiefs for the future, they were obliged to desist from it, and pardon the Murderers; because they were not in a condition to resist such a powerful Enemy: so all was concluded, and two Hostages were demanded of the Savages for the performance of their Promises. They put into Father Joseph's Hands two young Iroques Boys, called Nigamon and Tebachi, to be instructed. In conclusion, the guilty Persons were sent back notwithstanding, upon condition that at the arrival of the Ships which were expected from Europe, this Affair should have its final Decision.

I remember when I was in Canada, I heard the French often murmur that this Affair was managed thus, and that the Murderers should avoid the Stroke of Justice. After


this the Iroques committed a great [147] many such like Enormities, saying they should be quit for a few Skins of wild Beasts, instead of those of the Canadins, whom they would flea off alive; and that those of their Nation would not suffer such like Actions without a sutable Revenge, tho the whole Nation of the Iroques should perish to a Man.

In effect these Barbarians grew every day more insolent upon it, and despised the Canadins, as People of no Courage; so that whatsoever Face they put upon the Matter in their Treaty, it was only done out of Policy to advantage themselves by their Commerce of Furs for the Merchandises of Europe.

We see at this day, that the War which the Iroques have at present with the French in Canada, furnishes us with continual Examples of their Cruelty. The Europeans ought to take away their Fire-Arms, to reduce them, and to make them reside in one Place, and to live after the mode of Europe: This would be the means to convert them to Christianity. The Spaniards took this Method with the Mexicans, who dare not carry Fire-Arms, it being punished with Death; nevertheless they are not the worse used, and the Mexicans are as good Catholicks as any in the World and carry the easiest Yoak of any Subjects in the Universe.

Our first Recollets in the first Colony of Canada, saw a necessity of overthrowing the Council of the Iroques, which are the most redoubted Enemies of the Europeans: They observed that all the Peaces which these Savages made, were only Feints to cover the Breaches of former Treaties. Our


Fathers often represented this to the Court of France, that to convert these Barbarians, and to hinder them from taking Measures prejudicial to the Colony of Canada, it was necessary to found a Seminary of fifty or sixty young Iroques for seven or eight years only; after [148] which they might be maintained of the Revenue of the Ground, which might be cultivated during that time. That those Children offered themselves every day to our Religious by consent of their Parents, to be instructed and brought up in the Christian Religion. That the Iroques and other Savages, seeing their Children educated in this manner, would form no more Enterprizes against the Colony, as long as their Children were in the Seminary, as Guarantees of the Fidelity of their Parents.


Chap. XXXV.

Of the proper Methods to establish good Colonies. The Thoughts and Opinions of the Savages touching Heaven and Earth.

THE Religious of our Order of St. Francis can possess nothing in Property, neither can they according to their Institute, buy or possess any Revenues. There is no Order so fit as ours to support the Colonies that are established by the Catholicks in America: The Truth of what I say is seen by those which the Emperor Charles the fifth sent into new Mexico; where are to be seen this day an Infinity of great Families, that have made great Advantages of the Disinterestedness of our Religious; the best Lands have not been swallowed up, as we see in Canada, where we see the richest and most fertile Places in the hands of some Communities, who have laid hold of them during the absence of the Recollects; who notwithstanding are the first Missioners of Canada, having near fourscore Years ago attempted the planting of the Gospel there.

The People of New France having earnestly desired our Return, after a long forced absence, we [149] found that the best Lands of our Establishment of the Convent of our Lady


of Angels, were seized upon; where I have often renewed and marked the Bounds which remained, to prevent the Designs of those who would seize upon the Remainder: But my Design is not to tax or offend any body; tho I publish those things that may displease some, I shall speak nothing but Truth.

I shall not speak here of the great Advantages which have accrued to the four Parts of the World by the Missions of our Recollets, it would require large Volumes; I shall only relate here the Labours of our Religious in this Age, and the great Discoveries made by us in America. When the French Colony of Canada was established, our Recollets asked nothing of the Government, but a dozen Men fit for Husbandry-Affairs; which were to be commanded by a secular Master of a Family, for the Subsistence of fifty or sixty young Savage Children, whilst our Religious extended themselves on all sides in the Mission to draw others to Christianity. These Religious expose their Lives, and subject themselves to all sorts of Trouble and Fatigue, in order to plant the Gospel all over the World.

Our Religious long ago advised that Christian Religion, and the Authority of Justice, should be supported by a good Garison, established in some convenient Place in the Northern


America, which might keep in subjection more than eight hundred Leagues of Country all along the River of St. Lawrence: There is no way to approach thither, but by the Mouth of this great River. This would be the true means to make Trade flourish: The Power of the Prince would be augmented, and his Dominions far extended by the Possession of this great River.

There might be joined to this many great Countries which might be seized upon in this vast Continent [150] upon the River Meschasipi, which is far more convenient than the River of St. Lawrence to establish Colonies in: for here may be had two Harvests a year, and in some places three, besides a great many other advantages. To which may be added, that by this means a great many Countries would become tributary, and might be joined to these new Colonies. To this I would heartily contribute, being ready to sacrifice the remainder of my Days to such a good work.

First, To bring to a happy conclusion so noble an Enterprize, it's necessary that the Princes or States, which would make use of our Discoveries, should very exactly administer Justice. The beginnings of all Colonies are difficult. It's necessary therefore to prevent Thefts, Murders, Debaucheries, Blasphemies, and all other sorts of Crimes, which are too common with the Europeans that inhabit America.

Secondly, A Fort ought to be built at the mouth of the River of St. Laurence, and above all at the mouth of Meschasipi, which are the only places where Ships can come. Then the Inhabitants might extend themselves, and clear the


Ground twenty, or twenty five Leagues round about. They might have several Harvests in the Year, and might employ themselves in taming wild Bulls, which might be made use of several ways: besides, advantage must be drawn from Mines and Sugar-Canes, which are here far more frequent than in the Isles of America, the Ground being richer and fitter for Canes; among which may be sown great quantities of several sorts of Grain, which never come to maturity in those Islands. The Climate of the Countries which are betwixt the frozen Sea and the Gulph of Mexico, is far more temperate along the River Meschasipi than in the Isles above mention'd. The Air is of the same Temperature as in Spain, Italy, and Provence. The Men and Women go always [151] with their Heads bare, and are taller than the Europeans.

As to the Sentiments these Barbarians have of Heaven and Earth; when they are asked, Who is he that made them? some of their more antient and abler Men answer, That as to the Heavens they know not who made them. If you have been there, say they, you must know something of the matter: it's a foolish Question, say they, to ask what we think of a place so high above our Heads; how would you have us to speak of a place that never none saw?

But, say they, can you shew by the Scripture of which you speak, a Man that ever came from thence, and the manner how he mounted up thither? When we answer, that our Souls being unfettered from the Body, are of infinite agility, and that in the twinkling of an Eye they mount up thither to receive the recompence of their Works from the hand of


the Master of Life; these People, who have a great indifference for whatsoever is said to them, and are cunning enough in seeming to approve in outward appearance, whatsoever is thought convenient to propose to them; being harder pressed, they answer, It's well for those of your Country; but we Americans do not go to Heaven after Death: We only go to the Country of Souls, whither our People go to hunt fat Beasts, where they live in greater Tranquillity than here. All that you say is good for those that dwell beyond the great Lake; for so they call the Sea. They further say, that as to themselves they are made in another manner than the People of Europe: So that their Conversion does solely depend upon the good will and pleasure of God, who must water our planting.

As to the Sentiments of the Savages relating to the Earth, they make use of a certain Genius which they call Micaboche, who covered all the Earth with Water, [152] which seems to retain some Tradition of the Deluge. These Savages believe that there are between Heaven and Earth, certain Spirits in the Air, which have power to predict future things; and others that are excellent Physicians, for the cure of all sorts of Maladies. This makes them very superstitious, and to consult the Oracles with great exactness.

One of these Master-Juglers, who passed for a Wizard and Conjurer among them, made a Cabin be erected with ten great Stakes well fix'd in the Ground. He made a dreadful


Noise about consulting the Spirits, to know if there would quickly fall abundance of Snow, for the better hunting of Elks and Bevers. This famous Jugler cried out all on a sudden, that he saw great store of Elks which were at a distance, but that they were coming within seven or eight Leagues of their Cabins. This made these poor People rejoice exceedingly.

It's to be observ'd that when the Jugler, or pretended Prophet, misses the mark, they have no less esteem for him; it's sufficient that he hath guessed right three or four times, to gain him a lasting Reputation. I told them that the great Master of Heaven, who governs all things, ought only to be addressed in our Petitions and Necessities. They answered me that they knew him not, and that they would be glad to know whether he could send them Elks and Bevers; so blind are these People. I told them once that we Europeans knew how all things were made, and by whom. They told me that if I would go and live with them, they would send their Children to be instructed. These Sentiments of the Savages let us see, that the greatest good that can be done among them, is to baptize their dying Infants.

The Missions of the Northern America are far different from others. There is nothing to be found agreeable to Nature, nothing but what contradicts the [153] inclination of the Senses: One must submit to infinite Fatigues, and barren and ingrateful Labour. Notwithstanding those who apply themselves with zeal, confess they find a secret Charm


which inclines them to this work; so that if any Necessity diverts them from it, they are much perplexed.

This seems to me to be a good Presage for the Missions of these Countries, and that God Almighty will not suffer them always to remain in the Shadows of Death; since by his Grace he makes the Missioners find so much pleasure in those Labours, so contrary to Flesh and Blood.

Patience is absolutely necessary for this Employ. All along our Travels in America we din'd upon the Ground, or upon some Mat of Bulrushes when we were in the Cabins of some Savage. A Fagot of Cedar was our Pillow in the Night; our Cloaks our Coverlets; our Knees our Table; some Bushes tied together, our Seats; the Leaves of Indian Corn, our Napkins. We had some Knives, but they were of no use to us for want of Bread to cut. Except in the time of the great Hunting, and certain Seasons of the Year, Flesh-meat was so scarce that we were oft six Weeks, or two Months, without eating any, unless it were a morsel of a wild Dog, or some piece of a Bear, or Fox, which the Savages gave us at their Feasts.

Our common Food was the same with the Savages, viz. Sagamite, or Pottage made of Water and Indian Corn with Gourds: To give it a Relish, we put into it Marjoram, and a sort of Balm, with wild Onions which we found in the Woods and Fields. Our ordinary Drink was Water. If any of us was indisposed, while the Sap was up in the Trees, we made a hole in the Bark of a Maple, and there dropt out a


sweet Sugar-like Juice, which we saved in a Platter made of the Bark of a Birch-tree; we drank it as a Sovereign [154] Remedy, tho it had but small effects. There are in the Vallies of those Forests great store of Maples, from whence may be drawn distill'd Waters. After a long boiling, we made of it a kind of reddish Sugar, much better than that which is drawn from the ordinary Canes in the Isles of America.

Our Spanish Wine failing us, we made more of wild Grapes which were very good; we put it into a little Barrel, in which our Wine was kept that we brought with us, and some Bottles. A Wooden-Mortar and an Altar-Towel was our Press. The Fat [Vat] was a Bucket of Bark. Our Candle was Chips of the Bark of Birch-tree, which lasted a small while. We were forced to read and write by the light of the Fire in Winter, which was very inconvenient.

While we were at the Fort of Frontenac, about sixscore Leagues from Quebec towards the South, we made up a little Garden, and paled it in to keep out the Savage Children: Peas, Herbs, and whatsoever Pulse we sowed there, grew extremely well. We had had great store, if we had had proper Tools to work with at the beginning of the establishment of that Fort, which was but then fortified with great Stakes: We made use of sharp-pointed Sticks, because we had no other Husbandry-Tools. All our Consolation was, in the midst of these Fatigues, to see the Gospel of Christ advanced.

