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"Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to prepare and publish a full and complete, report of the official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the National Committee, co-operating with the local committee."
CHARLES W. JOHNSON, Secretary.
COPYRIGHT BY CHARLES W. JOHNSON.
Officers of the Convention.
Chairman, of the National Committee, HON. THOMAS H. CARTER, of Montana.
Temporary Chairman of the Convention, HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS, of Indiana.
Permanent Chairman, HON. JOHN M. THURSTON, of Nebraska.
General Secretary, CHARLES W. JOHNSON, of Minnesota.
Sergeant-at-Arms, TIMOTHY E. BYRNES, of Minnesota.
Sketch of the life of Wm. McKinley, Jr.
WILLIAM MCKINLEY, Jr. was born at Niles, Trumbull County, Ohio, on January 29, 1843. His father was an iron manufacturer, and is still living, his age being 85; his mother is also living, her age being 83. Young McKinley was educated at the public schools and at the Poland (Mahoning County) Academy. In June, 1861, he enlisted in the 23rd O. V. I. as a private. On September 24, 1862, he was promoted to 2nd lieutenant; on February 7, 1862, 1st lieutenant; on July 25th, 1864, to captain, and was breveted Major by President Lincoln for gallant and meritorious services at the battle of Opequan, Fisher's Hill and Cedar Creek. He served on the staff of Ex-President Hayes and Maj. Gen'l Geo. Crook, and after Crook's capture he served for a time on the staff of Maj. Gen'l Hancock, and subsequently on the staff of Gen'l S. S. Carroll. He was with the 23rd in all its battles, and was mustered out with it on July 26, 1865. At the close of the war he returned to Ohio. He had a liking for the military profession, and it was said that but for the advice of his father he would at the solicitation of Gen'l Carroll have attached himself to the regular army. He studied law with the Hon. Charles E. Glidden and David Wilson of Mahoning County, and then attended the law school at Albany, N. Y. In 1867 he was admitted to the bar, and in May of the same year he located in Canton, Stark County, where he soon formed a partnership with Judge Belden. He was elected prosecuting attorney of Stark County in 1869. On January 25,1871, he was married to Miss Ida Saxton, daughter of James A. Saxton, a prominent citizen of Canton. He was elected to Congress in 1876, and was continuously in Congress until March, 1891, except part of his fourth term, he being unseated by a Democratic House late in the first session, his seat being given to Mr. Wallace, his competitor. McKinley has been three times "gerrymandered." In 1878 he was placed in a district consisting of the counties of Stark, Wayne, Ashland and Portage, which was Democratic by 1,800; but McKinley carried it by 1,300. In 1884 he was placed in a district consisting of Stark, Summit, Medina and Wayne, and was elected by over 2,000. Under the infamous Price "gerrymander" of 1890, his district was made up of Stark, Wayne, Medina and Holmes, which had given Governor Campbell, the year before 2,900 majority, but on the fullest vote ever polled in the district, Mr. McKinley reduced this majority to 303. Mr. McKinley received 2,500 more votes in the district than had been received by Harrison for President in 1888 in the same district. While in Congress, Mr. McKinley served on the committee of the Revision of Laws, the Judiciary Committee, the Committee of Expenditures, of the Post Office Department, and the Committee on Rules; and when Gen'l Garfield was nominated for the Presidency. Mr. McKinley was assigned to the Committee on Ways and Means in his place, and he continued to serve on the last-named committee until the end of his congressional career, being Chairman of that committee during the last Congress, and was the author of the famous tariff law which bears his name.
For a number of years Mr. McKinley has been the recognized champion of the cardinal Republican principle of Protection. He was delegate-at-large to the National Convention of '84, and supported Mr. Blaine for the Presidency. He was also delegate-at-large to the National Convention of '88, when he supported Mr. Sherman. At the latter convention his name was sprung for the Presidential nomination, but in a speech which was characteristic of the man he forbade the use of his name for the reason that he had pledged his loyalty to Sherman. He was Chairman of the Committee on Resolutions at both conventions.
On June 7, 1891, Maj. McKinley was unanimously nominated by the Ohio Republicans for Governor; and after one of the most hotly contested campaigns in the history of the State, he was elected by a plurality of 21,511.
In 1893 he was re-elected Governor of Ohio by a plurality of 80,955.
At the Ohio State Convention, 1892, Governor McKinley was elected one of the delegates-at-large to the Republican National Convention at Minneapolis; he was made Chairman of the Ohio Delegation, and Permanent Chairman of the Convention.
Sketch of the Life of Garrett A. Hobart.
GARRETT AUGUSTUS HOBART was born June 3, 1844, in Monmouth County, N. J. His father's name was Addison W., and mother's Sophia. Hobart's father was a school teacher, but later became a farmer.
His early life was spent in Monmouth County, within sight of the historic Revolutionary battlefield of Monmouth, and his early education was obtained in the common schools of Newark and Paterson neighborhood. Later, at the age of 17, he entered Rutger's College, New Brunswick, and spent four years there, graduating with high honors when 21 years old. He went to Paterson and commenced the study of law in the office of Socrates Tuttle, destined to become his father-in-law later in life. After spending three years in the law office he was admitted to the practice of law in the State of New Jersey, and worked up a large and remunerative practice, being counsel of the city and county governments.
He was early identified with politics, but sought no political office until 1873, when he was elected a member of the State Legislature. The next year, 1874, he was re-elected and was made Speaker of the Assembly by a unanimous vote of his colleagues. In 1875 he was elected State Senator from the Paterson district, and three years after was given the place as president of the upper body of the Assembly.
A number of times he was solicited to accept the nomination for Congressman from his home district, but would not accept. In 1880 he was the Republican nominee for United States Senator, but the Assembly being overwhelmingly Democratic he failed to secure the seat, the honor falling to John R. McPherson. Mr. Hobart was Chairman of the Republican State Executive Committee for twelve years, and New Jersey member of the National Committee since 1884.
He was married to Jennie Tuttle, the daughter of Hon. Socrates Tuttle, under whom he had studied law, July 20, 1866, and has one son living, Garrett Augustus. He was appointed one of the Receivers of the New Jersey Midland Railroad, and Hugh McCullough, of New York, was joint Receiver, looking after the New York interests of the road. Later, under the direction of the Court, he became the sole Receiver and reorganized the road under the name of the Susquehanna Western. At the time of the receivership there were large amounts owing to the army of employes, and Mr. Hobart is entitled to the credit of hiring legal counsel to see that their interest were protected against those of numerous preferred creditors. In acknowledgment for this fair treatment the men passed resolutions thanking him for the interest taken in their behalf.
On December 12, 1895, he was appointed one of three arbitrators for the Joint Traffic Association lines, including thirty-two roads. The purpose of the arbitration commissioners is to prevent discrimination and protect the individual lines in all their rights. The arbitrators have not, nor can they have any pecuniary interest in the roads comprised under the association. Complaint was made that the existence of the board was contrary to the purpose and intent of the inter-state commerce act, but Judge Wheeler, of Vermont, has recently decided that its existence was not only legal, but necessary for the protection of shippers from discrimination by rebates or otherwise.
Mr. Hobart has been in public life in New Jersey ever since he was 23 years of age, but his most recent triumph, and one in which he prides himself most, is his participation in the State campaign in New Jersey, which resulted in the selection of John W. Griggs, the first Republican Governor the State has had in thirty years.
|Arkansas||POWELL CLAYTON||Little Rock.|
|California||JOHN D. SPRECKLES||San Francisco.|
|Colorado||J. F. SAUNDERS||Denver.|
|Delaware||JAMES H. WILSON||Wilmington.|
|Florida||JOHN C. LONG||St. Augustine.|
|Georgia||JUDSON W. LYONS||Augusta.|
|Idaho||GEORGE L. SHOUP||Salmon City.|
|Illinois||T. N. JAMIESON||Chicago.|
|Indiana||WlNFIELD T. DURBIN||Anderson.|
|Iowa||A. B. CUMMINS||Des Moines.|
|Kansas||CYRUS LELAND, Jr.||Troy.|
|Kentucky||JOHN W. YERKES||Danville.|
|Louisiana||A. T. WIMBERLY||New Orleans.|
|Maine||JOSEPH H. MANLEY||Augusta.|
|Maryland||Geo. L. WELLINGTON||Cumberland.|
|Massachusetts||Geo. H. LYMAN||Boston.|
|Michigan||Geo. L MALTZ||Detroit.|
|Minnesota||L. F. HUBBARD||Red Wing.|
|Missouri||RICHARD C. KERENS||St. Louis.|
|Montana||CHARLES R. LEONARD||Butte.|
|Nebraska||JOHN M. THURSTON||Omaha.|
|Nevada||C. H. SPROULE||Elko.|
|New Hampshire||PERSON C. CHENEY||Manchester.|
|New Jersey||GARRETT A. HOBART||Paterson.|
|New York||FREDERICK S. GIBBS||New York City.|
|North Carolina||JAMES E. BOYD||Greensboro.|
|North Dakota||W. H. ROBINSON||Mayville.|
|Ohio||CHAS. L. KURTZ||Columbus.|
|Oregon||GEORGE A. STEELE||Portland.|
|Pennsylvania||MATTHEW S. QUAY||Beaver.|
|Rhode Island||CHARLES R. BRAYTON||Providence.|
|South Carolina||EUGENE A. WEBSTER||Orangeburg.|
|South Dakota||A. B. KITTREDGE||Sioux Falls.|
|Tennessee||W. P. BROWNLOW||Jonesboro.|
|Utah||L. R. ROGERS||Salt Lake City.|
|Vermont||Geo. T. CHILDS||St. Albans.|
|Virginia||Geo. E. BOWDEN||Norfolk.|
|Washington||P. C. SULLIVAN||Tacoma.|
|West Virginia||N. B. SCOTT||Wheeling.|
|Wisconsin||HENRY C. PAYNE||Milwaukee.|
|Wyoming||WILLIS VAN DEVANTER||Cheyenne.|
|Alaska||C. S. JOHNSON||Sitka.|
|Arizona||W. M. GRIFFITH||Florence.|
|New Mexico||SOLOMON LUNA||Los Lunas.|
|Oklahoma||HENRY E. ASP||Guthrie.|
|Indian Territory||Leo. E. BENNETT||Muskogee.|
|District Columbia||BYRON M. PARKER||Washington.|
The Republican National Committee.
Chairman, Marcus A. Hanna, Cleveland, Ohio.
THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:
Auditorium Hotel, 308 Wabash Avenue.
M. A. HANNA, Ohio, Chairman.
CHARLES DICK, Ohio, Secretary.
HENRY C. PAYNE, Wisconsin.
CHARLES G. DAWES, Illinois.
WINFIELD T. DURBIN, Indiana.
CYRUS LELAND, Jr., Kansas.
EDWIN F. BROWN, Sub-Treasurer.
Wm. M. HAHN, Ohio, In Charge of Bureau of Speakers.
PERRY HEATH, Ohio, In Charge of Literary and Press Matter.
COL. WILLIAM C. HASKELL, Sergeant-at-Arms.
CAPT. THOMAS H. MCKEE, In Charge of Documents and Distribution.
Metropolitan Life Bldg., No. 1 Madison Avenue.
M. A. HANNA, Ohio, Chairman.
Wm. M. OSBORNE, Mass., Secretary.
CORNELIUS N. BLISS, N. Y., Treasurer.
M. S. QUAY, Pennsylvania.
JOSEPH H. MANLEY, Maine.
POWELL CLAYTON, Arkansas.
N. B. SCOTT, West Virginia.
GEN. POWELL CLAYTON, In Charge of Bureau of Speakers.
JULES GUTHRIDGE, In Charge of Literary and Press Matter.
COL. H. L. SWORDS, Sergeant-at-Arms.
Republican Congressional Committee.
JOSEPH W. BABCOCK, Chairman.
LEWIS D. APSLEY, Vice-Chairiaan.
DAVID H. MERCEE, Secretary.
WARNER P. SDTTON, Assistant Secretary.
WILLIAM B. THOMPSON, Treasurer.
JOHN A. T. HULL, Iowa.
JOSEPH G. CANNON, Illinois.
JETER C. PRITCHARD, North Carolina.
JESSE OVERSTREET, Indiana.
JAMES S. SHERMAN, New York.
JOHN H. MITCHELL, Oregon.
|N. Hampshire||Senator Gallinger.|
|New York||Rep. Sherman.|
|N. Carolina||Senator Pritchard.|
|N. Dakota||Rep. Johnson.|
|Rhode Island||Rep. Bull.|
|W. Virginia||Rep. Miller.|
|New Mexico||Del&dot: Catron.|
National Republican League of the United States.
D. D. WOODMANSEE, President. Cincinnati, O.
M. J. DOWLING, Secretary. Renville, Minn.
A. T. BLISS, Treasurer. Saginaw, (W. S.) Mich.
|Arkansas||Henry M. Cooper||Little Rock||Little Rock|
|California||Frank McLaughlin||San Francisco||Oroville|
|Colorado||J. L.Hodges, Regular -||Denver -||Denver -|
|Delaware||Hugh C. Brown||Wilmington||Wilmington|
|Florida||Jno. K. Stillman||Jacksonville||Jacksonville|
|Idaho||Geo. H. Stewart||Boise City||Boise City|
|Illinois||Charles P. Hitch||Chicago||Paris|
|Indiana||John K. Gowdy||Indianapolis||Rushville|
|Iowa||H. G. McMillan||Des Moines||Rock Rapids|
|Kansas||Cyras Leland, Jr.||Topeka||Troy|
|Kentucky||Sam&dot: J. Roberts||Louisville||Lexington|
|Louisiana||P. F. Herwig, Executive Com&dot: J. B. Donnally, Sugar Planters||New Orleans New Orleans||New Orleans New Orleans|
|Maine||Jos. H. Manley||Augusta||Augusta|
|Maryland||Geo. L&dot: Wellington||Baltimore||Cumberland|
|Massachusetts||Geo. H. Lyman||Boston||Boston|
|Michigan||Dexter M. Ferry||Detroit||Detroit|
|Minnesota||Eli S. Warner. Central Com&dot: Tams Bixby, Executive Com.||St. Paul St. Paul||St. Paul Red Wing|
|Mississippi||A. M. Lea&dot: Hill Com. H. C. Griffin, Lynch Com.||Vicksburg Jackson||Vicksburg Natchez|
|Missouri||Chauncey I. Filley||St. Louis||St. Louis|
|Nebraska||Geo. W. Post||Lincoln||York|
|Nevada||R. K. Colcord||Carson City||Carson City|
|New Hampshire||Stephen S. Jewett||Concord||Laconia|
|New Jersey||Franklin Murphy||Newark||Newark|
|New York||Charles W. Hackett||New York||Utica|
|North Carolina||Albert E. Holton||Raleigh||Wiston|
|North Dakota||Earuest C&dot: Cooper||Fargo||Grand Forks|
|Ohio||Chas. L. Kurtz, Executive Com||Columbus||Columbus|
|Pennsylvania||John P. Elkin||Philadelphia||Philadelphia|
|Rhode Island||Hunter C. White||Providence||Providence|
|South Carolina||Eugene A. Webster||Charleston||Orangsburg|
|South Dakota||J. D. Elliott James Munn, For Black Hills||Yankton Dead wood||Tyndall Deadwood|
|Utah||John E. Dooly||Salt Lake||Salt Lake|
|Vermont||Olin Merrill||Burlington||Enosburgh Falls|
|West Virginia||Wm. M. O. Dawson||Wheeling||Kingwood|
|Wlsconson||Edwin D. Coe||Milwaukee||Milwaukee|
|Wyoming||Willis Van Devanter||Cheyenne||Cheyenne|
|Arizona||Jos. H. Kibbey||Phoenix||Phoenix|
|New Mexico||B. L. Bartlett||Santa Fe||Santa Fe|
|Chairman||Joseph W. Babcock||Washington, D. C.||Necedah, Wis.|
|Vice-Chairman||Lewis D. Apsley||Washington, D. C.||Hudson, Mass.|
Secretaries Republican State Committees.
|Alabama||C. F. Johnson||Birmingham||Mobile|
|Arkansas||M. W. Gibbs||Little Rock||Little Rock|
|California||M. R. Higgins||San Francisco||San Francisco|
|Connecticut||Samuel A. Eddy||Hartford||Canaan|
|Delaware||W. C. R. Colquhonn||Wilmington||Wilmington|
|Florida||J. E. Lee.||Jacksonville||Jacksonville|
|Georgia||J. H. Deveaux||Atlanta||Savannah|
|Idaho||Jno. T. Morrison||Boise City||Caldwell|
|Illinois||Jas. R. B. Van Cleave||Chicago||Chicago|
|Indiana||Robt. E. Mansfield||Indianapolis||Muncie|
|Iowa||I. M. Treynor||Des Moines||Council Bluffs|
|Kansas||Joseph L. Bristow||Topeka||Ottawa|
|Kentucky||Geo. W. Lieberth||Louisville||Newport|
|Louisiana||L. J. Joubert John S. Dennee, Sugar Planters||New Orleans New Orleans||New Orleans New Orleans|
|Maryland||H. Clay Naill||Baltimore||Baltimore|
|Michigan||D. E. Alward||Detroit||Detroit|
|Minnesota||Edward M. Johnson||St. Paul||Minneapolis|
|Mississippi||T. V. M' Allister, Hill Com. L. K. At wood, Lynch Com.||Vicksburg Jackson||Vicksburg Jackson|
|Missouri||Albert Griffin||St. Louis||St. Louis|
|Montana||Thos. A. Cummings||Butte||Fort Benton|
|Nebraska||John T. Mallalieu||Lincoln||Kearney|
|New Hampshire||Wm. Tutherly||Concord||Concord|
|New Jersey||John Y. Foster||Newark||Newark|
|New York||John S. Kenyon||New York||Syracuse|
|North Carolina||W. S. Hyams||Raleigh||Bakersville|
|North Dakota||Albert B. Guptill||Fargo||Fargo|
|Ohio||W. S. Matthews, Ex. Com.||Columbus||Columbus|
|Oregon||Jonathan Bourne, Jr.||Portland||Portland|
|Pennsylvania||John B. Rex W. R. Andrews||Philadelphia Philadelphia||Huntingdon Meadville|
|Rhode Island||Eugene F. Warner||Providence||Coventry|
|South Carolina||John Johnson||Charleston||Charleston|
|South Dakota||R. S. Person||Yankton||Yankton|
|Texas||W. E. Eston||Delias||Austin|
|Utah||Miss Julia A. Farnsworth,||Salt Lake||Salt Lake|
|Vermont||F. E. Burgess||Burlington||Burlington|
|Washington||E. D. Cowen||Tacoma||Olympia|
|West Virginia||Geo. W. Atkinson||Wheeling||Wheeling|
|Wisconsin||Jno. M. Ewing||Milwaukee||Milwaukee|
|Wyoming||B. M. Ausherman||Cheyenne||Evanston|
|Arizona||Robert L. Long||Phoenix||Phoenix|
|New Mexico||Max Frost||Santa Fe||Santa Fe|
|Oklahoma||H. F. Ardery||Guthrie||Guthrie|
|Secretary||David H. Mercer||Washington, D. C.||Omaha, Neb.|
|Assistant Sec'y||Warren P. Button||Washington, D. C.||Michigan|
The Local Committee and its Work.