The Savages seem'd to have some Inclination; they were attentive and diligent in coming to their Prayers, tho they


had none of that openness of Spirit which is necessary to enter into the Verities of Religion. They came to seek Instruction with a Spirit of Interest, to have our Knives, Awls, and such like things.

I owe the following Thoughts to an excellent Religious Man of our Order, whom I shall name in my third Volume, if it please God I perfect my Design.

[155] I make a great deal of difference between the Zeal, the Labours of true Misssioners, and the pretended Successes which have been so often bragg'd of, without any probability of Truth. The Justice we are obliged to pay to the painful Fatigues of Apostolical Men in New-France, is that they cannot be expressed: They equal the Enterprizes, Courage, and Sufferings of St. Paul, who was exposed to great Dangers, to Famine, Thirst, &c. Their Silence it self was great and laudable among the Calumnies of their Enemies. But the Conduct of the Missioners in the Christian World is justified by it self, and puts them above such-like Reproaches, as well in regard of Canada, as any place else.

Formerly it employed all my thoughts, as well as those of other Missioners among the Iroquois, to civilize these Savages, to make them capable of Laws and Civil Policy, and to put a stop to their brutal Sallies as much as possible. I have done my utmost to disabuse them, and shew them the folly of their vain Superstitions; and so I prepared the way of our Lord to the utmost of my power. But it must; be confessed the Harvest was little; those People are as Savage as ever, always fixed to their antient Maxims, to their profane


Customs, to Pride, Drunkenness, Cruelty, being even uncapable of Instruction and Obedience. They are the same they were thirty or forty years ago. Since the French of Canada made a Peace with them, and that the Jesuits became their Missioners, altho they had built as many Churches and Chappels as they had destroyed, these Iroquois, who may justly be called the unconquerable Philistines, have made no progress in Faith: To speak truth, we see the quite contrary at this day. These Barbarians maintain a cruel War with the French. I must confess it's hard for me to conceive that Christians should have a War with such brutal People, [156] whom I had managed with all the dexterity I could, during the six or seven Years I was among them; sometimes by Embassies, which I was charged with; sometimes by the Instructions I gave them for Reading and Writing, and for Religion it self. We continued this warlike Nation in Peace as much as possible.

The Iroquois, who call the Religious of our Order Chitagon, that is to say, naked Feet, have often regretted our Absence about the Lake Ontario, or Frontenac, where they had a Mission-house. I have often heard say, that when a Priest of St. Sulpitius, a Jesuit, or any other Ecclesiastick of Canada, asked them how it happen'd that they gave them no share of their Game, as they were wont to give the naked Feet? They answered, that our Recolets liv'd in common as they did, and that they took no Recompence of all the Presents that they made them: That they neither took Furs, of which all the Europeans are so greedy, nor any other


Recompence, for all that our Religious did for them. This shews, that one must begin by the Animal part with those People, and after proceed to the Spiritual. And that if, as in the Primitive Church, the Christians of this Age were of one Heart, and one Soul, and wholly disinterested, without doubt this Nation would be easier converted.

It's true, that while I was a Missioner at Fort Frontenac, among the Iroquois, and that the Jesuits were scattered here and there in their Country, these Religious served to other purposes than my self: For as those Barbarians are wholly led by Sense, they then looked upon the Jesuit Missioners as Captains, and Men of considerable Quality, as Envoys, and perpetual Residents of the French Colony of Canada, who maintained the Alliance which was among them, who disposed of Peace and War, who served for Hostages when they went to trade in the inhabited [157] parts of Canada; otherwise these Barbarians would have had perpetual Diffidences, and would have been afraid of being detained for want of Hostages, and of this Security for their Lives and Goods.

It's observed, that the Missioners of whom I speak, undertake the Tutelage of the Savages, of which they acquit themselves very well. They draw these Barbarians into their Residences, and exercise them in clearing the Ground of their Settlements, which contributes much to the Advantage of the Colony, and the Church it self. To their Reputation and Zeal must be attributed many confiderable Foundations for this Mission, which they have obtained from many powerful and zealous Persons, whose Liberality they manage as well as


the annual Gratifications of the King for the same purpose. Besides, these Missions are the places where true Saints are formed, by the Labours of an indefatigable Zeal, a fervent Charity, accompanied with Patience and Humility, and by a great Disinterestedness; by an extraordinary Sweetness, and by a lively and pure Faith: but it's a kind of an Apostle-ship different from that of other Nations.

But to speak here one word of the Progress of these Missions. Is it possible that this pretended prodigious number of converted Savages should escape the Knowledg of a croud of French Canadins, who go abroad every Year from home at least three or four hundred Leagues, to the utmost Borders of the discovered Countries, to trade, where some of them sojourn whole Years for to barter their Commodities? How happen'd it that these devout Churches disappeared when I travelled through the middle of the Countries? How comes it to pass, that so many Men of Sense should not discern them?

Besides, it's well known that the Savages come every Year in great Troops into Canada with their [158] Canoos loaden with Furs. There is to be seen a Concourse of all sorts of


Savages, who are as it were the select People of all those different Nations. All the Country are Witnesses, that in their Manners and Doings nothing appears but Barbarity, without any sign or mark of Religion. All the Proof they can give, is, that like Idols they assist at our Mysteries and Instructions: for the rest we may see them indifferent, without discovering any Faith or Spirit of Religion. It may be called rather an effect of their Curiosity: Some of them come upon the account of Interest, others upon a Motive of Fear, or some particular Esteem they have for the Person of some Missioner, whom they often regard as a considerable Chief.

All therefore that can be done, is to draw out of the Woods some Families which shew the most Docility, and to dispose them to settle in some inhabited Place. There are two Villages in the Neighbourhood of Quebec, and two other higher up upon the River of St. Lawrence, near Mont-royal, which are separated from the Commerce of the Europeans. It's therefore in those Parts that the Church of the Savages is to be found. Tho their Language as well as Manners are altogether savage, yet for all that those Neophytes are kept in their Devoir. Great pains is taken to educate them in Piety, yet not much is gain'd upon their Spirit. There are some that are Christians in good earnest; but there are many entire Families who escape from the Missioners after having abode with them ten or twelve Years, and return to the Woods to their first mode of living.

It may be reply'd by some, that we see many Christians in Europe swerve from their Duty, and disgrace their Character


by a Libertine Conduct; but we do not discourse here of the Corruption of the Manners of the Savages, but of their adhesion to Christianity: It's certain they quite apostatize from it.

[159] The contrary has been declar'd in France, in several Relations, which have been publish'd upon this Subject, which were order'd to be read to the Pensionaries of the Ursulines. It's said, that there are a great many Indians converted, and others ready for the Sacrament of Confirmation, and that some of them have received the lesser Orders. Would to God that all those Churches spoke of in the Relations were as real, as all the judicious People of Canada know they are chimerical. If they were formerly, what's become of them now? after almost an Age they are no more to be seen; and yet the Colony of Canada increases. The Trade is greater than formerly, and it's better known, so that the pretended number of Converts would be easily discovered.

When formerly these Relations were read to Persons who had not that knowledg of Canada we have at present, it gained Credit with every body according to their Inclinations. It was easy to impose upon People in this respect. But as to me who have been upon the Place, and who have always spoke my mind with a great deal of Candor and Liberty, I content my self to appeal to all the Inhabitants of New France, who are at present fifteen or sixteen thousand Souls ; I am assured they will confess ingenuously, there is


scarce any Christianity among the Savages at this day, except some particular Persons, and those in small numbers, very fickle and inconstant, ready at every moment for any small Interest to abandon their Religion.

It may be that some Advances are made towards the civilizing those Barbarians, and to make them more polite than they were. But all the Inhabitants of those Countries know, that they are no more Christians than formerly. Notwithstanding it's very probable that they would have adhered better to the Christian Religion, if they had trod in the steps [160] of the Religious of our Order, if they had kept a solid Peace with the Iroquois and other Savage Nations, and if they had been mingled among the Europeans, to make them more docible and more tractable.

While I was in the Mission of Canada, I bethought me one day to ask some judicious Men, how it happen'd that we had no more Annual Relations of the Missions of Canada. When those whom I had asked gave me no Answer, a certain Person who thought no ill, told me, that the Court of Rome had order'd that the Relations of foreign Millions should be exactly true: That the Congregation De propaganda Fide had order'd that no more should be published that were not of publick Notoriety, and clear as the Sun at Noon. This seem'd to me to be a judicious Answer.


Reflecting upon this, we ought to admire the Judgments of God upon these barbarous Nations, and to acknowledg his Mercy toward us, that he has been pleased to let us be born of Parents illuminated with the bright Rays of the Christian Faith, in a Country where we are betimes formed to Piety, and all manner of Vertues; where the multitude of interiour Graces and exteriour Helps present us the means to secure our Salvation, if we be faithful.

We ought to give him the Glory that is due to him for the excellent Lights we have received, and which distinguish us so advantageously from so many Nations who are in the Darkness of Error and Blindness. This ought to oblige us to make our Election sure by all sorts of good Works, setting before our Eyes the account we must one day give before the dreadful Tribunal of God, of the use we have made of all his Graces and Benefits.


[161] Chap. XXXVI.

The History of the Irruption which the English made into Canada in the Year 1628. The taking of Quebec, the Metropolis of Canada, in the Year 1629. The most honourable Treatment they gave the Recolets.

I THOUGHT my self obliged to publish the Observations which I have drawn from the Reverend Father Valentine le Roux, Provincial Commissary of our Recolets of Canada, who is a Man of singular Merit. I have told you in my first Volume, that I communicated to him my Journal of the Discovery I made of all the River of Meschasipi. This Man, who has a deep and piercing Judgment, has published what he knows of the Intrigues of Canada under a borrowed Name ; and he shews in his Work, that the Conduct of Providence is always admirable, and that she accomplices her Designs by ways impenetrable, in their Beginning, in their Progress, and in their Perfection.

The Colony of New France, says this clear-sighted Religious, for a long time flourished more and more; great Discoveries were made, Trade advanced, the People encreased, Chappels and Oratories were built in many places, and the


Country had a new face of Government: But God permitted all this to be ruined by the descent of the English, who pretend that their Soveraign is not only King of three Kingdoms, but also of the Sea.

Some English, zealous for their Nation, armed a Fleet in 1628, to seize upon Canada, in the Reign of Lewis XIII, Father of the present King. Two Turtles, [162] of which great Flights are in this Country, fell of themselves in a very calm time into the Fort of Quebec the 9th of July the same Year. The Inhabitants of Canada took it for a Presage of the Change that happen'd.

The English in their Route seized upon a French Vessel which was at the Mouth of the River of St. Francis, in that part of the Isle which is called Pierced, because of a small Cape of Land which shoots out into the Sea, in the middle of which is a great Arch which is naturally pierced in the Rock, under which the Chaloups that fish for Poor Jack pass


when they return from Fishing. The English sail'd with a fair Wind, and advanced up the River as far as Tadoussac, which is a River that falls into this, and comes from the Countries which are towards Hudson's Bay, as may be seen in the Maps.

The English found a Bark, which they made use of to land 20 Souldiers: These were sent to seize upon Cape Tourment, so called, because of the danger the Ships are in there during the Tempests, which are more frequent here than in any part of the River. Two Savages who lived among the Europeans having discovered them, gave advice to Quebec, which is but about seven or eight Leagues from the Cape.

Monsieur Champlin, who was Governour of that City, entreated Father Joseph Caron, Superiour of the Recolets, to go near the English Fleet in a Canoo of Bark, to know the Truth. The Advice was but too true. He found it confirm'd about five Leagues from Quebec, and had no other time but presently to run a shoar, and save himself in the Woods. The two Religious we had at Cape Tourment came by Land to Quebec, with the Sieur Faucher, who was Commandant there, to give an account of the taking of Cape


Tourment. The English there seized upon all the Effects valuable, and the Inhabitants fled into the [163] Woods. There were but three that fell into the hands of the English; one of whom was called Piver, with his Wife and his Niece. Soon after they appeared before Quebec, accompanied with an Officer of Mr. Kirk, Admiral of the English Fleet.