The effort made by St. Louis to secure the Convention was so determined in character that failure was never admitted to be possible by those at the head of the movement. It was the Business Men's League which inaugurated and managed the campaign. The League is a corporation under the laws of the State of Missouri and was incorporated in the year 1895. As the successor of the Autumnal Festivities Association and of the St. Louis Traffic Commission its main object as stated in its charter is to stand up for St. Louis and "to secure by all legitimate means the greatest good for the greatest number of its people." One of its stated objects as published in its original prospectus, was to "encourage the holding of conventions and similar gatherings in St. Louis."
In the summer of 1895 the Conventions Committee, appointed to carry out this plank, held several meeting's and placed itself in communication with each member of the National Executive Committee. On July 17th a conference was held between the Conventions Committee and Hon. R. C. Kerens, member of the National Committee from Missouri, at which a definite program was mapped out. On October 25th a sub-committee was appointed for the purpose of making a canvas of the principal houses in the city with a view to ascertain to what extent they were willing to subscribe towards the necessary expenses of holding the Republican Convention in St. Louis. This subcommittee reported favorably and on November 5th the Executive Committee, on motion of Hon. Nathan Frank, adopted a resolution authorizing the appointment of a committee of twenty-five with instructions to appear before the National Republican Committee, at Washington, on December 10th and bring back with them a decision calling for the holding of the convention in St. Louis in 1896. On November 22nd, each member of the National Republican Committee was notified that such committee had been appointed and would wait upon it at its meeting.
On December 2nd a general meeting was held at the Mercantile Club. The weather was exceedingly unpropitious but upwards of 500 prominent citizens were present. About $30,000 was subscribed at the meeting, and committees were appointed to canvas each interest and secure additional subscriptions. On December 6th at a joint meeting of the Executive and Conventions Committees of the Business Men's League authority was given to the committee, already referred to, to proceed to Washington and make the necessary pledges to secure the Republican National Convention. The following appointments on the committee were confirmed: Clark H.
18Sampson, chairman; S. M. Kennard, C. P. Walbridge, E. O. Stanard, C. I. Filley, Nathan Frank, R. C. Kerens, Thomas Booth, W. H. Thompson, D. M. Houser, F. B. Brownell, H. C. Townsend, J. M. Hayes, W. G. Boyd, C. C. Rainwater, Frank Gaiennie, C. M. Flach, Nathan Cole, William Warner, Kansas City; Congressmen Joy, Cobb and Bartholdt, and James Cox, secretary.
The utmost enthusiasm prevailed in St. Louis and subscriptions came in daily towards the necessary fund. Assurances of support were received from several members of the National Committee, although a majority were non-committal on the ground that they would reserve their decisions until they had heard the claims advanced by delegations from different cities.
On the morning of December 7th the Committee left the Union Station at St. Louis for Washington on a Baltimore & Ohio special train. The occasion was made the object of a demonstration, and an immense number of people were at the station to wish success to the delegation and to assure it of their individual and collective support. The feeling of confidence locally was increased by telegrams received from Washington and after the committee had left a quantity of important matter was sent after it. This included weather statistics disproving the statement that the weather in St. Louis is usually exceptionally hot early in June. Among other ammunition was a set of plans prepared by Architect Isaac Taylor, showing how the north nave of the Exposition Building could be fitted up for a Convention Hall with upwards of 12,000 seats, convenient in every respect for a gathering of the magnitude proposed.
On its arrival in Washington the Committee lost no time in securing headquarters. The members immediately went into executive session and completed their organization. Sub-committees were appointed to confer with different members of the National Committee and to point out the unique advantages of St. Louis for Convention purposes. In the selection of the committee care had been taken to secure as many men as possible with connections in different states and hence committeemen were approached in many cases by individual friends.
The unique geographical advantages of St. Louis, its ease of access from all points of the United States, the great increase in its railroad and hotel accommodations, were made use of as special arguments in favor of the selection of the city for the Convention which promised to be the most famous in the history of the party. Attention was prominently called to the fact that recent Republican victories in Missouri had placed the state in the doubtful column. It was also a point of great weight that the Republican mayor of of St. Louis was a member of the delegation and that St. Louis was one of the few cities which had gone Republican in the disastrous campaign of 1892. Before the National Committee met, the feeling became general that St. Louis' chances were rosy in the extreme and a large number of telegrams were dispatched to the leading hotels to secure options on headquarters and desirable rooms.
To prevent any complications arising from this the St. Louis committee wired to all the St. Louis hotels to make no assignments until all arrangements had been completed. It also secured from every hotel in the city signed undertakings not to increase rates during the Convention. On December 10th the battle of the cities was voted before the National Committee. Speeches on behalf of St. Louis were made by Hon. Cyrus P. Walbridge, Mayor; Mr. Clark
19H. Sampson, Chairman of the Delegation; Hon. Nathan Frank, Ex-Congressman for one of the principal St. Louis districts; Mr. S. M. Kennard, President of the Business Men's League and others. As a prominent democrat Mr. Kennard was introduced by National Committeeman Kerens. In the course of his remarks he pointed out that St. Louis had for years been recognized as the Convention City of America. He explained how it was proposed to remodel the north nave of the Exposition Building so as to furnish accommodation for 12,000 people, at the same time guaranteeing that under any conditions sufficient accommodation would be forthcoming for a convention of any magnitude. Discussing the weather problem, he assured the committee that St. Louis was not hot in the month of June, adding that when the wind blew from the south it did not stop in St. Louis, but continued to its neighbors on the north getting hotter and gathering strength as it went.
Speeches followed on behalf of New York, Pittsburg, San Francisco and Chicago, and then the balloting took place. The effort made for San Francisco had been exceedingly earnest and as a result that city led on the first ballot with 19 votes. St. Louis, which scarcely polled its full strength, came next with 14 votes. Pittsburg had 9 and Chicago 8, a solitary ballot being cast for New York. On the second ballot 4 of Pittsburg's votes went to St. Louis and on the third ballot 4 more were similarly transferred, the result of the vote being St. Louis 22, San Francisco 19, Chicago 9 and Pittsburg 1. On the fourth and final ballot St. Louis secured 29 votes as against 15 for San Francisco and 7 for Chicago. The following states voted for St. Louis: Alabama, Arkansas, Deleware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Indian Territory, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, North Carolina, Ohio, Oklahoma Territory, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Vermont, Virginia, West Virginia and Wyoming.
The headquarters of the St. Louis delegation were the scene of general festivities on the evening following the selection of the southwestern metropolis for the Convention: The best possible feeling existed between the representatives of the rival cities and many of those who had fought the hardest before the committee were the most sincere in their congratulations.
In St. Louis itself the proceedings were watched with great interest. Bulletins were received at frequent intervals during the contest and when the announcement was finally made that the city had succeeded for the first time in securing the National Republican Convention, enthusiasm knew no bounds. Arrangements were immediately made for welcoming back the victorious delegation, and although in deference to the wishes of members of the party there was no "brass band demonstration," a number of citizens met the incoming train several miles east of the city and tendered the victors congratulations.
No time was lost in making arrangements to carry out the promises made to the National Committee. St. Louis having a reputation of always doing a little better than it promised it was determined in this case to outdo all previous records and convince those who had opposed the selection of St. Louis as the place of nomination of the next President and Vice-President of the United States, that they had acted under misapprehension. Committees were promptly appointed to carry out every detail. The responsibility of the entire effort rested with the Executive Committee of the Business Men's
20League which, as already stated, had taken the initiative in securing the Convention. The following are the members of this committee:
|S. M. KENNARD, Pres.||Nathan Frank.||E. O. Stanard.|
|James Cox, Secretary.||Frank Gaiennie.||L. B. Tebbetts.|
|D. C. Ball.||Walker Hill.||W. H. Thompson.|
|H. A. Blossom.||Goodman King.||H. C. Townsend.|
|Thomas Booth.||J. J. Lawrence,||Festus J. Wade.|
|T. B. Boyd.||Charles Nagel.||D. D. Walker.|
|W. G. Boyd.||Dan Nugent.||C. F. Wenneker.|
|G. W. Brown.||J. E. Pilcher.||M. C. Wetmore.|
|Murray Carleton.||Jonathan Rice.||J. C. Wilkinson.|
|Ed. Devoy.||Clark H. Sampson.||E. F. Williams.|
|H. I. Drummond.||Frank Shapleigh.||W. H. Woodward.|
The following committees were appointed to attend to various details and execute the plans of the Executive Committee:
|CLARK H. SAMPSON, Chr.||Chauncey I. Filley.||Edwin O. Stanard.|
|Frank Gaiennie, Sec.||Nathan Frank.||Wm. A. Stickney.|
|Jos. D. Bascom.||Jos. M. Hayes.||L. B. Tebbetts.|
|Thos. Booth.||R. C. Kerens.||W. H. Thompson.|
|T. B. Boyd.||F. G. Niedringhaus.||J. C. Van Blarcom.|
|Geo. W. Brown.||D. M. Houser.||C. P. Walbridge.|
|F. B. Brownell.||C. C. Rainwater.||C. F. Wenneker.|
|Geo. O. Carpenter, Jr.||L. M. Rumsey.||M. C. Wetmore.|
|Nathan Cole.||A. L. Shapleigh.||Edwards Whitaker.|
|Edward Devoy.||Corwin H. Spencer.||O. L. Whitelaw.|
|GHAUNCEY I. FlLLBY, Chairman.||F. B. Brownell, Vice-Chairman.|
|W. B. Allen, Secretary; and 150 prominent citizens selected from all political parties.|
|NATHAN FRANK, Ch'm'n.||Joseph Franklin.||Alvah Mansur.|
|L. P. Aloe, Secretary.||C. Marquard Forster.||P. J. Moynihan.|
|J. L. Boland.||John J. Ganahl.||D. C. Nugent.|
|John P. Boyce.||W. A. Gardner.||N. O. Nelson.|
|J. J. Broderick.||August Gehner.||C. F. Orthwein.|
|E. C. Burnett.||W. Jewett Gilbert.||P. J. Pauly.|
|A. A. Busch.||J. T. Goodfellow.||Geo. D. Reynolds.|
|J. Charles Cabanne.||C. E. Halliwell.||J. H. Rhotehamel.|
|James M. Carpenter.||F. V. Hammar.||Geo. H. Shields.|
|A. D. Cooper.||Ewing Hill.||J. C. Simpson.|
|L. L. Culver.||F. D. Hirschberg.||J. C. Somerville.|
|C. R. H. Davis.||E. G. Hoffmann.||C. C. Sprague.|
|H. N. Davis.||James Hopkins.||Henry Stanley.|
|John B. Denvir.||D. M. Houser.||C. A. Stix.|
|J. B. Desnoyers.||C. H. Huttig.||M. S. Stuyvesant.|
|James Duross.||F. N. Johnson.||I. S. Taylor.|
|A. M. Eddy.||A. T. Kelley.||Henry M. Timken.|
|A. E. Faust.||J. J. Lawrence.||O. H. White.|
|C. H. Flack.||J. B. C. Lucas.||Geo. M. Wright.|
|P. R. Flitcraft.||L. G. McNair.|
|R. C. KERENS, Chairman.||S. W. Fordyce.||E. S. Orr.|
|R. M. Allen.||H. W. Gays.||Clarence F. Parker.|
|W. E. Atmore.||H. C. Haarstick.||J. T. Poe.|
|John Bird.||W. D. Holliday.||Thos. C. Purdy.|
|James Barker.||W. W. Kent.||J. Ramsey, Jr.|
|E. W. Braisted.||E. W. LaBeaume.||W. B. Rowland.|
|W. F. Brunner.||Henry A. Lloyd.||John Scullin.|
|E. P. Bryan.||I. P. Lusk.||R. P. Tansey.|
|H. B. Calkins.||W. J. Lynch.||J. Temple.|
|R. A. Campbell.||W. S. McChesney.||H. C. Townsend.|
|J. N. Chandler.||C. McDonald.||Julius S. Walsh.|
|S. H. H. Clark.||D. H. Martyn.||F. A. Wann.|
|C. S. Crane.||Darius Miller.||G. B. Warfel.|
|R. P. Dodd.||H. I. Miller.||C. G. Warner.|
|W. B. Doddridge.||M. L. Morrill.||W. F. White.|
|Howard Elliott.||H. A. Morsman.||D. Wishart.|
|C. P. WALBRIDGE, Ch'mn.||Henry Fairback.||O. L. Mersman,|
|D. C. Ball.||D. D. Fisher.||Gustave J. Meyer.|
|E. N. Beach.||C. E. Gibson.||Leo Moser.|
|N. M. Bell.||James Green.||Geo. S. Myers.|
|Thos. P. Bell.||R. W. Green.||Jno. W. Noble.|
|David Block.||W. A. Hobbs.||F. W. Oliver.|
|Given Campbell.||Clarence Jones.||W. H. Priesmeyer.|
|J. L. Carlisle.||Robert H. Keru.||L. L. Prince.|
|R. S. Chambers.||S. P. Keyes.||M. Schoenberg.|
|H. L. Christie.||W. J. Kinsella.||W. K. Stanard.|
|E. C. Donk.||Wm. H. Lee.||A. G. Stifel.|
|J. T. Donovan.||H. C. Lewis.||B. J. Strauss.|
|C. P. Ellerbee.||Geo. B. Leighton.|
|Harry Elliott, Jr.||C. C. McDonald.|
S. M. KENNARD, and National Committeeman R. C. KERENS.
|EDWARD DEVOY, Ch'm'n||J. W. Grant.||Isaac Schwab.|
|Festus J. Wade, Sec.||W. C. Merry.||A. C. Sellner.|
|J. C. Birge.||Eugene Muehlman.||W. H. Thomson.|
|Adolphus Busch. Jr.||C. C. Nicholls.||E. Volkening.|
|T. W. Crouch.||John O'Brien.||L. H. Waltke.|
|Robt. McCulloch.||J. E. Pilcher.||O. M. Wood.|
|Chas. Ehlerman.||W. H. Priesmeyer.||W. H. Woodward.|
|C. C. RAINWATER, Ch'mn||Geo. F. Durant.||Gaius Paddock.|
|Chas. R. Blake.||John Greenough.||Theo. Shelton.|
|H. A. Blossom.||Richard Hospes.||H. C. Tatum.|
|A. D. Brown.||Jacob Klein.||John H. Tracy.|
|W. G. Boyd.||W. H. Lee.||Jos. F. Wangler.|
|D. S. Brown.||L. Methudy.||H. Wernse.|
|W. W. Culver.||S. T. McCormick.||John C. Wilkinson.|
|R. B. Dula.||Chas. F. Miller.||Henry Wood.|
|D. M. HOUSER, Chairman||C. W. Knapp.||John Schroers.|
|James Cox, Secretary.||M. J. Lowenstein.||Curt Thiersch.|
|Wm. Druhe.||E. M. Osborne.||W. J. Thornton.|
|Chas. H. Jones.||Emil Preetorius.|
In the early stages of the preliminary work the principal labor fell upon the committees on Hotels, Transportation, and Hall. The Hotel Committee made an immediate canvass of the hotel accommodation of the city and perfected a plan whereby no difficulty could possibly occur in the matter of accommodating either delegations or individuals. The Bureau of Information established headquarters in the St. Louis Exposition Building for the purpose of securing a revised list of boarding and private houses able and willing to entertain visitors during the Convention periods in the event of the attendance being so large as to overcrowd the hotels. This bureau accomplished good work and visitors who preferred to secure accommodations in private houses found no difficulty in doing so.
The Hall Committee had a still more important task to perform. The pledge given to the National Committee at Washington was that the Business Men's League would furnish a hall large enough for the Convention, regardless of the number who would attend. It had been arranged to make use of the North Nave of the Exposition Building which was used in 1888 for the Democratic National Convention. Architect Isaac Taylor of St. Louis prepared plans for the necessary changes in the arrangements of this portion of the home of the celebrated Exposition. Late in January the Sub-committee of the National Committee met in St. Louis bringing with them Architect Adler of Chicago. Messrs. Adler and Taylor explained fully to the Sub-committee the plans proposed and after several conferences of the most friendly character it was decided by the local committee to erect a special building for the Convention.
It was at first proposed to erect a permanent building which could be used as an Armory as well as a convention hall. The cost of this structure would have been about $200,000 and no difficulty was anticipated in raising the money. It was however finally decided that the time was so short that delay in the delivery of supplies or bad weather might prevent the completion of the structure by the second week in June, and it was hence determined to erect a temporary building.
It was decided from the first that this should be in no sense a wigwam. A system of construction somewhat similar to that used for the vast buildings at the World's Fair was determined upon and a permit was obtained from fhe city authorities for the use of a portion of the site of Washington Park. This proved to be a most convenient location. The site adjoins the new City Hall, now nearly completed, and is within six blocks of the Union Station, about half that distance from the Exposition Building, and within easy walking distance of the leading hotels. Electric street railways from all parts of the city also pass the site.
The general dimensions of the building were two hundred and sixty feet long, one hundred and eighty feet wide and fifty feet high. The seating capacity called for about fourteen thousand seats and after careful deliberation it was decided to proceed to erect the structure. The cost was estimated at about sixty thousand dollars and an additional appeal had to be made to the public to raise money for the purpose.
In the mean time, without waiting for the money to be raised, the guarantors of the fund, Messrs. S. M. Kennard, W. H. Thompson, and R. C. Kerens, signed the contract for the erection of the building, the cost to be about $60,000 including decorations. Work was commenced in the middle of March and concluded in a little more than sixty days. In the construction of the vast building about
231,250,000 feet of Arkansas lumber was used. Upwards of 500 kegs of nails were also required and the imitation stone work exceeded 5,000 square yards in measurement. Natural light was admitted to the Auditorium by means of four hundred large windows and the most elaborate arrangements were included for electric lighting and for press and telegraph facilities, suitable for holding a great convention.
The Auditorium was dedicated at a concert held on June 10th at which several thousand St. Louis citizens attended. There were a few dedication speeches with patriotic and other music, and the occasion was an exceedingly enjoyable one. The decorations were of the most gorgeous character and the building itself has been pronounced by those who have attended nearly all the National Conventions for the last twenty years, as the finest convention building ever erected.
The relations between the Business Men's League and the National Committee were of the most amicable character during the entire preparations for the great convention.
Mr. Manley, Chairman of the Sub-committee of the National Committee issued the following statement to the Associated Press with reference to the way in which St. Louis had met its obligations: "The Citizens of St. Louis have in the most generous and liberal spirit, met the subcommittee. They have been anxious to gratify every request which the committee made upon them, and the committee feels that the Convention will be cared for in a manner that will reflect the greatest credit upon the liberality of the citizens of St. Louis, and that no National Convention ever assembled whose wants and requirements were met in such a generous and ample manner as will be those of the Convention which is to be held in St. Louis in June next. There has been no friction at any time between the members of the Citizens' Committee, and the Sub-Committee, and it is only just to these citizens of St. Louis who have so amply represented the spirit of their city, that this statement should be most emphatically made."
Just before the Convention adjourned, Gov. Bushnell of Ohio voiced a similar sentiment on behalf of the delegates and the enthusiasm with which his resolution was adopted was further evidence of the good feeling which existed, and of the appreciation by the delegates and visitors of the manner in which St. Louis had lived up to its obligations and given still further proof of its liberality and hospitality.
Proceedings of the Republican National Convention, at St. Louis.
The First Day.
At precisely 12:20 p. m. Chairman Thomas H. Carter of the Republican National Committee declared the Republican Presidential Convention of 1896 open for the business before it.
The chair instructed the Sergeant-at-Arms to clear the aisles and to see that order was preserved. Continuing, Chairman Carter said: The Convention will be in order and the Chaplain will offer prayer.
Rabbi Sale, of St. Louis, then stepped forward and offered the following invocation:
All merciful and most gracious Father, fountain of light and life. We seek Thy presence and implore Thy guidance in the toils and tasks of our earthly being. Thou who art enthroned in the heart of man and rulest in the destinies of nations, be nigh unto us now. and show forth Thy wondrous ways in this assembly of Thy people. Hearken unto Thy servants, the bondmen of freedom, and pour out on them who have come to do Thy bidding in the service of truth and honor, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and strength, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the Lord. Make righteousness the girdle of their loins and faithfulness the girdle of their hips, so that they may manfully discharge the sacred duties of their gathering, to further the well being of the people, and to safeguard the honor and integrity of the nation. O, kindle anew in the hearts of our generation the altar flame of devotion to the high aims that inspired the minds of the founders of our republic, and above all illumined and immortalized the life of the Father of his Country. Fill us with a deep and abiding sense of the transcendent dignity and nobility of American citizenship and of the sacred obligations that should attend it, so that we may grow from day to day in the beauty of civic virtue, and our beloved land from "hundred-harbored Maine" to the vine clad hills of the
26Golden Gate, from the ice-bound north to the warm and sunny south may go from strength to strength; until it achieves its destiny to become the fixed and shining mark for every bark bound for the haven of law and liberty. Let not the glory of our past be greater than the present nor let us come to shame and grief by the worship of gods of gold and silver, to the neglect of those ideals of the mind and soul, which alone are worthy of a free man's homage, and alone can secure the continued possession and enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Remove from around us the din and noise of insincerity and hollow-sounding shows, let bitter strife and wrangling cease, and firmly bound in the love of our common country, let us realize how good and lovely it is for brethren to dwell together in harmony. Prosper Thou the work of this council, convened in the cause of the people, and when its message goes forth over the land, may its golden ring bring to them the glad assuarance that prosperity will brighten our homes, and the immediate jewel of our soul, the good name of our people and the credit of our government shall remain untarnished forever. May Thy grace, O God, come upon us, and do Thou establish the work of our hands! Amen!
HON. JOSEPH H. MANLEY, Secretary of the Republican National Committee, then read the call for the convention as follows:
To the Republican Electors of the United States: In accordance with the usage and the instructions of the Republican National Convention of 1892, and by direction of the National Committee a National Convention of delegated representatives of the Republican party will be held at the City of St. Louis, in the State of Missouri, on Tuesday, the 16th day of June, 1896, at 12 o'clock noon, for the purpose of nominating candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States, to be supported at the next national election, and for the transaction of such other and further business as may be brought before it.
The Republican electors in the several States and Territories and voters without regard to past political affiliations who believe in Republican principles and indorse the Republican policy, are cordially invited to unite under this call in the formation of a national ticket.
Each State will be entitled to four delegates at large, and for each Representative in Congress at large two delegates, and each Congressional district, each Territory, and the District of Columbia to two delegates. The delegates at large shall be chosen by popular State conventions, called on not less than twenty days' published notice, and not less than thirty days before the meeting of the national Convention.
The Congressional district delegates shall be chosen at Conventions called by the Congressional committee of each such district in the same manner as the nomination of a Representative in Congress is made in said district, provided, that in any Congressional district where there is no Republican Congressional committee the Republican State committee shall appoint from the residents of such district a committee for the purpose of calling a district convention to elect district delegates. The Territorial delegates shall be chosen in the same manner as the nomination of a Delegate in Congress is made. The delegates from the District of Columbia shall be chosen at a convention to be called by the committee of three provided for by the National Committee at its meeting in Washington City
27on Dec. 10,1895, and such convention shall be constituted of members elected in district primaries to be held at such time and places and presided over by such judges of election as said committee of three may appoint.
In addition to the representation now authorized by the rules of the National Convention for the territories of Utah, New Mexico, Oklahoma, and Arizona, the committee advises each of said Territories to elect four delegates and the admission of such additional delegates to the convention is recommended.
An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case of absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the same time as the delegate is elected.
All notices of contests must be filed with the Secretary of the National Committee in writing, accompanied by printed statements of the grounds of contest, which shall be made public. Preference in the order of hearing and determining contests will be given by the convention in accordance with the dates of filing such notices and statements with the Secretary.
THOMAS H. CARTER, Chairman.
JOSEPH H. MANLEY.
Chairman CARTER. Gentlemen of the Convention: By direction of the National Committee I present, subject to your approval for your Temporary Chairman, Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana. [Applause.]
MR. SUTHERLAND, of New York: Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the delegation from the State of New York, I move that the recommendation of the National Committee, in the selection of Temporary Chairman be now approved.
Chairman CARTER: It is moved and seconded that the recommendation of the National Committee as to temporary chairman be now approved.
Motion put and carried unanimously, amid great applause.
Chairman CARTER. I now have the distinguished honor to present to you, as your temporary presiding officer, the Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks, of Indiana.
When the applause subsided, Mr. Fairbanks delivered the follow-address:
Gentlemen of the Convention: I am profoundly grateful for this expression of your generous confidence. As citizens we were never called upon to discharge a more important duty than that which rests upon us — the nomination of a President and Vice-President of the United States. This duty is a peculiarly impressive one at the moment, for it is already written in the book of fate that the choice of this Convention will be the next President and Vice-President of the great republic.
Three years of Democratic administration have been three years of panic, of wasted energy, of anxiety and loss to the American people, without a parallel in our history. Today the people turn to the Republican party hopefully, confidently; and it is for us to meet their expectations; it is for us to give them those candidates upon whom their hearts have centered, and to give them clear, straightforward, emphatic expression of our political faith. The Republican party is a party of convictions; and it has written its convictions in the history of the Republic with the pen and the sword; with it the supreme question always has been not what is merely politic, but what is everlastingly right. The great men we have given to the nation and to history, the mighty dead and the illustrous living, are our inspiration and our tower of strength. If we are but true to their exalted example, we cannot be false to our countrymen.
For a third of a century prior to the advent of the present Democratic administration, we operated under laws enacted by the Republican party. All great measures concerning the tariff and the currency originated with it. Tariff laws were formed upon lines which protected our laborers and producers from unequal and unjust foreign competition; and upon the theory that the best market in the world is the home market and that it should be enjoyed by our own countrymen.
Under the currency laws our currency was made national. The Wildcat State Bank money of the Democratic party was wiped out of existence. The unprecedented demands growing out of the war were met by a paper currency which ultimately became as good as gold. Since the resumption of specie payments in 1879 every dollar of our money, paper, silver and gold has been of equal purchasing power the world over. The policy of the party has been to make and keep our currency equal to the best in the world.
Under the operation of these honest tariff and honest money Republican laws, the country grew in wealth and power beyond precedent. We easily outstripped all other powers in the commercial race. On November 8, 1892, there was work for every hand and bread for every mouth. We reached high water mark. Labor received higher wages than ever and capital was profitably and securely employed. The national revenues were sufficient to meet our obligations and leave a surplus in the Treasury. Foreign and domestic trade were greater in volume and value than they had ever been. Foreign balances were largely in our favor. European gold was flowing toward us. But all of this is changed. The cause is not hard to seek. A reaction began when it was known that the legislative and executive branches of the Government were to be Democratic.
The Democratic party had at Chicago condemned the protective tariff principle as unconstitutional; and solemnly pledged itself to the overthrow and destruction of the McKinley law and to the adoption of free trade as the policy of the United States. This bold, aggressive attack upon the long settled principles of the Republican party brought its natural fruit in shaken confidence, unsettled business; and we were seen drifting against the rock of destruction. Before the work of demolition had actually begun, a run was started upon the treasury reserve, which the Republican party had wisely accumulated for the protection of the government credit. The drain upon the reserve for the redemption of greenbacks and treasury notes greatly surpassed all prior experience and emphasized
29the discredit into which the Democratic admistration had fallen. An utter want of confidence in the administration possessed the people.
The Democratic party was harmonious upon one subject and that was the destruction of the McKinley law. But when they came to the exercise of the creative faculty the enactment of a great revenue measure in its stead, there, was discord. The imperiled interests of the country watched and waited through long and anxious months for some settlement of the important question. They wanted an end of uncertainty. At length the Wilson Bill was adopted and it was characterized by a Democratic President as the child of "perfidy and dishonor." It was so bad that he would not contaminate his hand by signing it. A Bill that is too base for Mr. Cleveland to approve is too rotten for the approval of the American people.
This important law was wanting in the primary purpose of a revenue measure; for it failed to provide adequate revenue to meet the requirements of the government. The deficiency thus far amounts to some one hundred and fifty millions of dollars. The end is not yet, for the deficiency grows day by day. This leaves the Treasury and the public credit in constant peril. Our foreign credit is impaired and domestic capital feels insecure. The sectional favoritism of the Wilson law was one of its marked features. Its blow at sheep husbandry was an unpardonable offense. It was a flagrant wrong to the farmers of the United States. This great industry had developed and grown under Republican protective laws until it was one of our greatest. We are now sending abroad millions of dollars for wool which were paid to our farmers under the McKinley law.
The Bill struck down Reciprocity, one of the highest achievements of American statesmanship. No measure was ever enacted which more directly advanced the interests of the American farmers and manufacturers than reciprocity. With its destruction fell advantageous commercial agreements, under which their products were surely finding larger and profitable foreign markets, and without the surrender of their own.
The substitution of ad valorem for specific duties has opened the way for systematic wholesale frauds upon the treasury and producers and employees of the country. By means of undervaluations, foreign goods pass through the custom houses without paying their just tribute to the Treasury of the United States. Thus we have lost millions of dollars in revenue, and the foreign producers have been enabled to unfairly possess our home markets.
Neither time nor place will permit further reference to the unfortunate revenue legislation of the Democratic party, nor to the hurtful, demoralizing effects of it. Suffice it to say, that it has been the great and original factor in breaking down confidence, checking progress, emptying the treasury, causing continued deficits and enforced idleness among millions of willing workers.
To meet the monthly deficits and protect our credit and save the government from protest the President has been forced to sell bonds: in other words he has been obliged to mortgage the future in a time of peace to meet the current obligations of the Government.
This is in sharp contrast with the Republican record. Our tariff laws not only raised revenue, but they protected our domestic industries. They impartially protected the farmer and manufacturer,
30both North and South. Not only that, but they also raised sufficient revenue to gradually reduce the public debt, and without imposing a grievous burden upon the people. During the administration of Harrison $236,000,000 of obligations were paid, while Cleveland during the last three years has added to our interest bearing debt $262,000,000. Against such Democratic financiering the Republican party enters its emphatic protest.
Having attempted to reverse the tariff policy of the United States with such lamentable results the Democratic party now proposes to reverse the currency policy.
It turns to the currency as the parent of our ills. Its effort to shift the responsibility will deceive no one. Its attack upon the tariff, its record of inefficiency and insincerity are a part of the unfortunate history of the Republic.
The present currency system is the fruit of Republican wisdom. It has been adequate to all our past necessities and if uncorrupted will meet our future requirements. Our greatest prosperity was attained when Republican currency laws were in full operation. When the Republican party was in power our currency was good; it was made as good as the best on the globe. We made sound money; and we also made an honest protective tariff to go with it. Sound money and an honest protective tariff go hand in hand together, not one before the other.
The very foundation of a sound currency system is a solvent treasury. If the people doubt the integrity of the Treasury they will question the soundness of the currency. Recognizing this fundamental fact, the Republican party always provided ample revenue for the treasury.
When in the last half century of our history did the Democratic party advocate a financial policy that was in the best interests of the American people? Look at its ante-bellum currency record! Consider its hostility to the currency rendered necessary by the exigency of war: and, later, its efforts to inflate the curency in a time of peace by the issue of greenbacks. Witness its opposition to the efforts of the Republican party to resume specie payments. But four short years ago it declared for a return to the old discredited State Bank currency.