This Officer summoned them by a Letter from the Admiral to surrender the Place: but the Governour, who was a gallant Man of his Person, tho much embarass'd with this Invasion, remaining firm and undaunted, made them so fierce an Answer, that the English, who will rather perish than desist from an Enterprize, believed by this Answer that the Fort of Quebec was in a better condition than they thought it was. So this time they let it alone, and putting off their Design to a more convenient time, they set sail for England.

The English General then putting off the Design to the Year following, contented himself with taking a great number of Prisoners, which he carried into England, and among the rest a young Savage Huron, called Lewis of the Holy Faith, who had been baptized two Years before by the Archbishop of Rouen. The rest of the Prisoners, doubtless with a design to be the more valued, said, that that Savage was the Son of the King of Canada. The English General believed that so considerable a Prisoner would much facilitate the Conquest of the whole Country the Year following. But he was much surprized when after he had taken Quebec, he understood


that the Father of this Savage was a poor miserable Huron, who had neither Credit nor Power in his own Nation. This was the Reason that the Son was restored in a pitiful Habit: The English took from him all the Equipage they had given him, as supposing he had been the Son of a King. The Reputation this Savage was in for some time was the Cause of his Ruin, and it may be of his eternal Damnation; for being [164] among the Savages, he lost all the Ideas of Christian Religion.

In the fright that every body was in upon the Arrival of the English, many Savage Mountaineers came to offer their Service to the Recolets of Quebec: among the rest the above-mentioned Napaga Biscou, who having been instructed and baptized by Father Joseph Garon, endeavoured to do the best service he could to his Benefactor. As soon therefore as he could make his Escape from the English, he represented to Father Joseph, that if the Enemy did the same at Quebec they had done at Cape Tourment, the Savages would find no Retreat any more for their Comfort during Winter: I beg of you Father, says this Savage, that you would be pleased to let two or three of your Friars go along with me; they will say Prayers for us, and instruct our Children, and those of our Nation who have not as yet seen any Naked Feet, for so they call our Recolets: I'll support them; they shall be treated as my self, and we'll come from time to time to visit you.

Father Joseph liked well this Proposition: the Savage took two along with him, which he led to a place where this


dian dwelt, who likewise begg'd that Friar Gervase Mobier, a Lay-brother, might be one of them: they designed to pass that Winter among the Algonquins. They presently therefore departed for the three Rivers, and run a great many risques in the Journey: Their Canoos were bilged about fifteen Leagues below the three Rivers, so that they were forced to go the rest of the Journey thorow the Woods. They thought to be carried by the Tide, which flows up the River of St. Lawrence above a hundred and thirty six Leagues from the Sea: At last by the help of a Canoo which they light upon by chance, they came to the three Rivers, where were Villages erected by the Mountaineers and Algonquins: [165] these Savages were expecting there the Harvest-time for their Indian Corn. They made great demonstrations of the real Affection they had for them, of whom they had heard much Discourse from Father to Son.

Being there, they understood the English were gone out of the River, and that before that they had fought and vanquished the French Fleet which came into Canada. This News obliged Monsieur Champlin, Governour of Quebec, as well as all the rest of the French, to desire Father Joseph to come back.

While things passed thus, twenty Canoos were seen to arrive, conducted by the Hurons, who brought along with them


Father Joseph de la Roche Daillon, Recolet. The Grief of Nepaga Buscon is not to be expressed when he was to part with this Religious: But the Order was peremptory. I cannot here forget the dexterous Contrivance of a young Christian Savage to rid himself out of the hands of the English, or rather to procure some Present from the French: He was called Peter Antony Arekouanon, and had been baptized in France, and educated in a College at the Expence of the Prince of Guimeni: He was at Tadoussac when the English appeared there, and so was taken Prisoner with the rest, and carried aboard: he was interrogated in French and Latin, but made as if he understood nothing of what he was asked.

Captain Michel a French-man, who out of Discontent had a long time before gone over to the English, knew this Savage, and that he understood both Languages: He gave an account to the General of it, who kept him for an Interpreter for the English when they should go to traffick with the Indians. Peter Antony could no longer conceal his Knowledg of the two Languages, and that he was a Christian; but he bethought him of a Stratagem: He pretended [166] he would really espouse the part of the English. He told the Admiral he was to keep some measures with the French; and


above all, that he was much obliged to the Recollets who had converted him, and who had taught him what he understood of Latin and French. He begg'd of the Admiral, that he would not carry him to Quebec, that he could be more serviceable to him if he would be pleased to let him go to the three Rivers with Canoos loaden with Provisions and Merchandizes; and that he would induce a great number of Savages to come and trade. The Admiral believed what he said, and granted him all he demanded: But this Man seeing himself out of the hands of the English, who had treated him very civilly, went straight to the Red Island, cross'd the River of St. Laurence, came to the River of Wolves [Rivičre du Loup], and afterwards the Admiral heard no farther tidings of him.

They had a hard Winter of it at Quebec, for they wanted all sorts of Necessaries; and because the Ships which brought Provisions were seized on by the English, they were therefore obliged to divide the small Provision that was left. Our Religious might have had their share as well as others, but they contented themselves with Indian Corn, and the Pulse they had sown. Madam Hebers made them a Present of two Barrels of Pease, which are extraordinary good and large in Canada; besides they had Raisins, and had made a provision of Acorns in case of necessity, and they were so happy as to catch some Eels, which are plentiful in that River.


Providence multiplied their Provisions so, that they were able to furnish three Seminaries of Savages, and many more who were in great Necessity.

The Jesuits, who for some time had made use of one half of our House, having built one for themselves, where they now dwell, did their utmost to succour the French.

[167] Early in the Spring Monsieur de Champlin seeing the Necessity we were in all Winter, which was very sharp in Canada, insomuch that for the most part the Snow was five or six foot deep, and continued so, for it seldom rains in Winter, begged of Father Joseph to grant him a part of our Lands towards Hair-point, or Point aux lievres : Some other private Persons granted other Lands: They were plowed in haste, and there was sown bearded Wheat, Pease and Indian Wheat, at the beginning and middle of May. They were forced to do so, because Wheat there cannot endure the Winter as in our Parts of Europe, because of the extream Cold.

The said Sieur Champlin had sent People towards Gaspeč, which is between the Pierced Island and Boston, which belongs to the English, to see if they could hear any tidings of any French Vessel; they went in a Chaloup, but could hear no news of any. But they were assured that the Gaspesien Savages offered to maintain twenty intire Families. The Algonquins and Mountaneers offered larger Supplies. A Ship was equipped to go into France; the Sieur de Boulč, Sieur


Champlin's Brother-in-law, was made Captain of her; he took the Sieur des Dames Commissary of the Company, for his Lieutenant.

Being come near Gaspeč in the Bay of St. Laurence, they happily met with a French Ship commanded by the Sieur Emeric de Caen, who brought them Supplies. He told them that the King did send the Sieur de Rasilly to fight the English, and save the Country. The Ship was laden, and the Sieur de Boulle returned towards Quebec, and then was taken by an English Vessel, and was made a Prisoner of War with all his Crew.

In the interim the Hurons arrived at Quebec with twenty Canoos, we bought their Indian Corn: Monsieur de Champlin gave one part to the Jesuits, who [168] had taken upon them the charge to take care of several; and our Recollets having also receiv'd a supply of Victuals, subsisted till the arrival of the English, which was not long.

The English Fleet surprised the French in Canada; they appeared in the Morning the 19th of July 1629, over against


the great Bay of Quebec, at the Point of the Isle of Orleans. The Fleet consisted of three Ships, and six others which stay'd at Tadoussac, and followed them. The Missioners, Jesuits, and Recollets had Orders to retire into the Fort of Quebec with the Inhabitants. Father Valentine le Roux assures us there was only Powder for three or four Discharges of Cannon, and eight or nine hundred Loads for Musquets.

Mr. Kirk, General of the English Fleet, sent an English Gentleman to Sieur de Champlin to summon the Place, and to deliver a very honourable Letter. The miserable state of the Country, which had neither Provisions nor Ammunition, for there had come no Supply for two Years past, obliged the Governor to return a more supple Answer than the Year past.

He therefore deputed Father Joseph Caron, Superior of the Recollets, and sent him aboard the English Admiral, to treat of the Surrender of Quebec upon advantagious Terms; and above all, to obtain some delay, if possible. Father Joseph demanded fifteen days, but the English General knowing the weak condition of the place, would admit of no delay. The Father insisted still upon fifteen days, upon which the English call'd a Council, and the Result was, they would only grant them that day till night. The Admiral gave Orders to Father Joseph to return to Quebec with this Answer, and that they should there make the Articles of Capitulation ready, which should be punctually perform'd.

[169] The English Admiral in a very civil and obliging manner told Father Joseph, that he with his Religious might


return to their Convent, and bid him be of good chear, for no harm mould be done them, happen what would.

Two French Prisoners, the one called Bailli, formerly Commissary of the Company of Merchants, and Peter le Roy, by trade a Waggoner, had done ill Offices to the Jesuits with one of the English Captains: They perswaded him that he should find with them great Riches. This was the reason that this Captain told Father Joseph in a heat, that if the Wind had proved good, they would have begun with their College first. Father Joseph at his return told them of the design, on purpose that they might take care of their Affairs in the Articles of the Treaty which were to be made.

Father Joseph having receiv'd this Answer from the Admiral, who mewed him the Ships with all the Ammunition, and the Souldiers with their Arms; in conclusion, he was set a shoar, and made his Report to Monsieur Champlin at Quebec.

A Council was held, and they were divided in their Sentiments. Two French Men who had accompanied Father Joseph, observed that the English were but few in number, and that they had not above two or three hundred Men of regular Troops, with some others that had not the Mein of Souldiers: Besides, they confided much in the Courage of the Inhabitants of Quebec; they were therefore much inclined, as well as the Jesuits, and our Religious, to run the risk of a Siege. But the Experience that Monsieur Champlin had of the Bravery of the English, who would rather perish than


desist from an Enterprize which they had once begun, advised the Council rather to surrender upon honourable Terms than ruin all. The Articles of Capitulation were drawn up according [170] to Monsieur Champlin's Advice: Father Joseph was commissioned to carry them aboard the English Admiral; and all things being adjusted, they demanded time till the next day.

At the fame time the Savages that were lovers of our Religious, and above all, the afore-mentioned Chaumin, folicited Father Joseph and our Friars, that they would be pleased to grant, that two or three of our Religious might retire into the Woods, and from thence into their Country. Altho Chaumin was not yet well confirmed in the Christian Religion, he had a very great love and esteem for our Religious, because they lived in common as the Savages do. Then having deliberated on this Proposition, they considered on the one side, that the English would not be any long time in possession of the Country, and that sooner or later the King of France would re-enter by Treaty, or some other ways; that in the interim it would advance the common good amongst the Savages, who offered to entertain our Religious; and that when the Country returned under the Dominion of France, our Religious might still be found in Canada, and in estate to continue their ordinary Labours, and support their begun Establishment. They were the more invited to embrace this Proposal, because the English General had given so great marks of Friendship to Father Joseph: In conclusion, two of our Religious offered to go. Father Joseph at the same time


did not go far off, and during this he thought it good to lose no time, since they must depart and escape, as some of the French did, who went away with the Savages in a Canoo; and it was not little Grief to the Missioners to be stopt by force in their just Designs.

The Council of Quebec and the other Chieftains opposed their departure, and it was concluded for divers Reasons politick and purely human; which [171] whether it was for the Reproach they pretended to have reason to fear in France, or whether it was the distrust of Providence towards our Religious, or whether, in short, it was they did not believe the French would return again into Canada, they were forced to yield.