The Republican party has not been unfriendly to the proper use of silver. It has always favored and favors today the use of silver as a part of our circulating medium. But it favors that use under such provisions and safe-guards as shall not imperil our present national standard. The policy of the Republican party is to retain both gold and silver as a part of our circulating medium, while the policy of free coinage of silver leads to certain silver monometallism. It is an immutable law that two moneys of unequal value will not circulate together, and that the poorer always drives out the better.
The Republican party, desiring fairly to secure a larger use of silver, pledged itself in favor of an international agreement. Harrison, true to the pledge of the party took the initiatory steps and invited an international monetary conference at Brussels, at which the subject of an international coinage agreement was ably and profitably discussed. The Democratic party was also committed to international bimetallism, but when it came into power, the work which had been so auspiciously begun by the Republican party, was abandoned. It was so absorbed in its efforts to break down
31the McKinley law and empty the Treasury that it had no time to promote international bimetallism.
Those who profess to believe that this government can independently of the other great commercial powers open its mints to the free and independent coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1 when the commercial ratio in all the great markets is 30 to 1, and at the same time not drive every dollar of gold out of circulation, but deceive themselves.
Great and splendid and powerful as our Government is, it cannot accomplish the impossible. It cannot create value. It has not the alchemist's subtle art of transmuting unlimited silver into gold, nor can it, by omnipotent fiat, make fifty cents worth of silver one hundred cents. As well undertake by a resolution of Congress to suspend the law of gravitation as attempt to compel an unlimited number of fifty cent dollars to circulate with one hundred cent dollars at a parity with each other. An attempt to compel unlimited dollars of such unequal value to circulate at a parity is bad in morals and is vicious in policy. Sound thinkers upon the great question of the currency know from the beginning of the experiment how miserably and certainly it would fail. The commerce of the country would be again thrown upon the sea of uncertainty and the spectre of want would continue to haunt us for years to come.
Upon opening our mints to the independent free coinage of silver, foreign credits would be withdrawn and domestic credits would be greatly curtailed. More than this there would be a certain and sudden contraction of our currency by the expulsion of $620,000,000 of gold, and our paper and silver currency would instantly and greatly depreciate in purchasing power. But one result would follow this: enterprise would be further embarrassed, business demoralization would be increased, and still further and serious injury would be inflicted upon the laborers, the farmers, the merchants and all those whose welfare depends upon a wholesome commerce.
A change from the present standard to the low silver standard would cut down the recompense of labor, reduce the value of the savings in savings banks and building and loan associations, salaries and incomes would shrink, pensions would be cut in two, the beneficiaries of life insurance would suffer, in short, the injury would be so universal and far reaching that a radical change can be contemplated only with the gravest apprehension.
A sound currency is one of the essential instruments in developing our commerce. It is the purpose of the Republican party not only to develop our domestic trade, but to extend our commerce into the uttermost parts of the earth. We should not begin our contest for commercial supremacy by destroying our currency standard. All the leading powers with which we must compete, suspended the free coinage of silver when the increased production of silver forced the commercial ratio of silver above the coinage ratio to gold. Shall we ignore their ripened experience? Shall we attempt what they have found utterly impossible? Shall it be said that our standard is below theirs? You cannot build prosperity upon a debased or fluctuating currency; as well undertake to build upon the changing sands of the sea.
A sound currency defrauds no one. It is good alike in the hands of the employe and the employer; the laborer and the capitalist. Upon faith in its worth, its stability, we go forward planning for the future. The capitalist erects his factories, acquires his materials, employs his artisans, mechanics and laborers. He is confident
32that his margin will not be swept away by fluctuations in the currency. The laborer knows that the money earned by his toil is as honest as his labor and that it is of unquestioned purchasing power. He likewise knows that it requires as much labor to earn a poor dollar as a good one; and he also knows that if poor money is abroad it will surely find its way into his pocket.
We protest against lowering our standard of commercial honor. We stand against the Democratic attempt to degrade our currency to the low level of Mexico, China, India and Japan. The present high standard of our currency, our honor and our flag will be sacredly protected and preserved by the Republican party.
There are many and important questions requiring the enlightened and patriotic judgment of the Republican party. A pan-American commercial alliance was conceived by James G. Blaine, and the highest motives of self-interest require us to accomplish what he had so well begun.
The Monroe doctrine must be firmly upheld; and the powers of the earth made to respect this great, but unwritten law. There can be no further territorial aggrandizement by foreign governments on the Western Continent.
Our devotion to the pensioners of the nation was never more emphatic nor more necessary than now.
The Republican party believes in the development of our Navy and Merchant Marine until we establish our undisputed supremacy on the high seas.
The struggle for Cuban liberty enlists the ardent sympathy of the Republican party — a party which has given to liberty its fullest meaning on this continent. We wish to see a new Republic born on Cuban soil greet the new century whose dawn is already purpling the East.
My friends, the campaign of 1896 is upon us. The great questions for debate in the august forum of the United States are Free Trade and Free Silver against a Protective Tariff and Sound Money. As we regard our homes and our honor, our happiness and our prosperity and the future power and majesty of the Republic let us dedicate ourselves to the restoration of a protective tariff which shall be genuinely American, and the maintenance of an honest standard of value with which to measure the exchanges of the people.
A distinguished Republican has said that the supreme desire of the American people is for honest money and a chance to earn it by honest toil.
At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks' speech he received an ovation.
Charman CARTER: Mr. Chairman: By direction of the National Committee, I recommend to the convention, for Temporary Secreretary, Official Reporters, Sergeant-at-Arms, Reading Clerks, etc. as follows:
For Secretary — Col. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota.
Assistant Secretaries — William E. Riley, of Kentucky; Harry H. Smith, of Michigan; A. B. Humphrey, at large and A. Warfield Monroe, of Maryland.
For Official Reporters — James Francis Burke and John Jay Burke, of Pennsylvania.
Sergeant at Arms — T. E. Byrnes, of Minnesota.
Assistants — Geo. W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin; W. W. Johnson, of Maryland; Maj. W. P. Huxford, of Washington City; Charles E. Stone, of Illinois.
For Reading Clerks — F. H. Wilson, of Missouri; J. H. Stone, of Michigan; John R. Malloy, of Ohio; R. S. Hatcher, of Indiana; John B. Bean, of New Jersey.
These names are suggested, subject to the approval of the Convention for the respective offices indicated.
Chairman FAIRBANKS. Gentlemen of the Convention: You have heard the recommendation of the National Committee; all in favor of approving the recommendation will signify the same by saying "aye."
The motion was carried unanimously.
MR. LAMB, of Virginia. I desire to offer the following:
Resolved, That until a permanent organization is effected, this Convention will be governed by the rules of the last Republican National Convention, and I move its adoption.
The motion being seconded and put by the Chair, was carried unanimously.
MR. LAMB, of Virginia. I desire further to offer the following resolution:
Resolved, That the roll of States and Territories be now called and that the chairman of each delegation announce the names of the persons selected to serve on the several committees as follows: Permanent Organization; Rules and Order of Business; Credentials; Resolutions; and that all resolutions in relation to the platform of the Republican party be referred to such committee, without debate, and I move its adoption.
Upon request, the resolution was read by the clerk, from the platform.
The CHAIRMAN. You have heard the resolution; all in favor of its adoption will say "aye."
The resolution was then adopted unanimously.
The CHAIRMAN. The resolution is adopted. The Secretary will proceed with the call of the roll of the States. The Chair would suggest that as the names of the members of the different committees are announced by the chairman of the delegation, that the chairman follow the announcement with a written memorandum of the names and addresses of the various members of the committees to the clerk. The clerk will proceed to call the roll, and while the roll call is in order, the Convention will please preserve quiet.
LEMUEL E. QUIGG, of New York, Mr. Chairman, what is this committee?
The CHAIRMAN: All of the committees. The roll will be called first for the Committee on Permanent Organization.
The clerk here proceeded with the call of the roll.
While the roll was in progress of being- called, the Chair recognized William Warner, of Missouri. Mr. Warner addressed the Chair as follows:
My observation has heretofore been that the Committee on Permanent Organization and Rules of Order of Business is one committee. Does the resolution adopted substitute two committees?
The CHAIRMAN: There are two committees; the committees are separate. The resolution will be read again for the information of the delegate.
The Clerk here read the resolution, after which the Secretary again proceeded with the call of the roll of States.
When California had been called General Grosvenor, of Ohio, said: I would like to suggest that these lists be made out by the chairmen of the delegations and sent to the desk to be read by the clerk from the platform, without being read from the points where the State delegations are located.
The CHAIRMAN: Is there any objection to the suggestion of General Grosvenor that the chairmen of the delegations send up the names and that the names be read from the platform?
The CHAIRMAN: By unanimous consent, the chairmen of the delegations will send up the names of the different committeemen and they will be read by the Clerk from the platform.
The call of the States for the purpose of constituting the various committees was proceeded with on the plan just adopted.
The committees as finally made up are as follows:
|Alabama||H. A. Carson|
|Alaska||W. A. Kelley|
|Arizona||Charles H. Akers|
|Arkansas||W. H. H. Clayton|
|Colorado||James M. Downing|
|California||Frank A. Short|
|Connecticut||John M. Douglass|
|District of Columbia||Andrew Gleason|
|Florida||J. N. Combs|
|Georgia||E. S. Richardson|
|Idaho||Ben E. Rich|
|Illinois||J. T. McKmght|
|Indiana||Garrett L. Van Dusen|
|Indian Territory||W. T. Morgan|
|Iowa||H. W. Macomber|
|Kentucky||J. L. Butler|
|Maine||J. T. Davidson|
|Maryland||W. D. Straight|
|Massachusetts||W. M. Butler|
|Michigan||John L. Starkweather|
|Minnesota||G. L. Gunderson|
|Mississippi||W. F. Elgin|
|Montana||T. C. Marshall|
|Nebraska||F. M. Wetherall|
|Nevada||G. F. Turritin|
|New Hampshire||Charles T. Means|
|New York||John A. Kaines|
|New Jersey||George Hires|
|New Mexico||T. D. Burns|
|North Carolina||George H. White|
|North Dakota||J. M. Devine|
|Ohio||George W. Wilson|
|Oklahoma Territory||Charles Day|
|Oregon||Charles H. Dodd|
|Pennsylvania||H. H. Bingham|
|Rhode Island||Albert L. Chester|
|South Carolina||Robert Moorman|
|South Dakota||Carl G. Sherwood|
|Texas||J. M. McCormick|
|Tennessee||G. P. Shannon|
|Vermont||Orin M. Barbour|
|Washington||L. C. Karner|
|West Virginia||J. L. Hurst|
|Wisconsin||C. S. Taylor|
|Wyoming||W. F. Brittain|
|Alaska||C. W. Young|
|Arizona||Isaac C. Stoddart|
|Arkansas||H. L. Remmel|
|Colorado||J. W. Rockefellow|
|California||O. A. Hale|
|Connecticut||James W. Cheney|
|District of Columbia||Perry H. Carson|
|Florida||E. F. Skinner|
|Georgia||B. F. Brownberry|
|Illinois||J. O. Humphrey|
|Indiana||Oscar L. Montgomery|
|Indian Territory||R. B. Ross|
|Iowa||E. C. Roach|
|Kentucky||L. T. Neat|
|Louisiana||J. B. Donnelly|
|Maine||W. M. Nash|
|Maryland||W. J. Smith|
|Massachusetts||R. O. Harris|
|Michigan||Frank W. Wait|
|Minnesota||L. S. Swenson|
|Montana||J. W. Strevell|
|Nebraska||Geo. H. Thutnmell|
|Nevada||C. H. Sproule|
|New Hampshire||J. H. Brown|
|New York||W. L. Proctor|
|New Jersey||Thomas McEwan, Jr.|
|New Mexico||John S. Clarke|
|North Carolina||W. T. O'Brien|
|North Dakota||O. S. Hanson|
|Ohio||C. H. Grosvenor|
|Oklahoma Territory||J. C. Roberts|
|Oregon||J. W. Meldrum|
|Pennsylvania||Charles H. Mullin|
|Rhode Island||E. Charles Francis|
|South Carolina||P. B. Johnson|
|South Dakota||H. T. Meachau|
|Tennessee||W. N. Randolph|
|Vermont||Victor I. Spear|
|Washington||H. A. Fairchild|
|West Virginia||Henry Schmulbach|
|Wisconsin||W. D. Hoard|
|Alabama||Nathan H. Alexander|
|Alaska||C. S. Blackett|
|Arizona||Charles W. Wright|
|Colorado||Frank C. Gowdy|
|California||Geo. A. Knight|
|District of Columbia||Perry H. Carson|
|Florida||John G. Long|
|Georgia||T. M. Dent|
|Illinois||W. A. Rodenburg|
|Indiana||A. L. Brick|
|Indian Territory||P.L. Soper|
|Kansas||I. E. Lambert|
|Kentucky||J. H. Happy|
|Maryland||Robert P. Graham|
|Massachusetts||Jesse M. Gove|
|Michigan||O. L. Spalding|
|Minnesota||L. P. Hunt|
|Mississippi||A. M. Lee|
|Missouri||John L. Bittinger|
|Nebraska||John C. Cowan|
|Nevada||W. D. Phillips|
|New Hampshire||Chas. B. Gaffney|
|New York||W. A. Sutherland|
|New Jersey||J. Franklin Fort|
|New Mexico||W. A. Llewellyn|
|North Carolina||C. J. Harris|
|North Dakota||George Bingnheimer|
|Ohio||A. C. Thompson|
|Oklahoma||O. A. Mitscher|
|Rhode Island||Samuel W. K. Allen|
|South Carolina||J. H. Fordharn|
|South Dakota||M. B. Lucas|
|Texas||H. B. Kane|
|Tennessee||John W. Overall|
|Utah||Clarence E. Allen|
|Virginia||J. H. McLaughlin|
|Vermont||C. A. Prouty|
|Washington||J. M. Gilbert|
|West Virginia||O. W. O. Hardman|
|Wisconsin||G. G. Sedgwick|
|Wyoming||B. B. Brooks|
|Alabama||H. C. Cashin|
|Alaska||C. S. Johnson|
|Arizona||J. A. Zabriskie|
|Arkansas||John W. McClure|
|Colorado||Henry M Teller|
|California||Allen B. Lenimon|
|District of Columbia||Andrew Gleason|
|Florida||I. L. Purcell|
|Georgia||W. H. Johnson|
|Idaho||Fred T. DuBois|
|Illinois||R. W. Patterson|
|Indian Territory||J. T. Grady|
|Iowa||John H. Gear|
|Kansas||C. A. Swenson|
|Louisiana||H. C. Warmouth|
|Maine||Amos L. Allen|
|Maryland||James A. Gary|
|Michigan||Mark S. Brewer|
|Minnesota||W. R. Merriam|
|Mississippi||E. W. Lampton|
|Missouri||F. G. Neidringhaus|
|Montana||Charles S. Hartman|
|Nevada||A. C. Cleveland|
|New Hampshire||Frank S. Streeter|
|New York||Edward Lauterbach|
|New Jersey||Frank Bergen|
|New Mexico||Soloman Luna|
|North Carolina||M. L. Mott|
|North Dakota||Alex. Hughes|
|Ohio||Joseph B. Foraker|
|Oklahoma||Henry E. Asp|
|Oregon||Charles S. Moore|
|Rhode Island||Walter A. Reed|
|South Carolina||W. D. Crumb|
|South Dakota||David Williams|
|Tennessee||Foster V. Brown|
|Utah||Frank J. Cannon|
|Virginia||James B. Brady|
|Vermont||H. D. Holton|
|Washington||R. F. Burleigh|
|West Virginia||F. M. Reynolds|
|Wisconsin||Robert M. LaFollette|
|Wyoming||B. F. Fowler|
The Chairman here announced the time and place for meeting of the various committees.
General CLAYTON, of Arkansas. I have a resolution to present, to be referred to the Committee on Rules and Order of Business.
The CHAIRMAN: The resolution cannot be read, if there is objection. It can only be read by unanimous consent. Is there objection?
Objection being made, the resolution was not read.
General GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I will ask the Clerk to read the announcement of committees and their respective meeting places over again.
The Clerk here read again the list of committees, together with their places of meeting, etc.
General GROSVENOR, of Ohio. I move that the Convention do now adjourn until to-morrow morning.
General CLAYTON, of Arkansas. I think that my resolution referring to the platform is important and I ask that it be read.
The CHAIRMAN. Under the rules of the last Convention, the resolution will be referred, without reading, to the Committee on Resolutions.
Mr. FIFER, of Illnois. Mr. Chairman: The colored people of Illinois have passed resolutions affecting the rights of their race, and they have asked me to bring these resolutions to the attention of the Convention. I will send them to the Chair and ask that they be referred to the Committee on Resolutions for action.
The CHAIRMAN. If there is no objection, it will be so ordered.
General GROSVENOR. I now move that the Convention adjourn until to-morrow morning at 10 o'clock.
The motion was put to a vote and carried, and at 1:55 o'clock p. m. the Chairman announced the Convention adjourned.