This afforded matter to build a Complaint upon at Court, and particularly by our Friars of the Province of St. Denis, against Father Joseph, as not having that Firmness and Zeal which he ought to have had on this occasion; and that the Savages who had put all their Confidence in the Recollets, had been better disposed to the Christian Religion than ever before.

Father Joseph justified himself the best he could, and affirmed he had done nothing but executed the Orders of the Council of Quebec, as the Answers make evident, when he gave an account to the Definitor of his Province at his return, giving an account of his Mission.

The next day, being the 20th of July, in the Year 1629, the Sieur de Champlin having been on board the English Admiral, the Articles of Capitulation were signed by both


Parties; after which the English went ashore, and were put in possession of Canada by the Sieur de Champlin.

Father Valentine de Roux, an antient Commissaire, Provincial of the Friars of Canada, whom I saw at my return from my Discovery, hath all the Articles of Capitulation made by the French at Quebec with the English, when the English took possession; he said the Sieur de Champlin saved with his Family all his Effects, and even found some advantage by this Treaty by the good Entertainment the English shew'd him. The French Inhabitants who were then in the Country had every one twenty Crowns, and all the rest of their Goods were to remain to the Conquerors; [172] and from this was made the great Complaint, because there were found some particular Persons who were enrich'd upon this occasion. Those who were willing to stay in the Country, obtained great Advantages of the English, but most of all the Family of Monsieur Hebert, whom I have often conversed with at Mount Royal, when I passed by to go to the Fort of Frontenac. The Religious, I confess, were much indebted to the Generosity of the English for divers singular Favours, which has always made me have a great Esteem for that brave Nation: They kept punctually their Word given by their Admiral, not suffering any Injury to be done to the Convent of our Lady of Angels at Quebec, nor to our first Residence, which was the place where now stands the Cathedral Church of Quebec, our Religious not having been re-established there since. But


notwithstanding all the Diligence that the English Officers made use of in our favour, they could not hinder but one of their Souldiers stole from us a Silver Chalice: But the English Officers, who are naturally generous, testified much Trouble at it to our Religious, and swore solemnly to take Revenge on the Party if he could be discovered.

The Jesuits, who came not into Canada till fourteen or fifteen Years after our Friars (who by consequence were the first Missioners of America) met with a Treatment far different; their House was pillaged, and all that was found was given as a Prey to the Souldiers; and they were obliged to imbark the next day with the Sieur Champlin, and all the French except twenty seven, who set sail towards Tadoussac: But the two Brothers Lewis and [Thomas] Kirk, the one Admiral, and the other Vice-Admiral of the English, permitted our Religious to stay at Quebec: The English testifying then publickly, that they left us in Canada, to instruct the Natives in the [173] Principles of the Christian Religion, and that with the consent of the King of England, that we might be hindred from returning into France. They had at the same time as much familiarity with them in all things, to say or do, or make Visits, with the same liberty as before the taking of Quebec; also they were so far from hindering the exercise of the Romish Religion, that they prayed them to take from them Wine for the Mass; which they knew was before


deputed for the ordinary Service of the Church, which there they heartily offered. Our Recollects lived so above six Weeks after the taking of Quebec, and received much Civility from the English, who solicited them to stay amongst them, having liberty to instruct the Natives who dealt with them. This continued till the 9th of September following, when they embarked us aboard the Sieur Pontgrave, who remained at Canada, because of his Indisposition, with a design to rejoin the Sieur Champlin, the Jesuits, and all the French of Canada, who were ordered to pass to Tadoussac, the day after the taking Quebec. I leave you to think how great Sorrow the Missioners were plunged into, when enforced to abandon a Mission so long followed, and with so much application.

The hopes that our Friars had of returning in some good time into Canada, made them hide in several places part of their Utensils, and closed up in a Case of Elk Skins, put into a good Box, which no Air could get into, the principal Ornaments of the Church. The English Fleet set sail the 14th of September for England, and arrived at Plimouth the 18th of October, where our Recollects staid five or six days; after which they were conducted to London, with some more French; from London they got to Callice [Calais] the 24th of the same Month, and from thence to our Convent of Paris.

[174] The Publick may remark, that the English having conserved our Convent of Quebec, and that of our Lady of Angels, the last of which was found in good estate to receive


the Jesuits at their return into Canada, whilst their House was making ready; our Religious having told them of the place where they had hid their Ornaments, gave power to the Jesuits to make use of them, or any thing they had there, as by their consent declared to Father John the Jesuit, which they were pleased to accept, and made use of our Goods as their own; also of our House, of our Church, and of our Lands, of which one part they hold at present, from a place called the Gribanne, unto the side of the Convent of our Lady of Angels. From which it is to be observed, that a Letter attributed to Father L' Allemant Jesuit, and related in the 13th Tome of the French Mercury, must be a Forgery: For there he, amongst other things contrary to Truth, makes him say that he was of the Sentiments of his Provincial, to whom he writ, to dedicate their Church to our Lady of Angels, and that ours was consecrated to St. Charles; which clearly demonstrates that this Letter was not Father L'Allemant's, as is said: He was better vers'd in the History of America, than to be ignorant that the first Church in Canada belonged to the Recollects, who were the first Missioners, and that it was consecrated under the name of our Lady of Angels.


[175] Chap. XXXVII.

How the Religious of the Order of St. Francis, in their Missions through the habitable World, have been before the Jesuits.

I CANNOT but follow the Sentiments of Father Valentine le Roux, whom I have mentioned in the foregoing Chapter, which he hath been pleased to publish under the Name of Father Christian le Clerc.

It is a great Glory, and a great subject of Consolation, for our Holy Order of the Religious of St. Francis, to have had the advantage to be the first Forerunners of the Reverend Fathers of that Company of Jesus, in all places, by preaching the Gospel, and first digging, and preparing the Vineyard of our Lord, in all Apostolical things, in both the Indies East and West, in Asia, in Barbary, in Turky, and generally through all parts; where the Children of St. Ignatius have since walked in the Steps of the Children of St. Francis.

In the East-Indies, where the Jesuits are at this day great in Credit, in Merit, and in Wealth, having the Dew of Heaven, and the Fat of the Earth; the Receiver-General, whose Name I have forgot, made this Discourse in my prefence, at the Table of Monsieur Comte de Frontenac, Governour-General of New-France: That eight Friars Minors were sent in the Year of our Lord 1500, and preached the Gospel at


Callecute, and Cochim ; there receiving the Crown of Martyrdom, all except Father Henry, who at his return into Spain was made Confessor to the King of Portugal, and Bishop of Ceuta.

[176] In 1502, there was ordered a great Mission of our Religious, who opened the way much farther to advance the Standard of the Cross; and there made a very great progress of the Gospel, by the Conversion of a prodigious number of these People.

In the Year 1510, our Religious of the Order of St. Francis built the famous College or Seminary of Goa, the capital City of the East-Indies; and our Religious had the Conduct of it, and what accrued to it, for the space of 28 Years; till at the last, in the Year 1542, our Religious gave it to St. Francis Xaverius, that he might apply himself wholly, with his Disciples, to preach the Gospel to those barbarous Nations; of which the Historians of those times give evidence, and the Life of St. Francis Xaverius, the first Edition, does declare; above all Father Horace Torcelin, in a later Edition, alloweth it: But a certain late Author of the Jesuits has been pleased to suppress this mark of Acknowledgment, which of Justice is due to us.

It is well known we have had the honour both in the East and West-Indies, and even in Japan, where we have been


sharers with the Fathers in the Crown of Martyrdom; our Religious having planted the Gospel in the Kingdom of Voxu, part of the East of Japan, as I have shewn in the Preface of this Book: and it is in these vast Countries where the Jesuits have been afterwards introduced, supported, loved, favoured, and joined with them in the Apostolical Labours.

It is not less evident in other parts of the World; the Religious of St. Francis having supported and imployed to this day, as powerful Missioners as any since the beginning of their Order.

Alexander the Fourth, in the Year 1254, gives Testimony, in one of his Epistles, that our Religious had spread themselves in all Countries, not only of [177] Schismaticks, but amongst those of Infidels. Remark the words of the Sovereign Pontiff.

"Alexander, &c. To Our well-beloved the Friars-minors, who have been sent Missioners into the Land of the Sarazens, Painims, Greeks, Bulgarians, Cumanians, Ethiopians, Syrians, Iberians, Jacobites, Nubians, Nestorians, Georgians, Armenians, Indians, Monosolites, Tartars, the Higher and Lower Hungary, to the Christian Captives among the Turks, and to other unbelieving Nations of the East, or in any other parts where they are, wishing them Health, and sending them our Apostolick Benediction."

In 1272, our Reverend Father Jerom d' Ascole, afterwards


created Pope Nicholas the Fourth, with his Disciples, not only managed the Reconciliation of the Greek with the Latin Church, but preached also the Gospel in Tartary; and by this means the Religious of our Order were sent for by the Princes of the Higher and Lower Armenia, in 1289, and continued their Conquests in 1332.

Turky, with the Kingdoms and Countries under the Grand Signior, have been, and are yet the Theaters of the Zeal of the Religious of St. Francis, and are demonstrations of our Travels. In the Holy Land, and other places, now subject to the Turks, the Christians are yet governed by the direction of the Children of St. Francis. Those who keep the Sepulchre of our Lord Jesus Christ, have done considerable Service to the Reverend Fathers Jesuits; others of them upon divers occasions have willingly served them.

History maketh mention, that in the Year 1342, our Missioners went into Bosnia and Sclavonia, amongst the Infidels, amongst the great Tartars; who now possess China, and into Persia, Media, and Chaldea.

[178] In 1370 our Mission was reinforced by Urban the fifth with 60 of our Religious; the Order being then honoured by a great number of Martyrs.

The Embassy of Eugenius the 4th, and the Mission of 40 of our Religious to Prefler John in 1439, supported afterward


by a greater Number, is well known, as well as the Reduction of these States by them to the Obedience of the Church of Rome.

I should never have done, if I should undertake to give an account of all the famous Missions we have been honoured with through all the World; in which the Reverend Fathers Jesuits have since spread themselves, and are now entred into our Labours, or rather we have the Advantage of continuing them with us, and acting together in perfect Union for the Glory of God, and Propagation of his Gospel, which we only seek.

It is for this reason, that our Recolets of Paris called into Canada the Jesuits to help them, that they might labour together for the gaining of Souls: But it is remarkable, that when the English had restored Canada to the French after four Years abode there, the Jesuits, who had better Helps for returning thither than our Religious, and as it were by Intrigues, a Bar was put to the Return of our Recolets. It was a sensible trouble to see, that since we had preceded all the Jesuits in all other Missions of the Christian World, that of New France was the only Place where we had not the Consolation to continue with them in the Apostolical Labours; and by so much the more, because that reciprocal Charity, which was not in the least diminished between the two Bodies, perswaded us that the Jesuits, full of Vertue and Merit, had much regretted our absence, as seems to be evident by their Letters at that time.

It would require a Volume to describe the Difficulties that


our Religious have had, to return into our [179] Missions of Canada, and the Intrigues that some have made use of to hinder it: but nothing was omitted as to that. In conclusion, about thirty years after the Deputies of Canada, who were impatient for the return of our Recolets, told our Religious more than they were willing to know, and more than Charity would permit to publish; the Deputies told our Religious, they wanted some to make Curats at Quebec, and in some other places; that their Consciences were much troubled to have to do with the same People, both for Spirituals and Temporals, there being no Persons to whom they might communicate the difficulties of their Consciences, but to the Jesuits; and that the Recolets not being suffered to be amongst them was a great loss.

The Directors of the Company of Canada discoursed us to the like purpose, particularly Monsieur Rose, in company of Monsieur Margonne, Berhuhier, and others; who speaking to our Recolets, express'd himself in these terms. ‘My Fathers, it had been better you had returned into Canada than any others; it is a high Injustice done to them, and the Inhabitants: we now see where the Fault lay, present your Reasons, and you, and those of the Country, shall have all the Justice we can do you.’ The Secretary of the Company


likewise spoke thus to the Religious. ‘At other times, my Fathers, I have been against you, for which I have begged God's pardon: I was mistaken at that present; I see well I have offended; and I pray God you may be suffered to return into Canada, after so long time, there to take charge of your Cures: you are much longed for, for the repose of Consciences.’

Father Zachary Moreau, Recolet, who died the death of the Just in my Arms, in our Convent of St. Germains en Lay, and Paul Huett, who hath been my Father and Master from my Youth, at our Convent [180] of Recolets at Montargis, said to the Deputies of the Company of Canada; ‘That tho they would even permit us to return, we would not pretend to exercise the Function of Curats, lest we should give Jealousy to any: But if the Reverend Fathers the Jesuits should do us the same favour that our antient Fathers had done them, in the Year 1625, when our Father Josoph le Caron, Superiour of our Convent of Quebec, permitted them, and even pray'd them out of love to exercise the Function of Cures by turns. But all at last served for nothing; the Company sent back our Religious to the Council of Quebec, to amuse them; because the Council was composed of a Governour, and Persons who were Creatures of the Reverend Fathers Jesuits, as were the Superiour of the Mission of [sc. and] the Sindic, and [some] of the Inhabitants, whom they easily gained to hinder our return into Canada. The Father Provincial of the Jesuits, and the Father L' Allemont Superiour of the Profest House, was then in France, Superior


of the Missions, which all center'd to prolong our return.’ The Reader may judg, that if the Reverend Fathers Jesuits had been in our place, and our Recolets in theirs, whether we should have been wanting to put a value upon their Requests, and employed our Credit to serve them: Our Recolets stood firm for them against the whole Country, who were against their coming into Canada; and after their arrival, when the Governour and Inhabitants opposed their Reception, in the Year 1625, we supported them.

True Charity, which is right and simple, perswaded us the Reverend Fathers Jesuits would not be wanting to make us a willing return of the like, upon this present occasion; and they assured us by their Letter the Year following, that it was only want of Power and Credit in the Council of Quebec, that they could not do us the Service they desired.

[181] From this it is easy to judg, that there was not one favourable Resolution given towards our Religious: The Director-General of the Company, Monsieur Lauzon, appearing to be careless of our return, and in it a very great Obstacle; he passing in quality of Governour of Canada, having often promised our Re-admission: and afterwards going Governour, pretended not to be wanting to do us good Offices. The Marquess de Deno[n]ville, who after the great Discovery I had made, went over in quality of Governour of Canada, made us the like Promises of Monsieur Lauzon, for the progress of our Discovery: besides, the


Marquess had Orders to support our Recolets in their Institute, from the Court of France; but it proved quite contrary. The Court afterwards recalling him from his Government, it was given to Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, who hath been in my time a true Father to our Recolets, and a great support to our Missions in Canada; as I have spoke at large in my Description of my Louisiana, and more in my former Volume.



Of the Sentiments that a Missioner ought to have of the little Progress they find in their Labours.

ALL the Christian World acknowledg for a certain and undoubted Truth, and Maxim of Religion, and one of the chief Principles of Faith, that the Vocation and true Conversion of People and Nations, is the great Work and Mercy of the Power of God, and of the triumphant Efficacy of his Grace and Spirit. But if this be true of Nations that are Infidels and Idolaters, which are already under some [182] Laws and Rules, and so better prepared to receive the Instructions of Christian Religion; the Apostolick Man ought much more to acknowledg this dependance upon the Soveraign Lord, in respect of those barbarous Nations who have not any regard of any Religion true or false, who live without Rule, without Order, without Law, without God, without Worship, where Reason is buried in Matter, and incapable of reasoning the most common things of Religion and Faith.

Such are the People of Canada, all along the River of St. Laurence, and generally a prodigious quantity of People, of sundry Nations; which I have given an account of in my Louisiana, or former Book. And that which I offer is that they would in earnest acknowledg, that the Work of


the conversion of so many blind Nations, is above our strength, and that it only appertains to the Father of Spirits, as faith St. Paul, who hath the Hearts of all Men in his Hands, and who only is able to remove the Vail which covereth the Eyes of these Barbarians, and to clear their Understanding, to dissipate the Chaos of darkness, wherein they are buried, to bend their Inclinations, soften their hard and inflexible Hearts, and civilize them, and make them capable of those Laws which right Reason suggests; and so submit themselves to that which Religion prescribes.

This is the Foundation of a true Apostleship, in respect of the Natives of Canada, and all our great Discoveries twelve hundred Leagues beyond it. They ought to have all Moral and Theological Vertues, who are designed for so great a work as the Conversion of so many Nations; for whose Salvation I would willingly expose my Life. But before one sacrifices, and wholly devotes himself to this great Mission, he ought to lay it down for a certain Principle, That none can be drawn efficaciously to Jesus Christ, if the [183] Father of Lights do not draw him by the force of his victorious Grace: This his invisible Spirit breathes where and when he pleases; that the moments of Grace are known to God, and in the hands of the Power of the Father; and that having called all Men to Faith, in the preparation of his good Will, common to all, he gives them in his own time, exterior, interior, and sufficient Grace to obtain it: That the work is not only of him that runs, nor him that wills, but principally of him who illuminates and touches the Heart. The Glory


does not belong to him that preaches, nor to him that plants, nor to him that waters, but to him that gives the increase. That a Sacrifice of all Nature is not able to merit of right, the first Grace of Creation, which does not fall under that head. That it's in vain to endeavour to erect a Spiritual Edifice, if God do not assist by his preparing and preventing Grace.

An humble Simplicity must be the sole of all their Apostolical Labours, and a profound Annihilation of themselves, and submission to the holy Will of God. When their Zeal has not its effect, they must be content to say, We have done our part, as to what is required of our Ministry, but we are unprofitable Servants.

I now beg of my Lord God upon my Knees, with my hands lifted up to Heaven, that he would be pleased to continue and imprint in my Heart even to death, the Sentiments of Submission to the Will of God, and my Superiors, touching the Salvation of the Souls of so many Savages, who are in the darkness of Ignorance; that I may make an intire Sacrifice of the rest of my days in so laudable an Affair, exposing my Soul to all the Events of the Providence of God, living and dying; and that I may be so happy as to leave Sentiments truly Apostolical, full of light, capacity, Vertue and Grace, of Zeal and Courage to undertake [184] any thing for the Conversion of Souls, to suffer patiently the greatest Difficulties, and the severest Contradictions, for the accomplishment of their Ministry.

I beg of God from the bottom of my Heart, that all the


Missioners of the Universe may with me be of the number of the Vessels of Election, destinated to carry the Name of our Lord to People and Barbarous Nations, to the utmost ends of the World; and that the adorable Providence of God would be pleased to fortify his Militant Church with a number of Workmen, to labour in his Vineyard, to second the Labours of all other Orders, Secular and Regular, in the new establishments of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ.



[185] An Account of several New Discoveries in North-America.

Of New-France.

MR. Joliet, who was sent by Count Frontenac to discover a Way into the South-Sea, brought an exact Account of his Voyage, with a Map of it; But his Canow being overset, at the Foot of the Fall of St. Louis, in sight of Montroyal, his Chest and his two Men were lost; therefore the following Account contains only what he has remembred.

I set out from the Bay of Puans in the Latitude of 42 Degrees 4 Minutes, and having travell'd about 60 Leagues to the Westward, I found a Portage; and carrying our Canows over-land for half a League, I embark'd with six Men on the River Misconsing, which brought us into the Meschasipi in the Latitude of 42 Degrees and an half, on the 15th of June, 1674. This Portage is but 40 Leagues from the Mississipi. This River is half a League broad; its Stream is gentle to the Latitude of 38 degrees; for a River, from the West-North which runs into it, increase so much its Rapidity, that we


cou'd make but five Leagues a Day in our Return. The Savages told us, that the Current is not half so great in Winter. The Banks of that River are covered with Woods down to the Sea; but the Cotton-Trees are so big, that I have seen some Canows made of those Trees, eighty Foot long, and three broad, which carry thirty Men. I saw 180 of those Wooden-Canows in one Village of the Savages, [186] consisting of 300 Cabins. They have abundance of Holly Trees, and other Trees, the Bark whereof is White; Grapes, Apples, Plums, Chesnuts, Pomegranates, Mulberries, besides other Nuts unknown to Europe; plenty of Turky-Cocks, Parrots, Quails, Wild-Bulls, Stags, and Wild-Goats. These Savages are affable, civil and obliging; and the first I met with presented me with a Pipe or Calumet of Peace, which is a Protection even in a Fight. Their Women and old Men take care of the Culture of the Ground, which is so fertile as to afford three Crops of Indian Corn every Year. They have abundance of Water-Melons, Citruls, and Gourds. When they have sown their Corn, they go a Hunting for Wild Bulls, whose Flesh they eat, and the Skin serves for their Coverings, having dress'd the same with a sort of Earth, which serves also to dye them. They have Axes and Knives from the French and Spaniards, in exchange of their Beavers, and Skins of Wild Goats. Those who live near the Sea have some Fire-Arms.

The Mississipi has few Windings and Turnings, and runs directly to the South, and having follow'd its Course till the 33d Degree of Latitude, I resolv'd to return home, seeing


that River did not discharge it self into Mar Vermejo, which we look'd for, as also because the Spaniards observ'd our Motions for six Days together. The Savages told me, that the Spaniards live within thirty Leagues to the Westward.

The said M. Joliet adds, That he had set down in his Journal an exact Description of the Iron-Mines they discover'd, as also of the Quarries of Marble, and Cole-Pits, and Places where they find Salt-Petre, with several other things. He had also observ'd what were the fittest Places to settle Colonies, &c. The Soil is very fertile, and produces abundance of Grapes, which might make delicious Wines.

[187] The River of St. Lewis, which hath its Source near Missichiganen [Michigan], is the biggest, and the most convenient for a Colony, its Mouth into the Lake being very convenient for an Harbour. It is deep and broad, and well stock'd with Sturgeons, and other Fishes. The Stags, Bulls, Wild-Goats, Turky-Cocks, and other Game, are more plentiful on the Banks of the said River, than any where else. There are Meadows Ten or Twenty Leagues broad, encompass'd with fine Forests; behind which are other Meadows, in which Grass grows six Foot high. Hemp grows naturally in all that Country.

Those who shall settle themselves there, need not be oblig'd, as we are here, to bestow Ten Years labour for felling down the Trees, and grubbing up the Land, before it is fit for Corn; for the Ground is ready for the Plough in that


fortunate Country, where they may have good Wine. Their young Wild Bulls may be easily learn'd to plough their Land; and their long curl'd Hair, or rather Wool, may serve to make good Cloth for their wearing. In short, that Soil wou'd afford any thing necessary for Life, except Salt, which they might have another way.


[188] An Account of M. La Salles Voyage to the River Mississipi. Directed to Count Frontenac, Governor of New-France.

THE River of Niagara is Navigable for three Leagues, that is, from the Fall to the Mouth of the Lake Erie; but the Stream is so rapid, that it is almost impossible for a Bark to sail up into the Lake, without a strong Gale, and the help of many Men to hale from the Shore at the same time. But besides all this, it requires so many other Precautions, that one cannot expect always to succeed.

The Mouth of the Lake Erie is full of Sands, which make it dangerous; therefore to avoid that Danger, and not venture a Ship every Voyage, it will be safer to leave it at an Anchor, in a River which runs into the Lake six Leagues from the River Niagara, and is the only Harbour and Anchorage in this Lake.

There are three great Points which advance above ten Leagues into it; but being chiefly made up of Sand, they are so low that there is great Danger of running a Ship against them before they are difcover'd, and therefore a Pilot must be very skilful and careful to steer a Ship in this dangerous Lake.