The Second Day
The National Republican Convention began its second day's proceedings at 10:40 a. m. In calling the Convention to order Chairman Fairbanks said:
The Convention will be in order. No one will be admitted to the floor who has not a floor badge, or who is not a delegate. Doctor Wilbur G. Williams, paster of the Union Methodist Church of St. Louis, will invoke the Divine blessing.
The invocation was as follows: "Oh, Thou great and eternal One; Thou to whom all hearts are open, all desires known and from whom no secrets are hid. Thou who hast been our help in days past, who must be our helper to-day, and who art our hope for the years to come, we bring to Thee our prayers. We pray to Thee to be with us. Thou who wert with our fathers when in the day of small things they stood resolutely in the land and laid the foundation in this western continent of civil and religious liberty. We pray to Thee who hast guided us, the people, in our peril. We pray to the God of Washington and of Lincoln; we pray to the God who hast been with us as an guide from Plymouth Rock to this time. We pray to-day as Thou wert with the founders of this great historic organization when in high dedication of themselves they took a larger conception and a higher conception of the rights of men to find a larger nation for civilization in this western world. We come to Thee, Oh God, asking Thy blessing upon these successors of the noble fathers who are assembled here to-day. We ask that they may maintain the same high ideal of their industries that guided their worthy and noble ancestry. May these men be dedicated to Thee. May they do what they may have to do in accordance with the will of the Supreme Ruler. We pray that the platform presented here may be framed in righteousness; that the principles promulgated in this council may be consonant with the principles of the Divine Will revealed to man. We ask Thee, Oh God, that Thy blessing may rest upon the people of this great nation represented here to-day. We ask Thee, Oh God, that the men whom this council shall place before the people of this great nation to represent their thoughts and their program may be men after Thine own heart to
39whom the high bequest of duty shall be but the voice of God; men whom Thou dost approve and who shall seek here in this country the establishment of that kingdom which coming down out of Heaven is to be builded until it shall include all nations and all institutions on this earth. We ask Thee to guide in the deliberations of this day, and of this entire Convention, and so guide in the future this historic organization that this country of ours over which once brooded war's dark cloud, which was once endangered by belligerent factions, and which now, Thanks be unto Thy good providence, has become united, purified by her trials, stronger by the struggles she has endured, shall forevermore be the fit champion of mankind in the earth, and the leader of the world in the works of man, and all this we ask in the name and for the sake of the world's Redeemer and Savior, Jesus Christ, our Lord. Amen."
Mr. LODGE, of Massachusetts, was recognized by the Chairman and made the following statement:
"Mr. Chairman, I desire to state on behalf of the Committee on Resolutions that the sub-committee has completed a draft of the platform, and that it is now under consideration by the full committee. The committee was unable to report this morning and asks leave of the Convention to sit during this mornings session. It hopes to be able to report the platform of principles to the Convention this afternoon. On behalf of the committee I ask that leave from the Convention."
The CHAIRMAN. The Committee on Resolutions asks leave for further time, and to sit during the session of the Convention. If there be no objection it will be so ordered.
It is so ordered.
GEN. POWELL CLAYTON. Mr. Chairman, I introduced yesterday a resolution and requested that it be referred to the Committee on Rules. By mistake it was referred to the Committee on Resolutions. The resolution has since gone to the proper Committee, and I desire the record corrected.
The CHAIRMAN. The record will be corrected as requested.
Mr. JOHNSTON, of Alabama. Mr. Chairman, Mr. Goins, alternate from the Sixth Alabama District is at the door without proper credentials to be admitted inside the hall.
The CHAIRMAN. The Sergeant-at-Arms will admit the gentleman to the Convention.
The CHAIRMAN. We will proceed with the regular order. The first order of business is the report of the Committee on Credentials. Is the Committee on Credentials ready to report?
If the Committee on Credentials is not ready to report the next order is the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Is the Committee on Credentials ready to report.
There was no response.
The CHAIRMAN. What is the further pleasure of the Convention?
Mr. WELLINGTON, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I desire to state that the Committee on Rules is ready to report. I ask that unanimous consent be granted that they may make their report now.
The CHAIRMAN. Unanimous consent is asked for the report of the Committee on Rules. Is there objection to the report of the Committee on Rules being made at this time?
Mr. SEWELL, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, I rise for information and ask whether the Committee on Permanent Organization is ready to report. And I ask whether the Committee on Rules can report before the Committee on Permanent Organization has reported?
The CHAIRMAN. The regular order can only be changed by unanimous consent. Is there objection to the report of the Committee on Rules?
A number of objections were heard.
THE CHAIRMAN. There being objection the report cannot be received at this time. Mr. W. H. Clayton of Arkansas, offers a resolution which is immediately referred to the Committee on Resolutions. Mr. H. A. Rucker offers a resolution which is also referred to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.
Mr. WELLINGTON, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I move you that the Convention take a recess until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
The motion being seconded was put to the Convention by the Chairman, and lost.
Mr. SEWELL, of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman: At the last National Convention of our party it was decided and it did proceed to a permanent organization without awaiting the report of the Committee on Credentials or the Committee on Rules.
A DELEGATE. Make your motion.
Mr. SEWELL. And I now move that if the Committee on Permanent Organization is ready to report, that the report be received.
The CHAIRMAN. The motion now before the Convention is that the Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization be now accepted.
A DELEGATE. I object.
The CHAIRMAN. The motion is supported by the precedents of previous National Conventions. All in favor of its adoption will say "aye."
The motion was put and carried by a large majority.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chairman of the Committee on Permanent Organization will now present his report.
Mr. WELLINGTON, Maryland. Mr. Chairman, I make the point of order that no business can be transacted in this Convention unless there be unanimous consent.
Cries of "That's right!" "That's right!"
Only a few minutes ago I moved that this Convention adjourn because it is not incumbent upon it to do anything in the present state of affairs. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman is out of order. The Convention itself has voted to receive the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. (Applause.)
Mr. LITTLEFIELD, of Maine. Mr. Chairman, I make the point of order that we are acting under the rules of the last National Convention. And the rules of that Convention provide that the first thing in order is the report of the Committee on Credentials. And I make the point of order that that is the business before the Convention.
(Cries of "Good!" "That's right!")
This Convention cannot suspend the rules by a vive voce vote. I ask the ruling of the Chair.
The CHAIRMAN. The Committee on Credentials was called and it was not ready to report. Then the Committee on Permanent Organization was galled, and that committee was not ready to report. Then a motion for a recess was made and voted down by the Convention. Then a motion was made to receive the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization, and the Convention voted in favor of receiving it.
The next order of business therefore is the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. (Applause.)
Hon. THOMAS McEWAN, Jr., of New Jersey. Mr. Chairman, the Committee on Permanent Organization, pursuant to the orders of this Convention, met yesterday and elected the Hon. Charles Grosvenor, of Ohio, as its Chairman. (Applause.) Without going further into the report, I will say that we have unanimously selected the Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, as Permanent Chairman. (Prolonged applause.) We present the following detailed report:
For Permanent Chairman — Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska.
|Alabama||Jno. W. Jones|
|Arkansas||M. W. Gibbs|
|Carlifornia||U. S. Grant|
|Colorado||A. M. Stevenson|
|Kentucky||John J. Hutchinson|
|Colorado||Lemuel W. Livingstong|
|Georgia||A. J. Ricker|
|Indiana||B. F. Polk|
|Kansas||M. M. Monroe|
|Maine||E. C. Burleigh|
|Massachusetts||Curtis Guild, Jr.|
|Minnesota||C. F. Hendrix|
|Nevada||Thomas C. Marshall|
|New Jersey||Franklin Murphy|
|North Carolina||J. W. Fortune|
|South Carolina||Robert Smalls|
|Utah||W. S. McCormick|
|West Virginia||J. W. Crawford|
|New Mexico||T. B. Burns|
|Illinois||Joseph W. Fifer|
|Iowa||L. B. Wilson|
|Kentucky||W. G. Hunter|
|Maryland||Wm. P. Malster|
|Nebraska||Thomas P. Kennard|
|New Hampshire||John A. Spaulding|
|New York||John T. Mott|
|North Dakota||J. W. Devine|
|South Dakota||David Meisner|
|Vermont||E. C. Smith|
|Wisconsin||James H. Stout|
|Arizona||John M. Fair|
|Oklahoma||John I. Dille|
Secretary — Col. Charles W. Johnson, of Minnesota.
Assistant Secretaries — W. E. Riley, of Kentucky; Harvey H. Smith, of Michigan; A. Warfield Monroe, of Maryland and A. B. Humphrey, of New York.
Official Reporters — James Francis Burke and John Jay Burke, of Pennsylvania.
Sergeant at Arms — T. E. Byrnes, of Minnesota.
Assistant Sergeants at Arms — George W. Wiswell, of Wisconsin; W. W. Johnson, of Maryland; W. P. Huxford, of Washington; Charles E. Stone, of Illinois; George F. Smith, of Oklahoma.
Reading Clerks — James H. Stone, of Michigan; F. H. Wilson, of Missouri; John R. Malloy, of Ohio; R. S. Hatcher of Indiana; John B. Bean, of New Jersey.
On motion, adjourned, subject to the call of the Chairman.
Mr. MUDD, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I make the point of order now that while this temporary Convention has voted to receive that report, that the temporary Convention cannot be heard upon that report, and that action upon that report cannot be had until we shall have ascertained the membership of this Convention by means of a report of the Committee on Credentials, and acted upon it.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair over-rules the point of order.
Mr. MUDD. Will you not hear the point of order first?
The CHAIRMAN. The question is upon the adoption of the report of the Committee on Credentials. All in favor of the adoption of the report will say "aye."
A vote was then taken on the motion and the Chair declared the motion carried.
Mr. TUCK, of Maryland. Mr. Chairman: I call for a division of the States.
The CHAIRMAN. A division is demanded. All those in favor of the adoption of the report will please rise.
Mr. MUDD. Yon cannot vote that way, Mr. Chairman, because some of the States have double delegations. I state this point of order that you cannot vote this way, because some of the States have double delegations, and therefore would have more than their proportionate vote, and you must call the roll of the States. We are entitled to a roll call of the States in order that this matter may be settled. We may as well proceed with the deliberation in order.
The CHAIRMAN. It is a matter for the Convention to settle and it has been settled.
Mr. MUDD. But there is no Convention here. Now, until we have a permanent organization there is no Convention. We may as well proceed in order, Mr. Chairman.
The CHAIRMAN. Those who are opposed to the motion will please rise.
A rising vote was then taken in the negative and the Chair declared the motion lost.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair appoints Senator William J. Sewell, of New Jersey and Representative Sereno E. Payne, of New York, as a committee to escort the Permanent Chairman to the chair.
The Committee then escorted Senator Thurston to the Chair amid a torrent of applause.
HON. JOHN M. THURSTON, PERMANENT CHAIRMAN.
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention: I have the honor to present to you, as your Permanent Chairman, Senator John M. Thurston, of Nebraska.
A magnificent reception was again tendered Senator Thurston as he mounted the platform, accompanied by the Committee.
When quiet was restored, Chairman Thurston addressed the Convention as follows:
Gentlemen of the Contention: The happy memory of your kindness and confidence will abide in my grateful heart forever. My sole ambition is to meet your expectations; and I pledge myself to exercise the important powers of this high office with absolute justice and impartiality. I bespeak your cordial co-operation and support
44to the end that our proceedings may be orderly and dignified, as befits the deliberations of the supreme council of the Republican party.
Eight years ago I had the distinguished honor to preside over the Convention which nominated the last Republican President of the United States. To-day I have the further distinguished honor to preside over the Convention which is to nominate the next President of the United States. This generation has had its object lesson, and the doom of the Democratic party is already pronounced. The American people will return the Republican party to power because they know that its administration will mean:
The supremacy of the constitution of the United States.
The maintenance of law and order.
The protection of every American citizen in his right to live, to labor and to vote.
A vigorous foreign policy.
The enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine.
The restoration of our Merchant Marine.
Safety under the stars and stripes on every sea, in every port.
A revenue adequate for all governmental expenditures, and the gradual extinguishment of the national debt.
A currency as sound as the government and as untarnished as its honor, whose dollar, whether gold or silver, or paper, shall have equal purchasing and debt paying power with the best dollars of the civilized world.
A protective tariff which protects, coupled with reciprocity which reciprocates, thereby securing the best market for American products and opening American factories to the free coinage of American muscle.
A pension policy just and generous to our living heroes, and to the widows and orphans of their dead comrades.
The governmental supervision and control of transportation lines and rates.
The protection of the public from all unlawful combinations and unjust exaction of aggregated capital and corporated power.
An American welcome to every God-fearing, liberty-loving, constitution-respecting, law-abiding, labor-seeking, decent man.
The exclusion of all whose birth, whose blood, whose condition, whose teaching, whose practices would menace the permanency of free institutions, endanger the safety of American society or lessen the opportunities of American labor.
The abolition of sectionalism — every star in the American flag shining for the honor and welfare and happiness of every commonwealth and of all the people.
A deathless loyalty to all that is truly American, and a patriotism as eternal as the stars.
Chairman Thurston's address was punctured all the way through with applause and cheers. At its close he received a splended ovation. Proceeding with the business of the Convention he said:
"Gentlemen of the Convention, what is your pleasure?"
The pleasure of the Convention was expressed by the appearance of a magnificent floral shield, surmounted by a crown of American Beauty roses, simultaneously with a burst of applause that was deafening, the delegates rising to their feet and the whole body of
45delegates and spectators joining in one grand ovation as the flower shield was placed upon the platform and accepted by the Chairman.
Proceeding with the business of the Convention, Chairman THURSTON said: Gentlemen of the Convention: What is your pleasure?
At this interval a letter was passed forward by a delegate with the request that it be read by the Secretary of the Convention for the information of the Convention.
The Chairman directed the Secretary to read the letter, which read as follows:
"ST. LOUIS, Mo., June 17, 1896.
HON. C. W. Fairbanks, Temporary Chairman Republican National Convention. Dear Sir: The Committee on Credentials are at this time in session and engaged in the consideration of the contests before it, and we will be unable to finish our work in time to report to the Convention at this session. By order of the Committee. Yours very truly.
J. FRANKLIN FORT, Chairman."
Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. Mr. Chairman: I move that the Convention do now adjourn until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
The CHAIRMAN. It is moved that the Convention do now adjourn until 2 o'clock this afternoon.
The motion was carried, a very small majority voting in the negative.
At two o'clock, the hour for calling the Convention to order, there was a noticeable absence of delegates and the Chairman decided to await the arrival of the delinquents.
During the interval, the Nebraska delegates, through a committee appointed for the purpose, passed up to the platform two large bouquets of red and white roses, one of which was placed in front of Secretary Johnson and the other on the table in front of Official Reporter Burke.
At 2:35 the Chairman rapped the Convention to order, announcing that Bishop Arnett, of Wilberforce College, would invoke the Divine blessing. Bishop Arnett, the well known colored divine and orator, then offered the following invocation:
"Oh, Lord, our Heavenly Father, the Father of our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ, the Maker of all things visible and invisible, the judge of all men — we come before Thee this afternoon to thank Thee for life and health and the blessings of liberty which have been secured to us by our fathers in the days that are gone. We invoke Thy divine blessing upon our land and upon our country. We thank Thee for the institutions of our country. We thank Thee for the opportunities which Thou hast given to Thy people of every race and condition in
46this land that they may enjoy the blessings of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Accept our thanks we pray Thee for this organization which has assembled here today, representing the culture, wealth and refinement of more than forty centuries of intellectual effort. We thank Thee Oh Lord, for the blessings that we enjoy, and we ask Thy special favor upon those engaged in this work, and bless them as Thou didst their fathers and those that preceded them. We thank Thee for this organization, and we thank Thee for the men of the past and for the men of the present. We thank Thee that Thou didst give us a Lincoln who broke the fetters from the limbs of four millions and a half of people. We thank Thee for this organization and we thank Thee, Oh Lord, that Thy blessing may rest upon the persons nominated by this body. May they be men representing the principles of religion, morality and education, go forth to the conquest of the great principles now underlying the institutions of our country. These and all other blessings we ask to rest upon this organization, the president of the organization, the members of the organization, and grant, O Lord, that the victories to be gained in the future may redound to the blessing of every citizen of this great land of ours, and may protection and liberty and civil and political rights be secured to every man, woman and child from the lakes of the North to the gulf of the South, and when we have accomplished all, may Thy blessing rest upon us and our country, and its flag, and the glory shall be Thine forever. Amen."
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Madden of Chicago, for a special purpose.
Mr. MARTIN B. MADDEN. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: On behalf of the State of Illinois, I have the honor to present to the officers of this Convention, to be presented to the nominee of this Convention, a beautiful and artistically worked gavel, made from an oak log formerly occupying a position in the building occupied by Abraham Lincoln (great applause). I venture the hope, on behalf of the State from which I hail, that the distinguished nominee of this Convention may so perform his duties as to be as near to the hearts of the people of the Nation as is the distinguished name of the great emancipator given to the people of the Nation by the great State of Illinois. (Great cheering and applause).