The Streight or Canal between the Lake Erie, and the Huron, is very rapid, and no less difficult than that of Niagara,


though much deeper. The Streight of Missilikinac between the Lake Huron, and that of the Illinois, is attended with no less Difficulties, for the Current is commonly against the Wind. There is no Anchorage in the Lake [189] Huron, nor any Harbour in that of the Illinois, upon the Northern, Western, and Southern Coasts. There are many Iflands in both Lakes, which make the Navigation of that of the Illinois very perilous; for there being no Harbour to run into for shelter, and the Storms being very terrible on that Lake, 'tis a great Providence when a Ship escapes being dash'd in pieces against those Islands. However, some Canals and Anchorages may be discover'd in time, which will remove those great Difficulties, as has hapned in the Lake of Frontenac, the Navigation whereof is now easy, whereas it was at first as dangerous as that of the Lake Huron or Illinois.

The Creek through which we went from the Lake of the Illinois, into the Divine River, is so shallow, and so much expos'd to the Storms, that no Ship can venture to get in, unless it be in a great Calm. Neither is the Country between the said Creek and the Divine River, fit for a Canal; for the Meadows between them are drown'd after any great Rain, and so a Canal will be immediately fill'd up with Sands: And besides, it is impossible to dig up the Ground, because


of the Water, that Country being nothing but a Morass: But supposing it were possible to cut the Canal, it wou'd be however useless; for the Divine River is not navigable for forty Leagues together; that is, from that Place to the Village of the Illinois, except for Canows, who have hardly Water enough in Summer-time. Besides this Difficulty, there is a Fall near the Village.

We have seen no Mines there, though several Pieces of Copper are found in the Sand when the River is low. There is the best Hemp in that Country I have seen any where, though it grows naturally without any culture. The Savages tell us, that they have found near this Village some yellow Metal; but that cannot be Gold, according to [190] their own Relation, for the Oar [Ore] of Gold cannot be so fine and bright as they told us. There are Coal-Pits on that River.

The Wild Bulls are grown somewhat scarce since the Illinois have been at War with their Neighbours, for now all Parties are continually Hunting of them. The Navigation is easy from Fort Crevecœur to the Sea; and New-Mexico is not above twenty Days Journey from the said Fort. The Nations of the Metontonta, who live within Ten Days Journey from the said Fort, came to see M. la Salle, and brought a Horse's Hoof with them: They told us, That the Spaniards make a cruel War upon them, and that they use Spears more commonly than Fire-Arms. One may go by Water from Fort Crevecœur to the Habitation of these Savages.


There are no Europeans at the Mouth of the River Colbert (or Mississipi); and the Monster of which M. Joliet gives so dreadful a Description, is a Fancy of some Savages, and had never any Original. It is within a Days Journey and a half from Fort Crevecœur; but had M. Joliet gone down the River, he might have seen a more terrible one. That Gentleman has not consider'd that the Mosopoela, of whom he takes notice in his Map, were altogether destroy'd before he set out for his Voyage. He sets down also in his Maps several Nations, which are nothing but Families of the Illinois. The Pronevoa, Carcarilica, Tamaroa, Koracocnitonon, Chinko, Caokia, Choponsca, Amonokoa, Cankia, Ocansa, and several others, make up the Nation and the Village of the Illinois, consisting of about 400 Cabins cover'd with Rushes, without any Fortifications. I have told 1800 fighting Men amongst them. They have Peace now with all their Neighbours, except the Iroquese; and it wou'd be easy to reconcile them, were it not to be fear'd that they wou'd afterwards fall upon the Outtouats, whom they mortally hate, and disturb [191] thereby our Commerce; so that we must leave them as they are; for as long as they shall have occasion for us, they will be ready to comply with any thing that we can desire from them, and keep in awe the Nations inhabiting to the Westward, who are much afraid of the Illinois.

The Banks of seven or eight Rivers, which discharge themselves into the Mississipi, or Colbert-River, the least whereof runs above 300 Leagues, are cover'd with Fine Timber for Building Ships.


M. la Salle has seen some Savages of three Nations through which Ferdinand Sotto pass'd with his Army, viz. the Sicachia, Cascin, and Aminoya : They told him that we might go by Water from Crevecœur into their Country.

It is highly necessary to carry on this Discovery; for the River inhabited by the Sicachia, which in all likelihood is the true Chukagoua, has its Source near Carolina, and consequently very near the Habitation of the English, about three hundred Leagues to the Eastward of the Mississipi in the French Florida, at the foot of the Apalachin Hills: For had the English notice of it, they might by means of this River Trade with the Illinois, Miamis, Nadouessians, and other Savages, spoil for ever our Commerce.

The Winter has been as hard in the Country of the Illinois as at Fort Frontenac; for though the Weather was there in January as temperate as in Provence, yet the River was still frozen on the 22d of March; and therefore I conclude 'tis much the same Climate as the Country of the Iroquese.

The Country between the Lake of the Illinois and the Lake Erie, is a row of Mountains for a hundred Leagues together, from whence spring a great number of Rivers, which run to the Westward into the Lake of the Illinois, to the North into the Lake Huron, to the East into the Lake Erie, and to the South into the River Ohio. Their Sources


are so near one [192] another, that in three Days Journey I cross'd twenty two, the least whereof is bigger than that of Richelieu. The top of these Mountains are flat, and full of Bogs and Morasses, which being not frozen, have prov'd an insupportable difficulty and trouble in our Voyage. There are now-and-then some Plains, which I take to be very fertile; they are cover'd with Bears, Stags, Wild-Goats, Turkey Cocks, and Wolves, who are so fierce as hardly to be frighted away by the Noise of our Guns. There is a River in the bottom of the Lake Erie, within Ten Leagues of the Canal, which may very much shorten the way to the Illinois, it being navigable for Canows till within two Leagues of theirs ; but the most convenient of all is the River Ohio, which being navigable for Barks, will save all the trouble of making a Communication between the Lake of the Illinois and the Divine River, and the great Expences of making the said River navigable to Fort Crevecœur.

One must not fancy that the Ground in the Country of the Illinois is ready for the Plough; some of them are too dry, others too wet; and in short, all require some Toil and Trouble; but I am sure they can sufficiently recompence in a little time, those who will be at the pains to cultivate them.

The Nations through which we have pass'd have receiv'd us very kindly, because of our Calumet of Peace, which is a


safe Conduct and a sufficient Recommendation amongst the Savages.

The Illinois offer'd to accompany us to the Sea, in hopes, as we told them, that we would supply them that way with European Commodities; for the want of Knives, Axes, &c. makes them very officious. The young Calves may be easily tam'd, and very useful for setling our Plantations. The Illinois have also many Slaves which may be of great use to us.

There are as many idle Fellows amongst them as among other Nations, and a great many more Women [193] than Men. They marry several Wives, sometimes nine or ten, and commonly all Sisters if they can, thinking they agree better in their Family.

I have seen three Children who have been Baptiz'd; one call'd Peter, the other Joseph, and the third Mary, who nevertheless are like to live as their Father, who has marry'd three Sisters; for they have no farther Christian Instruction; Father Allouez, who Baptiz'd them, having left that Country, unless one would think that the Stick that Father left amongst them, as a Mark that the Country belongs to him, has any extraordinary Virtue to promote Christianity. These are the


only Christians I have found amongst them, which I am sure cannot be such but in Fide Ecclesić.

Father Allouez lives now in a Village of the Miamis, Maskoutens, and Ochiakenens, who have quitted their own Nation and Ancient Habitations, to confederate themselves with the Iroquese against the Illinois; and for that purpose they sent last Summer an Embassy into the Country of the Iroquese, with a Letter of Father Allouez. The end of that Embassy was, as I have said, to oblige 'em to unite themselves with them against the Illinois; and they were negotiating the Alliance, when I arriv'd at the Village of the Tsonnontouans; and upon notice thereof, a Woman was sent to tell them to run away, for fear the Iroquese should kill them. They had however no design to do them any harm, as it appear'd afterwards; for the Iroquese having overtaken the said Ambassadors, they were kindly us'd; but they enter'd upon no Business, as long as I continu'd there. I met with one of the said Ambassadors since that time in their own Country, who told me such horrid things, that I cannot entirely believe them; and I rather suspect the Miamis to be Contrivers thereof. However, Father Allouez had no sooner intelligence that I was arriv'd at the Village of the [194] Illinois, than that they sent one Monso, one of their Chiefs, with four large Kettles, twelve Axes, and twenty Knives, to persuade the Illinois that I was Brother of the Iroquese; that my Breath smell'd like theirs; that I eat Serpents; that I was sent to betray them, and attack them one way, while the Iroquese should attack them


by another; that I was hated by all the Black-Gowns, who forsook me because I design'd to destroy the Miamis, having taken two of them Prisoners; and, lastly, that I understood Physick enough to poyson all the World. Their Suggestions were so ridiculous and so false, that I had no great difficulty to convince the Illinois of the Malice of my Enemies; and Monso was in great danger of losing his Life for his pains. They told him he had an Iroquese Serpent under his Tongue, meaning his Baseness and Malice; that his Comrades who had been Ambassadors into their Country, had brought that Venom, and had breathed in the Malice of the Iroquese in smoaking in their Calumet. I was oblig'd to intercede for him, for else they would have murther'd him.

'Tis certain, that their Design is to engage Count Frontenac into a War with the Iroquese; and having tri'd in vain several Ways to succeed, they think there is no better than to persuade the Nation of the Miamis, who are our Confederates, to settle themselves near the Illinois, and make an Alliance with them, insomuch that the Iroquese cannot attack one Nation, without breaking with the other, and thereby oblige your Lordship either to forsake our Allies, or declare Wars against the Iroquese. This is not a rash and groundless Judgment; for these Miamis, with whom Father Allouez lives, have kill'd several Iroquese this Winter; and having cut the Fingers of another, they sent him back to tell their Nation that the Miamis are join'd with the Illinois against them. Perhaps that Perfidiousness obliges [195] Father Allouez to quit them


next Spring, as I understand he designs to do. However, I am confident to stop the Progress of this Cabal, if your Lordship comes this Year to weep for the Death of the Onontake [Onondagas], who have been kill'd; for the Illinois have promis'd me to release some Slaves, and forbear their Excursions against the Iroquese, who having been inform'd of my Good Offices, have express'd a great Gratitude thereof. This Weeping is a common Ceremony among the Savages, when any of their Warriors have been kill'd.

I do not wonder that the Iroquese should talk of invading our Allies; for they are every Year provok'd; and I have seen at Missilinaokinak, amongst the Poutouatamits and the Miamis, the Heads of several Iroquese, whom they have kill'd by Treachery, as they were a Hunting last Spring. This is come to the Knowledge of the Iroquese; for our Allies have been so impudent as to boast of it; and especially the Poutouatamits, who dancing the Calumet at Missilinaokinak before three Agneiz, or Envoys of the Iroquese, boasted of their Treachery, and held in their Hands several Heads of Hair of Iroquese's.

I cannot forbear to take notice of the Discourse I had with a Savage of the Nation of the Wolf, who being convinc'd of the Truth of the Christian Religion, and pressed by some Missionaries to embrace the Catholick, and by some English Ministers to embrace Theirs, was in great perplexity which of the two he should chuse; for, as he told me, these Men are very unlike the Apostles; the former because of their great Covetousness, and the latter because of their being


marri'd. But having observ'd in the Recollects both Chastity and the Contempt of the Riches of the World, he was Baptiz'd by them.

I have seen in this Country abundance of Green Parrots, bigger and finer than those of our Islands.


[196] A Discovery of some New Countries and Nations in the Northern America. By Father Marquette.

ON the 13th of May, 1673, I embark'd with M. Joliet, who was chosen to be our Director in this Undertaking, and five other French-men, in two Canows made of Barks of Trees, with some Indian Corn and boil'd [sc. smoked] Flesh for our Subsistence. We had taken care to get from the Savages all the Intelligence we could, concerning the Countries through which we design'd to travel, and had drawn a Map of the same, according to their Relation, in which we had mark'd the Rivers, and the Name of the Nations we were to meet, and the Rhombs of the Wind we were to make use of in our Journey.