The CHAIRMAN. On behalf of this Convention the Chair accepts the tender of this gavel for the purposes indicated, and in doing so expresses the hope that the inspiration of the immortal Lincoln may fire our hearts to higher patriotism in the discharge of our duty here and our discharge of duty elsewhere and hereafter. We accept this gavel and will deliver it after this Convention is over to him who is to be the next President of the United States.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Denny of Kentucky, for a similar purpose.
MR. DENNY. Mr. Chairmau and Gentlemen: The intention was to present this gavel to the Temporary Chairman of this Convention, but I was prevented from doing so at the proper time, and I now seize this opportunity to present it. By the request of the young men of the Henry Clay Republican Club, of Lexington, Ky., I desire to present to the Temporary Chairman of this Convention this gavel, made from ash wood and cut from the old homestead of the great commoner, Henry Clay. (Great applause.) They ask that it be accepted as a memento of the old Ashland District. We hope that when a ruling is punctuated by the stroke of this gavel that it may at the same time drive a nail into the coffin of the Democracy. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention: Your Temporary Chairman will respond in your behalf.
Mr. FAIRBANKS. On behalf of the convention, it affords me pleasure to acknowledge receipt of the gavel presented by the gentlemen from Kentucky. In response I am proud to know that the spirit of Henry Clay animates to-day the Republicans of the State of Kentucky. (Applause.) I am proud of the fact that that grand old commonwealth has come into the ranks of the Republican party, and I indulge the hope that in November next she will be found true to the standard bearers selected by this Convention. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes Mr. Torrence, of Minnesota for a special purpose.
Mr. TORRENCE. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: In 1892 the boys of the manual training class of the South High School, Minneapolis, made a table intending it to be used by the presiding officer of the Republican National Convention, which met in Minneapolis that year. The table was used for the purpose intended, and then returned to the boys who made it, bearing evidence of the honorable part it bore in that memorable Convention.
At the request of the Local Committee of this City the table has been sent by the school to be used by the presiding officer of this Convention. It is homemade. It is also hand made, and represents the intelligent skill and labor of the American youth.
The educational and industrial interests of this country have always had the earnest support and steadfast friendship of the Republican party, and as we have met to plan and to act for the future welfare of the nation, it gives me great pleasure, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Convention, in behalf of these to bring you the greetings and hearty good will of the Minneapolis children of the Republic to place this table at your service during the deliberations of this Convention. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN. In accepting the use of this table for the Convention the Chair desires to send back word to the boys of Minnesota that even as our Republican fathers handed these United States down to us, united under one flag, so that every man within its borders could share its blessings and its opportunities, so will we, the Republican party of to-day, hand down its government, under Republican institutions, with all the rights, privileges and opportunities for the boys to come. (Cheers).
Gentlemen of the Convention, the next order of business is the report of the Committee on Credentials, and the Chair recognizes as Chairman of that Committee, Mr. J. Franklin Fort, of New Jersey. (Applause).
Mr. Fort, of New Jersey, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Contention: I present the report of the Committee on Credentials by its direction.
Your Committee on Credentials respectfully report: That they met immediately after the adjournment of the session of the Convention on the sixteenth and organized by the selection of the officers of the Committee. Since that time we have been giving diligent attention to the business of the Committee. Your Committee would report its action in the cases before it, with its recommendations therein:
As to the State of Delaware, the right to represent the State of Delaware in this Convention was claimed by two full sets of delegates. Patient and full attention was given to the hearing of this case. The contestants for the right to represent that State in this Convention will be designated as the Anthony Higgins delegation and as the J. Edward Addicks delegation.
Your Committee recommends that the following persons be seated as the delegates and alternates from the State of Delaware. I will not read them all, but simply read the name as designated in the report. The delegates and alternates headed by Anthony Higgins. (Prolonged cheers).
In the contest from the State of Texas for delegates at large from that State, your Committee gave attention to that case, and heard the contesting delegations, whom we will style as the Cuney delegation and the Grant delegation.
We recommend that the delegates and alternates at large from Texas, headed by John Grant, be admitted to this Convention. (Applause).
As to the other matters of contests presented to your Committee, notice of which was given to the National Committee and heard by it, we recommend that the roll of delegates and alternates to the Convention from the several States and Territories and the District of Columbia, as prepared by the National Committee for the Temporary Organization, be approved and adopted as the permanent roll of delgates and alternates to this Convention.
A copy of the roll of delegates and alternates, as so adopted by this Committee, is herewith submitted.
J. FRANKLIN FORT, Chairman Committee on Credentials.
The CHAIRMAN. I recognize Mr. Hepburn of Iowa, for the purpose of submitting a minority report. (Applause.)
Mr. HEPBURN, of Iowa. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: The undersigned members of your Committee on Credentials dissent from the report of the majority of the Committee in this:
We are unwilling to accept the roll of delegates as made up by the National Committee. The National Committee did not attempt to consider the merits of the cases presented by any of the one hundred and sixty odd contestants; only the regularity of the Credentials presented being passed upon by the National Committee. I am informed that in the consideration of the contested cases before the National Committee, it was distinctly and repeatedly stated that the action of the Committee was only to secure a prima facie roll, and that the contestants would each have an opportunity to be heard upon the merits of his case before the Committee on Credentials when appointed.
None of these contestants except those from Delaware and those from the State at large from Texas have had any hearing upon the issues made here before any competent tribunal. In those two cases heard by your Committee on Credentials not one word of the testimony adduced was read before your Committee. Affidavits were filed there by the score, but no man knows what they contained save as their contents are stated by the gentleman making the argument on the one side or the other. Your Committee on Credentials persistently voted down propositions specifically, to investigate cases from Texas other than those from the State at large. Those from the State of California, those from the State of Louisiana, and one gentleman, a contestant, from the State at large of Louisiana, makes the statement that he has never had even a hearing upon which to base a prima facie case made up by the National Committee; that he was not in the city until after his case had been heard, and that his lips have been at all times sealed. From the State of Louisiana, from the State of Alabama, and from the 12th District of Missouri.
Here the speaker was interrupted by cheers, cries and groans from the gallery, and from the floor of the Convention by the friends of Chancey I. Filley, of Missouri, from the 12th District. Two or three times Mr. Hepburn attempted to proceed but was interrupted by the tremendous outbreak from the friends of Mr. Filley. When silence was at length secured he proceeded further to read, as follows:
I say that there has been no investigation of any of these cases, except from the State of Delaware, and four from the State of Texas; and more than 160 Republicans, delegates, as they claim, with their credentials, with their cases, are demanding now to be heard in order that the verities involved may be properly ascertained. (Applause.) We deem it a most dangerous precedent to permit the National Committee to pass a final judgment on the election and qualification of members of a National Convention. (Applause, and cries of "right.") This dangerous exercise of power ought not to be permitted to any body of men, but should be retained in the hands of the Convention. (Applause.) We therefore
50recommend that the delegation from the State of Delaware, headed by J. Edward Addicks, with their alternates, be seated; that the delegation from the State of Texas, headed by N. W. Cuney, be seated with their alternates. (Applause.) And as to the other cases in which hearing has up to this time been denied, be recommitted to the Committee on Credentials, with instructions to perform its duty, and to hear a report upon the cases.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Committee.
Mr. FORT, of New Jersey. Mr. President: I now move in the name of my State, the previous question on the report, of the Committee on Credentials down to and through to the final vote under the rules of the House of Representatives.
The motion was seconded by Mr. Doyle, of Georgia; also by General Grosvenor, of Ohio.
Mr. HEPBURN, of Iowa. A parliamentary inquiry: Does that exclude the motion of the minority to substitute the names of the delegations that we have named from the two States?
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will state that if the previous question is ordered, the vote will be taken upon each separate proposition contained in the two reports, if a demand be made for a separation of the question. If no demand be made for a separation of the question, the vote will first be taken upon the minority report and then upon the majority report. Under the rules of this Convention, there are twenty minutes on this motion assigned to each side, and the Chairman presenting the majority report and a gentleman representing the minority report are in charge of that time, and can occupy it either by themselves or by those whom they may choose to designate.
Mr. MUDD. Mr. Chairman: We request a separation exclusively as to Delaware. If that be in order, we want a separate vote and recommendation as to Delaware.
The Chair inquired whether the motion was seconded; and Pennsylvania and California seconded the motion of Mr. Mudd, amid great cheers.
The CHAIRMAN. When the final vote is taken, the vote as to Delaware will be taken separately. The question is now upon ordering the previous question, and the Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Committee as now entitled to proceed.
The Chair will state, however, that the preliminary question is upon ordering the previous question. If it is ordered the presentation of each side will then proceed.
Mr. LITTLEFIELD. The delegation from Maine demands the roll call.
The CHAIRMAN. A roll call is demanded by the delegation from Maine.
The demand is seconded by the delegation from Maryland.
The CHAIRMAN. The roll call is seconded by Maryland.
A DELEGATE. Iowa also seconds the motion. (Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN. The roll call being properly demanded, is ordered. The Secretary will call the roll of States, and the Chairman of each delegation will announce the vote. Those favoring the previous question will say "aye" and those opposed, will say "no."
During the progress of the vote Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, made the point of order that as this question involves the right to contest the right to seats of ten or more of the delegates here in Convention, that the delegation from those States having a personal interest in the question at issue, have no competency to vote.
The Chair holds that the objection is not well taken as to the motion and order of previous question.
A very enthusiastic reception was accorded the chairmen of the various delegations, as they arose to announce the vote.
The vote as finally recorded was as follows:
|Arkansas||16||North Carolina||16 Ë||5 Ë|
|New Hampshire||8||Total||551 Ë||359 Ë|
|New Jersey||20||* 1 not voting.||† Not Voting.|
The CHAIRMAN. Upon the ordering of the previous question the ayes are 551 Ë and the nays 359 Ë. (Cheers.)
The ayes therefore have it. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from the Committee on Resolutions for an announcement.
Mr. LAFOLLETTE, of Wisconsin. Mr. Chairman: The Committee on Resolutions has appointed Mr. Burleigh of Washington and myself a Committee to announce to the Convention that the Committee on Resolutions has agreed and will be able to report to this Convention to-night at eight o'clock, but not earlier.
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, you have heard the announcement. The Convention will now proceed. The previous
52question has been ordered and discussion will be proceeded with under the rule. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Fort.
Mr. FORT, of New Jersey, Chairman of the Committee on Credentials:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: The minority report involves three propositions: I propose to take just five minutes in discussing the question and then yield five minutes of my time to Mr. Yerkes, of Kentucky, to discuss the Delaware case and ten minutes to General Grosvenor to close the debate.
The three propositions of the minority report are these:
First. Open all contests on the temporary roll fixed by the National Committee.
Second. Seat the Cuney delegation in Texas instead of the Grant delegation.
Third. Seat the Addicks delegation in Delaware instead of the Higgins delegation.
Now as to the first proposition: The Committee on Credentials has worked diligently since it organized yesterday. By a large vote, 31 to 14 it determined to accept the roll as made up by the National Committee, with the exception of the Delaware and Texas cases, upon which no action had been taken by that Committee, except to refer them to the Committee on Credentials. One hundred and sixty contestants appeared before the National Committee by counsel or otherwise. They all had opportunity to be heard. They all were heard. They were heard longer than your Committee could hear them unless we sat in session for a full week; and if we gave them all the time they asked, this Convention would sit here for three months. (Laughter and applause.)
There are papers and printed briefs in some of these contests covering four or five hundred pages. In the cases we have heard we have taken their statement of what the evidence in the record was. It could not be read. It never was read by the National Committee or the Committee on Credentials of a National Convention. We have a right to presume that every Republican, whether a contestant or a sitting member, when he stated his case here stated the truth, as found in the record. (Applause.) And if in presenting their case each of them states the truth, and a conclusion is reached from that statement, we have a right to say that the action of the National Committee in thus making up the Temporary Roll of the Convention was fair and should stand as the Permanent Roll of this Convention. (Applause.) It will be said that these gentlemen were not heard at all before the Committee. Literally speaking this is true. It was said before the Committee that almost all the contestants were satisfied with the determination of the National Committee, and it was also stated, that the National Committee reached its conclusions by an almost unanimous vote. The closest vote in that Committee was, I believe, in a contest in the State of New York, and the representative from New York on our Committee stated that there were no contests to be heard from that State. (Applause.) We have tried to be fair. The Committee did not railroad these cases. We have given Delaware two hours and a half in its hearing. We gave Texas over two hours in hearing of their case, and we spent the rest of the time discussing the cases. We come to you then on the general proposition of the minority report first, and ask you to vote it down, and confirm the temporary roll, made up with great
53care, wise judgment and sound discretion by your National Committee. They are honest men. They are good Republicans. They are selected from all the States, and they gave to all these cases a careful hearing, and a prima facie case, at least, is made out by the finding of that Committee. (Applause.)
Second: — As to the Texas case, I have but three minutes left in which to state it. I shall do my best. Texas held a State Convention to elect delegates at large. Mr. Cuney was elected Temporary Chairman, fairly and legally. He assumed the Chair. He proceeded in the Temporary Organization. The Temporary Organization was made permanent, under protest, and without a roll call. And from the time Cuney took the Chair until he declared the Convention adjourned he refused to grant a roll call, no matter who demanded it, when or where. (Applause and laughter.)
A demand was made for a roll call on the report of the Committee on Credentials. A roll call was asked on the report of the Committee on Permanent Organization. Each of these demands and every other request for a roll call on any question were ruled out of order. (Laughter.) A resolution was offered to elect four delegates at large, Cuney at the head, and that was declared carried, or rather put through, by a vive voce vote with another man that Cuney put in the Chair to do up the business. (Applause.) And yet no roll call. All amendments were ruled out of order. Then some one moved to adjourn. The affidavits are here, — stacks of them, — that Cuney refused to recognize anybody on the motion to adjourn or to allow a roll call, and forthwith declared the Convention adjourned, picked up his papers, went out with his hat, and took the Convention with him. (Laughter and applause.)
Now, gentlemen, I must finish. Six hundred and forty-one delegates out of a total of eight hundred and one altogether remained in the hall after Cuney left and immediately organized another Convention, and by unanimous vote elected the four men who now ask seats in this Convention. That is all.
Third: — As to the Delaware case, I will make the statement as brief as possible. The Committee decided by a large majority to seat the Higgins delegation.
The Committee therefore makes that recommendation to this Convention. This is done because in that State it is claimed by the Republicans who were before us that the delegates headed by J. Edward Addicks do not represent the Republican party of Delaware or anywhere else. (Cheers.) There was the same kind of procedure in the Convention in that State which elected the Addicks delegation as was witnessed in the Texas Convention. No roll call. Nothing but excitement, turbulence, force and victory for the faction resorting to those methods. The records before us show that Mr. Addicks entered into a combination in Delaware to unite with the acting Democratic Governor in order to prevent a Republican United States Senator to be elected from that State. (Applause.) The fact of the matter is simply this, that a majority of your Committee believes from the evidence in the case, that Mr. Addicks and his party in Delaware in that contest were highwaymen on the road to political fortune, no matter what might be the result to the Republican party. (Applause.) To endorse what the United States Senate, by a vote of every Republican in that body, tried to do, and at the same time to rebuke Addicks for defeating Dupont, we seat Dupont in this Convention as a delegate from Delaware with the rest of them. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair presents Mr. Yerkes of Kentucky. (Applause.)
Mr. YERKES. Mr. Chairman: There are, Gentlemen of the Convention, two delegations from the State of Delaware, claiming to be the legal, rightful representatives of that State on the floor of this Convention. One delegation is headed by ex-Senator Higgins, the only Republican ever elected to the United States Senate from that State; and the other is headed by Mr. J. Edward Addicks, the only Republican, so called, who ever prevented the election of a Republican United States Senator from Delaware. (Applause.) Upon the roll with ex-Senator Higgins, we find the name of Colonel Dupont, who, by a recent vote of every Republican in the United States Senate, was declared to have been elected by the Republicans of Delaware to succeed ex-Senator Higgins, but who failed to secure his seat, and that vacancy, we claim, was caused by the man heading the opposing delegation.
I claim that this Convention is by the rules of its own organization, and is by necessity, not only judge of the election of its members, but is judge of them and of the propriety of their admission to a seat. I admit that so far as the face of the returns is concerned, Mr. Addicks, and those claiming with him, have a prima facie case, but by way of off-set to this, although it may not be argument, I call to your recollection the fact that the National Committee in its wisdom saw fit to refuse a seat upon the floor of this Convention to those gentlemen who have that prima facie case. The National Committee has been endorsed, and more than endorsed, by the decision of your own Committee on Credentials, which, by a vote of thirty-one to seventeen, not only refused to seat Mr. Addicks, but absolutely seated Senator Higgins and his associates. (Applause.) There must be of necessity some sound reason for this. Certainly these two Committees would not have acted without reason and cause. What was the basis of their action and decision? We affirm, and the record is here and sustains abundantly the claim, that the small majority which Mr. Addicks had in the State Convention of Delaware was secured by the use of money, by bribery and purchase of voters at the primary. Here are the affidavits presented to the National Committee, and presented also, as I am informed, to your Committee on Credentials.
Now, gentlemen, as was said by a distinguished citizen of New York, there are only three ways of securing an election; first by the free choice of the electors; second, by lot; third, by force, and I affirm that fraud and bribery are constituent elements of, and are, indeed, force. If this Convention believes, as evidently these Committees did believe, that the credentials of Mr. Addicks and those on the roll with him, were secured by means of this nature and character, then certainly, as representatives of the dignity, the wisdom, the honor and the integrity of the Republicans of this nation, you will not be willing to receive and seat delegates presenting such credentials, men resting under charges proven overwhelmingly by unimpeached testimony.
The CHAIRMAN. Mr. Hepburn, of Iowa, will now address you for the minority.
Mr. HEPBURN. Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: — I have the right to assume that any Republican Convention, any body of men representing the Republican party will declare in
55favor of fairness. The American people love fairness. They are not willing, I take it, that any man's rights shall be determined without he has had his day in Court.
I say here, without fear of contradiction, that there has been no hearing upon the merits of one hundred and sixty election cases. (Applause). I challenge any member of this Convention to deny that proposition. When these gentlemen went before the National Committee there was a gentleman there representing the interests of a certain candidate here. It was his contention in opposing the admission of all those that he supposed were not favorable to his candidate, that all that the Committee was to pass upon, all it had the right to pass upon, was the regularity of the credentials of the delegates, and over and over again it was said that the Committee contenting itself with that it would impose no hardship upon the contestant, as the tribunal elected by the Convention was armed with full authority to pass upon the credentials and there would be an opportunity there to present the merits of the case. Strange as it may seem that same man was one of the judges. A member of the Committee in the Committee insisted that there should be no hearing because the National Committee had passed upon the case. In other words, it was as though he had contended in an inferior court that the court had no jurisdiction to try the case, and then when an appeal was taken to there insist that the court that had yielded to his contention and refused to try the case, had estopped the mouths of the appellants? Is that fairness? Is that the justice that a Convention of Republicans propose to meet out to fellow Republicans?
We have contended as a party that all the days that there has been a struggling Republican in the Southern States that we would see to it that there should be honest elections and there should be a fair count. (Applause).
Every National Convention almost for the last twenty years has insisted that that was the duty that justice and equity imposed upon the Republican party, and it has been swift to pledge itself that that duty to the fullness of its ability should be carried out; and here is the astonishing spectacle in view of all these charges that we ourselves are trampling under foot — ruthlessly and remorselessly — those very doctrines of equity and justice to which we have pledged ourselves through twenty years of our eventful existence. (Applause).
There has been no adjudication of these cases. There ought to be. One gentleman in the Committee informed us that these rights were trivial, that they were not property rights; and the burden of his argument would be that if it involved in importance the value of a mustang pony, then he would insist upon the procedure of allowing the parties to be heard, but as it only involved the honor of a Republican, the man who said that he was entitled to a seat here and the man who said when the right to a seat was denied that he was not a cheat, that he was not a scoundrel, that he was not here by fraudulent pretense, and that he was elected and selected only by a free constituency.
In a question of this kind, involving the honor of a man, it was so trivial that we ought not to subject ourselves to the heated atmosphere of this talk for purposes of that character. Further, I say with regard to the case that was last suggested, the Addicks case — I say, and I challenge contradictions — I say that there was no proof of any character considered by your Committee. Not one affidavit
56was read; no man knows the verities of the case. One who was once a distinguished senator made the statement that twenty-three delegates in the Convention that would not support him were bribed. No other man said that. No man's affidavit to that effect, stating knowledge was read. That distinguished gentleman said that somebody else told him that upon an occasion critical indeed, Mr. Addicks contributed $5,000 to a Democratic campaign fund. That was the character of the proof. That affidavit was not presented. Again he said that the Standard Oil Company, he had learned, had contributed $30,000 to Addicks' Senatorial election case. Not an affidavit, not a particle of proof — and those are the evidences upon which the political integrity of Mr. Addicks is impeached. If there is more name it. If you have got anything else that was brought before that Committee, bring it out. I don't know what affidavits might have been brought here. I say they were not presented, or read, or considered by your Committee, and yet there stood that man thus assailed, stating that he had voted for Abraham Lincoln for President and for every Republican candidate from that day down. (Cheers.) Every one. He stated that never in his life had he voted any other than a Republican ticket, and no man assailed it, save by these wild and loose and irrelevant and unfounded stories. There was a little gentleman there quite voluble, and, I might almost say volatile. (Laughter). And his intellectual proportions were in exact ratio to the geographical limits of his State. That gentleman told us that these five persons were not Republicans, and yet — (cries of "what persons?") Others than Addicks — And yet they were the head and front of the Republican organization there until they preferred Addicks for United States Senator to Higgins. Their Republicanism ceased, when they failed to support the pretensions of the ex-senator. Another gentleman was there. He makes the same statement. Up to about a year ago they were good Republicans. When did they cease to be Republicans? was the query. When they began to associate with Addicks, and yet one of those gentlemen was the Chairman of the Republican State Committee that called the Convention. (The previous speaker here corrected the speaker). And one of those gentlemen was selected by his vote and as a representative. He had there presenting to us the endorsement of the thirteen officers selected by the Republicans in that County since this Convention. Think of it. And he not a Republican. Every one of the thirteen that have been selected since the Convention of last May. Every one of them endorsing his Republicanism. Gentlemen, there was in that Convention one hundred and sixty persons. They assembled the third or the fourth day after their selection. Seven of them had their seats challenged. The Committee, in making up the roll omitted those seven from the list, so that one hundred and fifty-three were there unchallenged. All of the proceedings of that Convention were harmonious, no man making complaint until it came to the question of seating or unseating the seven. And when that was raised fifty-three gentlemen went out of the Convention, and the seven excluded delegates went with them, making sixty. No man claims that more than sixty men out of one hundred and sixty men joined in the selection of Senator Higgins and his five colleagues. If I am wrong, correct me in that. Sixty men only — make that a majority of one hundred and sixty if you can. "Oh, but," say these gentlemen, "twenty-three men who remained in the Convention were bribed." No evidence of it was presented there. No evidence presented of that.
A DELEGATE. That they were elected by fraud.
Mr. HEPBURN. That they were elected by fraud; twenty-three of them. Mind you, Delaware is not a very large State. There are only three counties in it. There were three or four days to establish a fraud if there was any, but not a word about it. It was never heard of until it was necessary to do something to make sixty a majority of one hundred and sixty. (Applause and laughter.) Then the fraud was discovered. Then the gentlemen came to the front, it is said, but no affidavit of that character was presented to the Committee, read and considered. If one was presented, it was never heard of until that gentlemen got them in his pocket twelve hundred miles from his home, away from the possibility of their being resisted, and then, perhaps, presented to the National Committee. According to my advices, none of them were read — certainly not in our Committee. We do not know whether they contained averments of this kind or not. Now, gentlemen, that is this case. If you turn out Addicks, the contestant, you will leave the State of Delaware without an organization; there is no other party — there is no other power than that which is by the, authority of these men that can call a State Convention. Are you going to do it simply because some man says that Mr. Addicks is not a sound Republican? Let me challenge a statement made by my friend from New Jersey. He said that this Convention was a tribunal to determine upon the qualifications of its members. I deny it. I deny it. I say that our constituencies determine the qualifications of their representatives. (Loud cheers.) Let me remind a Republican National Convention — in 1880 — let me call it a memorable scene. A member of that Convention from the State of West Virginia offered a declaration upon that floor. He said thatif a certain person was nominated, or a certain proposition was determined upon he would not support it, and thereupon Senator Conkling introduced a resolution reciting that fact and moving his expulsion. James A. Garfield (applause) took the floor and laid down in that Convention the rights involved. He discussed in that masterly way of his the verities of the case, and when he was through there was such an overwhelming manifestation of the wishes of that Convention that Senator Conkling rose in his place and withdrew the resolution, establishing in that way what all know must be true, that the constituency determines the qualifications of the members that it sends here. Why, that individual comes here for what purpose? In a representative capacity to wield the power of those men who sent him. They select the men that they are wiling to entrust their power with and if you refuse recognition of that righteous rule you will allow Anthony Higgins, who has been repudiated by his people; whom they have said shall not serve them; whom they have refused to repose confidence in; whom they have said cannot properly represent them, or wield their power there — you have said that he is to wield their power whether they wish it or not. Is that representation? Who will he represent? The people of Delaware, who said they would not have him, or this Convention, this majority, who says he is to have a seat. Think of it, men. There is a great principle involved in this. It is the principle of the right of free representation, a right dearly to all English speaking people, and to secure which more of English and American blood has been shed than for all other questions put together. (Applause.) Are we, a Republican Convention, ready to abandon that now? I take it not. With reference to the other case (cries of "time," "time.")
The Chairman: Gentlemen, the Chair will pass upon the question of time. (Applause.) Both sides were notified that an extra allowance of six minutes would be made to cover applause or interruptions.
Mr. Hepburn (continuing): With reference to the Texas case. Again I say that you, through your Committe, through your National Committee, have no evidence upon this case. A gentleman said that one hundred and forty-one of the delegates of that convention remained in their seats and selected the delegates that your committee has seated. That was challenged, that was denied; it was a statement made by a member on the floor for a contestant and denied by another. A gentleman said that he would take the word of any Republican in a matter of this kind. A comment on their truthfulness that was very complimentary, but what will he do when one Republican says yes and another Republican says no, with reference to the same question, speaking almost at the same time? Ought he not to investigate the proofs? No gentleman did it; no man read an affidavit there establishing, or intending to establish these facts. The majority of your Committee took the word of one contestant, the others said that it was not proven. We did not take the words of the other, but we say that the case was not proven. It is claimed on the one hand, and about this there is no dispute, that there was a contest shortly declaring that the three candidates for the Presidency had a following in about equal numbers. Finally, two of them combined and there was a short contest over the control of the convention. After it was discussed, pro and con, upon a roll call about which there is no dispute, Mr. Cuney was elected temporary chairman, on this roll call of more than two and one-half votes to one, indicating the temper of the convention. It is his contention thatthose men that thus declared themselves authoratively upon the roll call about which there is no dispute were the men who supported him and his ticket, and gave it it's overwhelming majority. (Applause.)
The Chairman: Gentlemen of the Convention: General Grosvenor, of Ohio, (applause) will now address you on behalf of the majority report.
General Grosvenor: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: In the very brief time which I shall occupy, I shall devote substantially the whole of it to the discussion of the question of whether or not the action of the Committee on Credentials, in the matter of the Texas contest shall be upheld or condemned. I shall put the question to the tnen of this country; the men who profess sometimes that they are in favor of decent elections, and when I have done that, and when I have stood by the record without changing a word of it, let us see how much of decency there is in this country.
I shall not refer to the attacks of the gentleman upon my colleague, the distinguished member of the Committee on Credentials from Ohio. He is well known to the people of the country, and the aspersions cast upon him will fall harmless at the feet of the gentlemen who had displayed so much of judicial temperament here on this platform recently. (Applause). The Convention in Texas — now follow me — you who are lawyers and you who are not lawyers, — the Convention in the State of Texas, was assembled under a
59call issued by the Chairman of the State Committee. It assembled on the 24th day of March. There is no dispute about its being regularly called, regularly assembled; no question of anything up to a certain point of time which I will give to you as I have it here in the record. A temporary Chairman was nominated by each of the factions, but because of certain reasons which I could make very plain if I had the time, Mr. Cuney was elected upon a roll call, demanded by both sides as the record shows. A roll call was had, and eight hundred and some odd members answered to their names and voted. Cuney was seated; a Committee on Credentials was appointed. Up to that time all parties were co-operating together and desiring to see that both sets of these delegates derived their title from common source; a Committee on Credentials was sent out and after two or three adjournments of the Convention, the Committee on Credentials came in with a report. A minority of the Committee on Credentials submitted a written minority report, which appears in the record. Mr. Cuney rules that the minority had no right to make a report, and an appeal was taken from his decision, and he refused to put the appeal to the house. Thereupon he proceeded as the record shows — I hold it in my hand — and no honest man will deny it, that on more than twenty occasions he refused a division of the house; refused a call of the roll, and decided every question by putting it on one side and finally a vote was taken upon delegates at large, and at once an uproar broke out; mob violence was imminent, and Cuney, when a little subsidence had taken place, waving a paper over his head, declared that the delegation was elected and that the Convention had adjourned. Sixteen delegates went out with Cuney, and six hundred and forty-one delegates stayed in the Convention — elected a Temporary Chairman — elected and sent out a Committee on Credentials, made the Temporary Chairman permanent, had a regular report of the Committee on Credentials, proceeded regularly to elect their delegates at large, the Grant delegates, and certified them up here as the action of a Convention that had never adjourned.
Now comes this gentleman and appeals to an intelligent Convention of American Republicans to seat the man that thus defied every principle of parliamentary law. Now rny position is this, and I should like to have heard the gentleman answer it. I made it before to-day in his hearing, and he has not seen fit to refer to it. I say when the moment arrived that Cuney refused to grant the division of that house, all that took place afterwards was a simple assumption of power, without a shadow of legal right, or legal effect behind it. That is rny position. Let me illustrate now. Suppose that somebody gets up upon this platform and takes the gavel of the presiding officer. Somebody moves that we now proceed with the nomination for President. A viva voce vote is taken and a division is demanded and he refuses to permit it. Then an appeal is taken; then he refuses to entertain it. Then he declares that an election is ordered. Somebody nominates somebody, and someone else was to put another candidate in, and the Chairman says it is not in order. An appeal is taken and he refuses to recognize it. He declares his candidate nominated, and the Convention adjourns. Now, we have a Convention here of about nine hundred. Suppose two hundred get up and go out, would this Chairman be ousted of his power? Would this Convention cease to operate, or would this Convention be to all intents and purposes in life, in deed and action, and go forward and make the legal nomination just as before? (Applause.) As God is
60ray judge, as God shall hold me to account, that is an illustration of what that record shows. Nothing more damnable ever stained the pages of the records of an American Convention, and I congratulate the distinguished gentleman that with honied words about liberty and fair play, the unfortunate representative of the biggest scoundrel that ever got on record in Convention of the Republican party. (Applause.) That was the whole of it. Now, what are you about to do, gentlemen? There are one hundred and sixty contests. Every one of them about an American citizen, as the gentleman from Iowa says. Every one of them with some sort of vested rights to something. Vested rights to work their way into a Convention when two committees have said they shall stay out. Will you ask to give two hours to each one of these cases? Ten hours a day is about as much as I am willing to work in this country. And it will take forty days to try these contests, for if you open up this question and defeat this report you must not, after that, go to drawing discriminations. You must hear the whole of them. We had thirty cases of contests in the House of Representatives this year. Mr. Reed appointed three more committees of nine members each, and they worked day and night, and at the end of the long session of Congress there still remained three or four undisposed of cases. And here you are asked to stay here until the first day of August to decide whether Tom, Dick or Harry has the right of American citizenship. (Applause.) They have had a hearing before two committees of this body. The National Committee sat for four long days and nights and heard these appeals. They decided them as well as they could, and I stand here now to say that it is a little matter of cheap peanut policy to be condemning a great Committee because, forsooth, the gentleman may not have been able to influence that Committee as he thought they ought to be. Another Committee has spent all the time which it has reasonably to give to them, and this is the best that can be done. I stand here to say that no harm will come to the American republic, no harm will come to the fair fame of the Republican party if you succeed in relegating to private life the man of Delaware, and the rascal of Texas. (Applause and hisses.)
THE CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair asks your close attention while the order of voting is announced: and the Chair can state that this order appears to be satisfactory to both sides. The question will stand first, upon the minority report and a division of the question being asked for, the Delaware case will first be voted upon. The question therefore is those who favor the minority report, seating the Addicks delegation will say "aye" and those opposed "no." Are you ready for the question? The question being called for, the Chair proceeded to put it, and upon the vote being taken declared the "no's" to have it, amid applause. The Chairman then said. The question next recurs upon the motion to adopt so much of the minority report as refers to the Cuney delegates from Texas. The "ayes" and "nays" being called the Chair declared that the nays have it. (Applause.)
THE CHAIRMAN. The question next recurs upon the motion to adopt the balance of the minority report referring contests as to
61other delegates back to the Committee. The vote being taken, the Chair declared the "no's" to have it.
THE CHAIRMAN. The question now recurs upon the adoption of the majority report. The question being put, the Chair declared that the majority report was adopted. (Great applause.)
The Roll of the Convention.