The first Nation we met with, is call'd the Nation of the Wild-Oats : I went into their River to visit that People, to whom we have preach'd the Gospel for several Years, and amongst whom there are many good Christians. The Wild Oats, from which they have got their Name, is a sort of Corn which grows naturally in the small Rivers, the bottom whereof is Owzie, as asfo in marshy Grounds. It is much like our


European Oats; the Stem is knotted, and grows about two Foot above the Surface of the Water. The Corn is not bigger than ours, but it is twice as long, and therefore it yields much more Meal. It grows above the Water in June, and the Savages gather it about September in this [197] manner: They go in their Canows into those Rivers, and as they go they shake the Ears of the Corn in their Canows, which easily falls, if it be ripe: They dry it upon the Fire; and when it is very dry, they put it into a kind of Sack made with the Skin of Beasts; and having made a Hole in the Ground, they put their Sack therein, and tread on it till they see the Chaff is separated from the Corn, which they Winnow afterwards. They pound it in a Mortar to reduce it into Meal, or else boil it in Water, and season it with Grease, which makes it near as good as our Rice.

I acquainted that Nation with the Design I had to travel farther into the Country, to discover the remotest Nations, and teach them the Mysteries of our Holy Religion; at which they were mightily surpriz'd, and did their utmost to disswade me from that Enterprize. They told me that I should meet some Nations who spare no Strangers, whom they kill without any Provocation or Mercy; that the War those different Nations had one with the other, should daily expose me to be taken by their Warriors, who are perpetually abroad to surprize their Enemies: That the great River was exceedingly dangerous, and full of dreadful Monsters, who devour'd Men, and even the Canows themselves. They added, That a Devil stopp'd the Passage of the said River, and sunk those


who were so bold as to come near the place where he stood; and, in short, that the Heat was so excessive in those Parts, that we should never be able to preserve our Health.

I return'd them my hearty Thanks for their good Advices; but told them I would not follow them, since the Salvation of a great many Souls were concern'd in our Undertaking, for whom I should be glad to lose my Life. I added, That I laugh'd at their pretended Devils and Monsters, and that their [198] Informations would oblige us to stand the more upon our Guard to avoid any Surprize. And so having pray'd to God with them, and given them some Instructions, we parted from them, and arriv'd at the Bay of Puans [Green Bay], where our Fathers make a considerable Progress towards the Conversion of those Ignorant Nations.

The Name of this Bay sounds better in the Language of the Savages than in ours; for according to the Word they make use of, one may call it as well the Salted Bay, as the Stinking Bay; for they call the Sea after the same Name. This oblig'd us to enquire whether there were in that Country any Salt Springs, as there is one among the Iroquese; but we could find none; and therefore we think that this Name was given to this Bay, because of the great quantity of Mud and Owze that is there, from whence such Vapours arise, that occasion the most dreadful Thunders that ever I heard in any Country.

This Bay is about thirty Leagues long, and about eight


broad, that is to say in its greatest breadth; for it grows narrower, and forms a Cone at the extremity; where one may easily observe, that this Bay has its setled Tides just as the Sea. This is not a proper place to enquire whether the Flowing and Ebbing of the Water of this Bay, may be properly call'd a Tide, or whether they are occasion'd by the Winds, which never, or very seldom fail to blow from the same Point upon the Moon's ascending our Horizon; but this I may say, That in the greatest Calm, the Waters in this Bay flow and ebb according to the Motion of the Moon; though I will not deny but that the Winds, which move the Waters towards the middle of the Lake, may contribute to this effect.

We left this Bay to go into a River that discharges it self therein; and found its Mouth very [199] broad and deep. It flows very gently; but after we had advanc'd some Leagues into it, we saw it was interrupted by several Rocks and rapid Streams; and so shallow in some places, that it would hardly bear our Canows. The bottom is full of Flints, which are as so many Razors that cut the Canows, and made it impossible for our Men to walk therein, to make the Canows more light, when the shallowness of the Water did not permit us to row away. It is full of Bustard, Ducks, and Teals, because of the Wild Oats in the Marshes thereabouts. However, we conquer'd those Difficulties, and


came to an Habitation of the Miamis, Maskoutens, and Kikabeux; but before we arriv'd at the Village, I had the Curiosity to taste the Mineral Water of a River near it, and found a Simple of a wonderful Virtue against the Venom of the Serpents. A Savage who knew it, had shown it to Father Allouez, who had often occasion to try its Virtues, God having been pleased to provide that Country with that wonderful Antidote against the Serpents, who are very dangerous in those Parts. The Root of that Simple is very hot, and tastes like Gunpowder; they chew it, and apply it to the Part of the Body stung by the Serpents; and this without any other Mystery cures the Wound; and the Serpents have such an Antipathy against the Herb, that they run away from any Man who has rubb'd his Body with the same. It produces several Stalks about a foot high; the Leaves are some what long; the Flower is white, and the whole looks like our Gilliflowers. I took one into our Canow, the better to examine it.

This Bay of Puans had been hitherto, as one may say, the Ultima Thulć of the French, for they never durst advance further into the Country. This Village, as I have intimated, consists of three several Nations, viz. Miamis, Maskoutens, and Kikabeux [Kickapoos]. The first are more civil than the other, and better [200] shap'd, as well as more liberal. They wear long Hair over their Ears, which looks well


enough. They are accounted valiant Men amongst their Neighbours; but are so cunning, that they seldom return from their warlike Expeditions without Booty. They are apt to learn any thing, for they love to hear the European's Talk; and Father Allouez told me, That they had such a violent desire to be instructed, that they often disturb'd his Rest to ask him Questions about what he had told them the Day before. The Maskoutens and Kikabeux are more Clownish; and there is as much difference between the Miamis and them, as between our Boors and Citizens. As the Rind of Birch-Trees are scarce in this Country, they are oblig'd to make their Cabins with Rushes, which serve as well for covering the same, as for Walls. It must be own'd that these Cabins are very convenient; for they take them down when they please, and carry them by small Parcels where ever they will, without any trouble.

When I arriv'd there, I was very glad to see a great Cross set up in the middle of the Village, adorn'd with several White Skins, Red Girdles, Bows and Arrows, which that good People had offer'd to the Great Manitou, to return him their Thanks for the care he had taken of them during the Winter, and that he had granted them a prosperous Hunting. Manitou is the Name they give in general to all Spirits whom they think to be above the Nature of Man.

Their Village is situated on a Hill, from whence one may


discover the largest Meadows in the World, adorn'd at certain distance with Groves and Woods. The Soil is very fertile, and produces a great quantity of Indian Corn. They preserve also Plums and Grapes.

[201] As soon as we were arriv'd, M. Joliet and I desir'd the Eldest of the Savages to meet us, and I told them that M. Joliet was sent by the Governor of Canada to discover new Countries, and I from God Almighty to teach them the Knowledge of their Creator, who being absolute Master of all his Creatures, will have all Nations to know him; and that therefore to comply with his Will, I did not value my Life, which I freely expos'd to all manner of Dangers; Concluding, That we wanted two Guides to put us in our Way, which we desir'd them to grant us. We enforc'd our Compliment with some Presents that were kindly accepted by the Savages; who answer'd us likewise with a Present, viz. a Mat, which was our Bed during our Voyage. They granted us also two Guides, to accompany us for some Days. The next Day, being the 10th of June, the two Miamis who were to conduct us, imbark'd with us in sight of all the Inhabitants of the Village, who could not admire enough that seven Europeans should venture upon so dangerous and extraordinary an Undertaking.

We were inform'd, that within three Leagues of the Maskoutens, there was a River which runs into the *Missisipi, and that we were to go directly to the West-South-West, to find it; but there are so many Morasses and Lakes between it, that had it not been for our Guide,


we had never been able to find it; and the River upon which we row'd, to find the Place we were to Land and carry our Canow into the other, was so full of Wild-Oats, that it lookt rather like a Corn-Field than a River; insomuch that we cou'd hardly discover its Channel. As the Miamis frequented this Place, they conducted us to the usual Place of Portage, and help'd us to carry our Canow over-land into the other River, distant from the former about two Miles and a half ; from [202] whence they return'd home, leaving us in an unknown Country, having nothing to rely upon but the Divine Providence. We made a Solemn Vow in this place, and resolv'd to use some particular Prayers every Day to the Blessed Virgin, to recommend our Persons and Enterprize to her Protection, and afterwards embark'd.

This River is call'd Mesconsin [Wisconsin]: It is very broad, but the Sands make its Navigation difficult; and this Difficulty is increas'd by an infinite Number of Islands cover'd with Vines. The Country through which it flows is very fine; the Groves dispos'd at certain Distances in the Meadows, make a noble Prospect; and the Fruit of the Trees discovers the Fertility of the Soil. Those Groves are full of Wallnut Trees, as also of Oaks, and of another sort of Trees unknown to us in Europe, the Boughs whereof are arm'd with long Thorns. We saw no other Game in these Meadows but abundance of Wild-Goats, and Wild-Bulls. Within thirty Leagues of this Place where we embark'd, we found some Iron-Mines; and one of our Company, who had formerly


seen such Mines, told us that these were extraordinary good: They are not above three Foot deep, and are situate near a Row of Rocks, the Foot whereof is cover'd with fine Woods. After having row'd ten Leagues further, that is, forty Leagues in all from the Place where we embark'd, we came into the Missisipi on the 17th of June. The Mouth of the Mesconsin is about forty two Degrees and a half of Latitude. The Satisfaction I had to see this famous River, is almost incredible; for though the Savages had often spoken of it to our Men, none of them had been so bold as to venture so far in this unknown Country. This oblig'd me to confider this River with a greater Attention than otherwise I wou'd have done, as the Reader will perceive in perusing the following Account.

[203] The Mississipi is form'd by several Lakes in the North-Country, from whence it runs to the South. Its Channel is pretty narrow at the Mouth of the Mesconsin, being streighten'd by a Row of high Mountains on the other side; but however its Stream is very gentle, because of its depth; for we found there nineteen Fathom Water. But a little below that Place, it enlarges it self, and is about three quarters of a League broad. Its Banks are very fine; but three Days after, we discover'd a much better Country. The Trees are higher, and the Islands so beautiful, that I verily believe there is nothing like it in the World. The Meadows are cover'd with an infinite number of Wild-Goats and Bulls, and the River with Bustards and Swans without Wings, because their Feathers fall in this Country about that


time. We saw extraordinary Fishes, and one of them was so big, that our Canow was like to be broke into Pieces, because it run against it. We saw also a very hideous Sea Monster; his Head was like that of a Tyger; but his Nose was somewhat sharper, and like a Wild-Cat; his Beard was long, his Ears stood upright, the Colour of his Head being Grey, and the Neck Black. He look'd upon us for some time; but as we came near him, our Oars frighted him away: This is the only one we saw. We caught abundance of Sturgeons, and another sort of Fish somewhat like our Trouts, except that their Eyes and Nose are much lesser, and that they have near the Nose a Bone like a Woman's Busk, three Inches broad, and a Foot and a half long, the End whereof is flat and very broad, insomuch that when they leap out of the Water, the Weight of that Bone makes them fall backwards. We saw also abundance of Turky-Cocks on the Banks of the River.

[204] The Pisikious, which we call Wild-Bulls, are not much unlike ours; they are not altogether so long, but twice as big: We shot one of them, and thirteen Men had much ado to drag him from the Place where he fell. Their Head is of a prodigious bigness, their Forehead broad and flat, and their Horns (between which there is at least a Foot and a half distance) are all black, and much longer than those of our European Cattle. They have a Bump on the Back; and their Head, Breast, and part of the Shoulders, are cover'd


with long Hair. They have in the middle of their Forehead an ugly Tuff of long Hair, which falling down over their Eyes, blinds them in a manner, and makes them look dreadful. The rest of the Body is cover'd with curl'd Hair, or rather Wooll, like our Sheep, but much thicker and ruffer. Their Hair falls in Summer-time, and then their Skin is as soft as Velvet, nothing remaining but a kind of short Down. The Savages make use of their Skins for Gowns, which they paint with several Colours. Their Flesh and Fat is excellent, and the best Dish of the Savages, who destroy abundance of them, though they are very fierce and dangerous; and if they can but take a Man with their Horns, they toss him up, and then tread upon him. The Savages hide themselves when they have shot at them, for else they shou'd be in great danger of their Lives, those Beasts being fiercer when wounded; they follow them at certain distances, till they have lost so much Blood as to be unable to do them any hurt, or to defend themselves. They Graze upon the Banks of the River; and I have seen above four hundred together.

We continu'd to fall down the River, having seen nothing for above a hundred Leagues, but Beasts and Birds; however, we were always upon our Guard, and especially during the Night, for [205] fear of any Surprize. We landed in the Evening to dress our Supper, and made but a little Fire, and then left the Shore, casting an Anchor near the middle


of the River, where we lay, as the safeft Place, and yet one of us watch'd always by turns. On the 25th of June we went a-shore, and found some fresh Traces of Men upon the Sand, and then found a Path which led into a Meadow. We call'd our Men together, and it was resolv'd that our Men shou'd continue in the Canows, while M. Joliet and I shou'd follow that Path, and endeavour to find the Habitation of the Savages. This Undertaking was very bold, yet relying upon God Almighty, we went on, and within ten Leagues from thence, discover'd a Village on the Banks of a River, and two other Villages on a Hill within half a League from the former. Having again implor'd God's Protection, we advanc'd so near to the Savages, that we cou'd hear them talk, and therefore thought it was time to give them notice of our Arrival, which we did with a loud Cry, and then stopp'd. The Savages immediately came out of their Cabins, and seeing but two Men, they were not frighted, and especially because we had acquainted them by our Cry, with our Approach; therefore they sent four of their Old Men to talk to us, and see who we were, and what Business we came upon. They carri'd two Pipes adorn'd with Feathers of several Colours, which they presented to the Sun, without speaking a Word. They march'd so slowly, that we began to be impatient; and when they came near us, they stopp'd, and us'd many Ceremonies. We were very glad to see them cover'd with Cloth, for thereby we judg'd they were either our Allies, or Friends of our Allies; and therefore I spoke to them, and ask'd them who they were? They answer'd,


That they were Illinois, and [206] presented us their Pipe to smoak, desiring us also to walk to their Habitations. Those Pipes are call'd both by the Savages and Europeans, Calumets; and therefore I shall make use of their Word for the future, having often occasion to mention these Pipes.

They conducted us to a Cabin, where an Old Man waited for us, in a very extraordinary Posture, which, as I understand since, is the usual Ceremony they use for the Reception of Strangers. This Man stood before the Cabin, having both his Hands lifted up to Heaven, opposite to the Sun, insomuch that it darted its Rays through his Fingers, upon his Face; and when we came near him, he told us, What a fair Day this is since thou comest to visit us! All our People wait for thee, and thou shalt enter our Cabin in Peace. Having repeated the Compliment to M. Joliet, he conducted us into his Cabin, where abundance of People croweded to see us, keeping however a great Silence, that we heard nothing a great while, but now and then these Words, You have done well, Brothers, to come and see us.

As soon as we sat down, they presented us, according to Custom, their Calumet, which one must needs accept, for else he shou'd be lookt upon as an open Enemy, or a meer Brute; however, it is not necessary to smoak; and provided one puts it to his Mouth, it is enough. While the Old Man smoak'd in our Cabin to entertain us, the Great Captain of the Illinois sent us word to come to his Village, where he design'd to confer with us; and accordingly we went to him, being attended by all the Inhabitants of this Village, who having


never seen any Europeans before, accompani'd us all the Way. We met that Captain at the Door of his Cabin, in the middle of Ten Old Men; all of them were standing, and each had his Calumet [207] towards the Sun. He made us a short Speech, to congratulate our happy Arrival in that Country; and presented us his Calumet, wherein we were oblig'd to smoak before we went into his Cabin.

This Ceremony being over, he conducted us, and desir'd us to sit down upon a Mat, and the Old Men of that Nation being present, I thought fit to acquaint them with the Subject of our Voyage, and therefore I told them, 1. That we design'd to visit all Nations that were on that River, down to the Sea. 2. That God Almighty, their Creator, took pity on them, and had sent me to bring them to the Knowledge of his Being, and therefore expected a full Submission from them. 3. That the Great Captain of the French had commanded me to tell them, that he had subdu'd the Iroquese, and wou'd have every Body to live in Peace. 4. We desir'd them to tell us whatever they knew concerning the Nations we were to meet along the River. We enforc'd every Point of our Speech with a Present, and then sate down. The Captain of the Illinois answer'd, That he was very glad to hear of the great Actions of our Captain, meaning the Governor of Canada, and desir'd us to remain amongst them, because of the great Dangers to which we shou'd be expos'd in continuing our Voyage; but I told them that we did not fear to lose our Lives for the Glory of God; at which they were mightily surpriz'd. He presented us with a Calumet,


the most mysterious thing in the World; of which I shall give an Account in another Place.

The Council being over, we were invited to a Feast, which we were oblig'd to accept. The first Mess was a Dish of Sagamittee, that is, some Meal of Indian Corn boil'd with Water, and season'd with Grease: The Master of Ceremonies holding [208] a kind of Spoon-full of that Sagamittee, put some thrice into my Mouth, and then did the like to M. Joliet. They brought for a Second Course, three Fishes in a Dish, whereof he took a Piece, and having took out the Bones, and blown upon it to cool it, he put it into my Mouth, just as a Bird feeds his young ones. The Third Service was a huge Dog, whom they kill'd on purpose; but understanding that we eat no such Creatures; they brought a Piece of Beef, and serv'd us as before.

As soon as we had done, we went to visit the Village, which consists of near three hundred Cabins, being attended by an Officer, to oblige the Savages to make room, and not crowd upon us. They presented us with Girdles and Garters, and some other Works made of the Hair of Bears and Bulls. We lay in the Cabin of the Captain, and the next Day took our Leave of him, promising to return in Four Moons. They conducted us as far as our Canows, with near eight hundred Persons, who express'd an extraordinary Joy for our kind Visit, as they call'd it.

It will not be improper to relate here what I observ'd of the Custom and Manners of this People, which are very


different from what is practis'd among the other Nations of the Northern-America.

The Word Illinois in their Language signifies Men, as if they did look upon the other Savages as Beasts; and truly it must be confess'd that they are not altogether in the Wrong, for they have more Humanity than all the other Nations that I have seen in America. The short time I remain'd with them, did not permit me to inform my self, as much as I desir'd, of their Customs and Manners; but here is what I was able to observe ; They are divided into several Villages, whereof some are very remote [209] from those that I have seen. They call them Perouarca [sc. Peouarea]; but as they live so far one from the other, their Language is also very different.

However, it is a Dialect: of the Algonquin, and therefore we were able to understand what they said, and to converse with them. They are good-natur'd Men, tractable and easy: They keep several Wives, and yet they are exceedingly jealous: They observe with great Care their Behaviour; and if they find them in any Fault as to their Chastity, they cut off their Noses and Ears; and I saw several who carry'd upon their Faces the Marks of their Infidelity. The Illinois are very well shap'd, and very dextrous: They are good Marksmen with their Arrows and small Guns, with which they are supply'd by the Savages that have Commerce with the Europeans. This makes them formidable to the other Nations inhabiting to the Westward, who have no Fire-Arms. The Illinois knowing how much they are frighted at the Noise of their Guns, make Excursions very far to the Westward,


and bring Slaves from thence, which they barter with other Nations for the Commodities they want. Those Nations are altogether ignorant of Iron Tools; and their Knives, Axes, and other Instruments, are made of Flints, and other sharp Stones.

When the Illinois go upon any Expedition, the whole Village must have notice of it; and therefore they use to make an Out-cry at the Door of their Huts the Evening before they go, and the Morning they are to set out. Their Captains are distinguish'd from the Soldiers by Red Scarfs, made with the Hair of Bears or Wild Bulls, that are curiously wrought. They have abundance of Game; and their Soil is so fertile, that their Indian Corn never fails, and therefore they never labour under Famine. They sow Beans and Melons, which are excellent, and especially those whose Seed is Red. They [210] greatly esteem their Citruls, though they are none of the best. They dry them up, and keep them till the Winter and Spring. Their Cabins are very large; they are made, cover'd, and pav'd with Mats of Marish-Rushes. Their Dimes are of Wood; but their Spoons are made of the Bones of the Skull of Wild-Oxen, which they cut so as to make them very convenient to eat their Sagatnittee. They have Physicians amongst them, towards whom they are very liberal when they are sick, thinking that the Operation of the Remedies they take, is proportionable to the Presents they make unto those who have prescrib'd them. They have no other Clothes but Skins of Beasts, which serve to cover their


Women; for the Men go most of the Year stark-naked. I don't know by what Superstition some of the Illinois and Nadouessians wear Womens Apparel. When they have taken the same, which they do in their Youth, they never leave it off; and certainly there must be some Mystery in this Matter, for they never Marry, and work in the Cabins with Women, which other Men think below them to do. They may go however to their Wars, but they must use only a Club, and not Bows and Arrows, which are fit, as they say, for Men alone. They assist at all the Superstitions of their Juglers, and their solemn Dances in honour of the Calumet, in which they may sing, but it is not lawful for them to dance. They are call'd to their Councils, and nothing is determin'd without their Advice; for, because of their extraordinary way of Living, they are look'd upon as Manitous, or at least for great and incomparable Genius's.

I must speak here of the Calumet, the most mysterious thing in the World. The Scepters of our Kings are not so much respected; for the Savages have such a Deference for this Pipe, that one may call it, The God of Peace and War, and the Arbiter of [211] Life and Death. One, with this Calumet, may venture amongst his Enemies, and in the hottest Engagement they lay down their Arms before this Sacred Pipe. The Illinois presented me with one of them, which was very useful to us in our Voyage. Their Calumet of Peace is different from the Calumet of War; They make use of the


former to seal their Alliances and Treaties, to travel with safety, and receive Strangers; and the other is to proclaim War.

It is made of a Red Stone like our Marble ; the Head is like our common Tobacco-Pipes, but larger; and it is fixt to a hollow Reed, to hold it for smoaking. They adorn it with fine Feathers of several Colours; and they call it, The Calumet of the Sun, to whom they present it, especially when they want fair Weather or Rain, thinking that that Planet can have no less respect for it than Men have, and therefore that they shall obtain their Desires. They dare not wash themselves in Rivers in the beginning of the Summer, or taste the new Fruit of Trees, before they have danc'd the Calumet, which they do in the following manner:

This Dance of the Calumet is a solemn Ceremony amongst the Savages, which they perform upon important Occasions, as to confirm an Alliance, or make Peace with their Neighbours. They use it also to entertain any Nation that comes to visit them; and in this Case we may confider it as their Balls. They perform it in Winter-time in their Cabins, and in the open Field in the Summer. They chuse for that purpose a set Place among Trees, to shelter themselves against the Heat of the Sun, and lay in the middle a large Matt, as a Carpet, to lay upon [it] the God of the Chief of the


Company, who gave the Ball; for every one has his peculiar God, whom they call Manitoa [sc. Manitou]. It is sometime a Stone, a Bird, a Serpent, or any thing else that they dream of in [212] their Sleep; for they think this Manitoa will supply their Wants, by Fishing, Hunting, and other Enterprizes. To the Right of their Manitoa they place the Calumet, their Great Deity, making round about i