As finally corrected the official roll of the Convention stood as follows:
|C. W. Buckley||Montgomery||M. D. Wickersham||Mobile|
|David D. Shelby||Huntsville||Ben. J. DeLemos||Haynesville|
|W. K. Pettitord||Burmingham||C. H. Walker||Selma|
|John H. Jones||Haynesville||I. N. Carter||Monterey|
|1 —||P. D. Barker||Mobile||S. S. Turner||Mobile|
|A. N. Johnson||Mobile||W. E. Sanders||Mobile|
|2 —||Nathan H. Alexander||Montgomery||Wm. M. Ackley||Alco|
|Frank Simmons||Evergreen||John H. Wilson||Montgomery|
|3 —||Saumel S. Booth||Montgomery||Dallas D. Smith||Opelika|
|John Harmon||Eufaula||A. L. Brewer||Union Springs|
|4 —||Thos. G. Dunn||Anniston||Wylle A. Hudson||Anniston|
|W. J. Stevens||Anniston||D. M. McClellan||Talledega|
|5 —||Douglas Smith||Opelika||R. T. West||Wedowee|
|H. A. Carson||Haynesville||H. R. Chivers||Wetumbka|
|6 —||D. N. Cooper||Hamilton||Dempsey Winn||Livingston|
|Dr. J. Dawson||Eustan||H. L. Coins||Tuscaloosa|
|7 —||C. D. Alexander||Attalla||T. H. Stevens||Steeles|
|J. S. Curtis||Double Springs||M. F. Parker||Cullam|
|8 —||Walter Simmons||Courtland||E. W. Garland||Scottsboro|
|H. V. Cashin||Decatur||P. C. Ashford||Courtland|
|9 —||Ad. Wimbs||Greensboro||M. L. Fowlkes||Birmingham|
|W. C. Hanlon||Birmingham||A. A. Hartwell||Birmingham|
|Powell Clayton||Eureka Springs||J. A. Freeman||Millville|
|Henry M. Cooper||Little Rock||S. P. Stahl||Bentonville|
|H. L. Remmel||Newport||Louis Altheimer||Pine Bluff|
|M. W. Gibbs||Little Rock||J. N. Donohoo||Helena|
|1 —||Jacob Trieber||Helena||Jacob Shaul||Marianna|
|F. W. Tucker||Clover Bend||J. R. Riggans||Nodena|
|2 —||W. H. H. Clayton||Fort Smith||M. A. Eisle||Hot Springs|
|Ferd. Havis||Pine Bluff||A. G. Hough||Swan Lake|
|3 —||B. M. Foreman||Texarkana||P. K. Savage||Dermott|
|J. B. Friedheim||Camden||D. W. Chandler||Camden|
|4 —||John McClure||Little Rock||Frank Burris||Atkins|
|D. B. Russell||Morrilton||Albert DeSha||Ashvale|
|5 —||Thomas J. Hunt||Fayetteville||John I. Worthington||Berryville|
|Chas. M. Greene||Harrison||K. E. Sevier||Conway|
|6 —||B. F. Bodenhamer||Mountain Home||Chas. F. Cole||Beebe|
|H. H. Meyers||Brinkley||J. M. McClintock||DeVall's Bluff|
|L. A. Sheldon||Los Angeles||J. M. Gleaves||Shasta|
|John D. Spreckles||San Francisco||D. E. Knight||Yuba|
|U. S. Grant||San Diego||J. A. Loutitt||San Joaquin|
|George A. Knight||San Francisco||George Stone||San Francisco|
|1 —||Daniel Cole||Sierra||Dr. F. Horel||Humboldt|
|A. B. Lemmon||Sonoma||J. T. Laird||Moroc|
|2 —||Grove L. Johnson||Sacramento||F. O. Ryan||Sacramento|
|J. H. Neff||Placer||E. C. Voorheis||Amador|
|3 —||E. S. Dennison||Oakland||C. L. Lang||Alameda|
|A. A. Hockheimer||Willows||Wallace Pond||Woodland|
|4 —||Joesph S. Spear||San Francisco||E. J. Baldwin||San Francisco|
|Henry I. Kawalsky||San Francisco||Michael Seligson||San Francisco|
|5 —||William Cluff||San Francisco||A. S. Mangrum||San Francisco|
|O. A. Hale||Santa Clara||J. L. Koster||San Francisco|
|6 —||Hervey Lindley||Los Angeles||F. P. Flint||Los Angeles|
|T. J. Field||Monterey||Elwood Cooper||Santa Barbara|
|7 —||F. H. Short||Fresno||W. H. McKillrick||Kern|
|H. H. Sinclair||San Bernardio||Frank A. Milier||Riverside|
|Henry M. Teller||Central City||Robert W. Bonynge||Denver|
|Frank C. Goudy||Denver||Charles F. Caswell||Grand Junction|
|John W. Rockefellow||Crested Butte||David J. Kelley||Denver|
|James M. Downing||Aspen||John A. Williams||Denver|
|1 —||A. M. Stevenson||Denver||C. B. Timberlake||Holyoke|
|John F. Vivian||Golden||James Cowie||Boulder|
|2 —||C. J. Hart||Pueblo||J. J. Elliott||Central City|
|Charles H. Brickenstein||Conejos||Charles Newman||Durango|
|Morgan C. Buckley||Hartford||Lewis B. Plimpton||Hartford|
|John I. Hutchinson||Essex||Wm. T. Rockwell||Meriden|
|A. J. Brewer||Norwich||Frederick Farnsworth||New London|
|Samuel Fessenden||Stamford||Howard B. Scott||Danbury|
|1 —||J. A. Cheney||South Manchester||Chas. M. Jarvis||Berlin|
|Geo. Sykes||Rockville||Wm. H. Prescott||Vernon|
|2 —||Rufus Blake||Derby||James Graham||Orange|
|John M. Douglas||Middletown||Wm. A. Brathwell||Chester|
|3 —||T. H. Allen||Sprague||Jas. Pendleton||Stonington|
|Charles E. Searles||Thompson||Lucius H. Fuller||Thompson|
|4 —||E. O. Keeler||Norwalk||John A. Busling||Bridgeport|
|Hubert Williams||Salisbury||Rufus E. Holmes||West Winsted|
|Anthony Higgins.||Henry G. Morse.|
|John Pilling.||James H. Wilson.|
|Washington Hastings.||Henry L. Hynson.|
|Henry A. Dupont.||Joshua Parker.|
|Cornelius P. Swain.||Robert Arnell.|
|L. H. Ball, M. D.||W. E. Cordery.|
|Joseph E. Lee||Jacksonville||M. M. Moore||Orlando|
|John G. Long||St. Augustine||John R. Scott||Jacksonville|
|Emory F. SKinner||Escambia||A. Lincoln Pohalski||Key West|
|L. W. Livingston||Key West||B. C. Tunison||Pensacola|
|1 —||M. S. White||Apalachicola||W. H. Northrop||Pensacola|
|James N. Coombs||Pensacloa||A. C. Sammis||Port Tampa|
|2 —||Dennis Eagan||Jacksonville||John E. Stillman||Jacksonville|
|Isaac L. Purcell||Palatka||W. A. WIlkinson||Flemington|
|A. E. Buck||Atlanta||R. D. Locke||Macon|
|H. L. Johnston||Atlanta||L. M. Plesant||Savannah|
|Henry A. Rucker||Atlanta||B. J. Davis||Dawson|
|John J. Devaeux||Macon||R. R. Wright||College|
|1 —||M. J. Doyle||Savannah||F. N.Sims||Thebes|
|S. B. Morse||Savannah||P. J. Majors||Waynesboro|
|2 —||B. F. Brimberry||Albany||J. J. Mitchell||Mercer's Mills|
|J. C. Styles||Dawson||A. E. Dippett||Albany|
|3 —||W. P. Pierce||Leesburg||Augustus Pate||Hawkinsville|
|E. S. Richardson||Marchalville||F. M. Harkless||Delegal|
|4 —||W. H. Johnson||Columbus||Samuel Lovejoy||Greenville|
|D. V. Norwood||Newnan||J. H. Grant||Forsyth|
|5 —||D. C. Wimbish||Atlanta||J. M. Smith||Monroe|
|L. J. Price||South Atlanta||W. R. Gray||Cambleton|
|6 —||F. J. Wimberly||Atlanta||P. S. Arnold||Fayetteville|
|I. W. Wood||Forsyth||Richard Carey||Griffin|
|7 —||Charles Adamson||Cedartown||Frank Lynch||Dallas|
|T. M. Dent||Rome||Eli H. Chandler||Marietta|
|8 —||W. A. Pledger||Atlanta||H. Carter||Lexington|
|M. B. Morton||Athens||T. L. Kennedy||Elberton|
|9 —||A. J. Spence||Nelson||H. M. Ellington||Ellijay|
|J. B. Gaston||Gainesville||H. D. Ingersoll||Dahlonega|
|10 —||Judson W. Lyons||Augusta||Wm. A. McCloud||Wadley|
|J. M. Barnes||Thompson||A. E. Williams||Gordon|
|11 —||Wm. Jones||Valdosta||J. M. Holzendorf||Sheffield|
|S. M. Scarlett||Waycross||Giles McLendon||Dublin|
|F. T. Dubois||Blackfoot||A. V. Frguson||Pocatelia|
|Willis Sweet Moscow||Littleton||C. J. Bassett||Pocatella|
|Price Littleton||Wallace||C. W. Beal||Wallace|
|A. B. Campbell||Wallace||T. A. Deitrick||Blackfoot|
|Ben E. Rich||Roxbury||S. C. John||Hailey|
|Alexander Robertson||Nampa||R. W. Purdum||Nampa|
|Robert W. Patterson||Chicago||Chas. M. Pepper||Chicago|
|Wm. Penn Nixon||Chicago||James W. Ellsworth||Chicago|
|Joseph W. Fifer||Bloomington||Rev. Jordan Chavis||Quinsy|
|Richard J. Oglesby||Elkhart||Pleasant T. Chapman||Vienna|
|1 —||Martin B. Madden||Chicago||B. E. Hoppin||Chicago|
|Frank C. Roby||Chicago||F. C. Propper||Chicago|
|2 —||Edwin S. Conway||Oak Park||W. H. Bennett||Austin|
|Wm. Lorimer||Chicago||Walter Page||Chicago|
|3 —||Edward R. Brainerd||Chicago||William Murphy||Chicago|
|George M. Schneider||Chicago||John A. Kuns||Chicago|
|4 —||Joseph Bidwill||Chicago||William H. Currau||Chicago|
|Thomas O'Shaughnessy||Chicago||Henry S. Burkhardt||Chicago|
|5 —||John M. Smyth||Chicago||James H. Burke||Chicago|
|Phillip Knopf||Ouicago||James Painter||Chicago|
|6 —||Samuel B. Raymond||Chicago||Samuel E. Erickson||Chicago|
|Graeme Steward||Chicago||Charles W. Catlin||Chicago|
|7 —||Charles Whitney||Waukegan||Stephen A. Reynolds||Maplewood|
|George P. Engelhardt||Evanston||Wm. Gahagan||Chicago|
|8 —||Isaac L. Ellwood||DeKalb||T. B. Stewart||Elburn|
|H. D. Judson||Aurora||H. D. Crum||Woodstock|
|9 —||Smith D. Atkins||Freeport||Charles E. Fuller||Belvidere|
|E. S. Farrand||Dixon||F. M. Jenks||Mt. Carroll|
|10 —||Chas. H. Deere||Moline||W. H. Edwards||Rock Island|
|L. E. Brookfleld||Sterling||F. G. Ramsay||Morrison|
|11 —||Duncan McDougall||Ottawa||F. R. Stewart||Strawn|
|Thomas J. Henderson||Princeton||Edward Burton||Princeton|
|12 —||H. K. Wheeler||Kankakee||J. D. Benedict||Danville|
|H. M. Snapp||Joliet||Addison Goddell||Loda|
|13 —||W. H. Kratz||Monticello||N. M. Benefit||Atwood|
|Charles G. Eckert||Tuscola||T. M. King||Gibson City|
|14 —||Clarence E. Snively||Canton||George Hutchins||Lacon|
|J. C. Pinckney||Peoria||Frank A. High||Mason City|
|15 —||J. Mack Scholl||Carthage||J. H. Basterat||Quincy|
|J. O. Anderson||Decorah||Washington Brockman||Mt. Sterling|
|16 —||Asa C. Mathews||Pittsfleld||E. M. Husted||Roodhouse|
|Sargent McKnight||Girard||Thomas Conlyt||Beardston|
|17 —||J. Otis Humphrey||Springfield||N. W. Branson||Petersburg|
|Hugh Orea||Decatur||J. E. Hill||Lincoln|
|18 —||H. J. Hamlin||Shelbyville||F. R. Millinor||Litchfleld|
|A. H. Kinne||Highland||W. W. Lowis||Greenville|
|19 —||A. H. Jones||Robinson||Aden Knoph||Oiney|
|H. A. Neal||Charleston||John Q. Hitch||West Liberty|
|20 —||Thomas S. Ridgeway||Shawneetown||H. S. Plummer||Mt. Vernon|
|Walter Colyer||Albion||Van R. Price||Mt. Erie|
|21 —||W. A. Rodenburg||East St. Louis||H. L. Rhodes||Centralia|
|J. D. Gerlach||Chester||W. D. Carter||Nashville|
|22 —||Frank A. Prickett||Carbondale||A. N. Starks||Metropolis|
|James E. Jobe||Harrisburg||Richard Taylor||Cairo|
|Col. E. W. Thompson||Terre Haute||Hiram Brownlee||Marion|
|C. W. Fairbanks||Indianapolis||E. O. Hopkins||Evansville|
|Gen. Lew Wallace||Crawfordsville||George L. Knox||Indianapolis|
|Frank M. Millikan||Newcastle||E. T. McDonald||Ft. Wayne|
|1 —||Jas. H. McNeely||Evansviile||E. E. Lockwood||Poseyville|
|Jas. B. Gamble||Princeton||Otto Kolb||Boonville|
|2 —||Nat. U. Hill||Bloornington||M. C. Stephenson||Worth ington|
|B. F. Polk||Freelandville||V. V. Williams||Bedford|
|3 —||H. C. Hobbs||Salem||John Zimmerman||Cannelton|
|John T. Stout||Paoli||J. L. Fisher||Scottsburg|
|4 —||O. H. Montgomery||Seymour||W. G. Norris||North Vernon|
|A. E. Nowlin||Lawrenceburg||Simon Beymer||Rising Sun|
|5 —||Taylor Reagan||Plainfield||David Strouse||Rockville|
|Jesse W. Weik||Greencastle||A. J. Ralph||Dana|
|6 —||Elmer E. Stoner||Greenfield||H. E. Lennard||Matamora|
|J. W. Ross||Connersville||T. C. Kennedy||Shelbyville|
|7 —||Harry S. New||Indianapolis||Wm. Kothe||Indianapolis|
|Jos. B. Keeling||Indianapolis||W. T. Thompson||Edinburg|
|8 —||W. T. Durbin||Anderson||L. O. Davenport||Bluffton|
|T. H. Johnson||Dunkirk||B. W. Quinn||Decatur|
|9 —||D. A. Coulter||Frankfort||Jas. B. Johns||Tipton|
|C. N. Williams||Crawfordsville||W. O. Darnell||Lebanon|
|10 —||G. S. VanDusen||Michigan City||Elmer E. Brigharn||Goodland|
|Cloyd Laughery||Monticello||Clark Cook||Fooler|
|11 —||A. L. Lawshe||Converse||C. W. Watkins||Huntington|
|Lewis Signs||North Manchester||L. McDowell||Kokomo|
|12 —||Frank S. Roby||Angola||Chas. Sullivan||Garrett|
|Charles D. Law||Fort Wayne||J. D. Farrell||La Grange|
|13 —||A. L. Brick||South Bend||Alonzo Craig||North Hudson|
|J. H. Heatwole||Gosheu||Edwin Newton||Winamac|
|John H. Gear||Burlington||George M. Curtis||Clinton|
|W. P. Hepburn||Clarinda||E. G. McMillen||O'Brien|
|D. B. Henderson||Dubuque||Phila Shaller||Sac City|
|J. S. Clarkson||Des Moines||C. J. A. Erickson||Boone|
|1 —||James C. Davis||Keokuk||J. A. Cunningham||Washington|
|Charles M. Junkin||Fairfield||E. F. Lacy||Louisa|
|2 —||Seth L. Baker||Bellevue||J. L. Smith||Clinton|
|George W. French||Davenport||W. W. McMullen||Muscatine|
|3 —||Edward Knott||Waverly||F. J. Will||Eagle Grove|
|J. T. Merry||Manchester||Charles T. Hancock||Dubuque|
|4 —||S. B. Zeigler||West Union||F. G. Atherton||Osage|
|Edward Collins||Northwood||Wm. H. Parker||Lawler|
|5 —||G. R. Struble||Toledo||F. O. Letts||Marshalltown|
|S. W. Rathbun||Marion||W. F. Lake||Jones|
|6 —||Calvin Maning||Otturawa||N. S. Johnson||Boomfield|
|W. H. Needham||Sigourney||John E. Offil||Prairie City|
|7 —||A. B. Cummings||Des Moines||O. R. Benton||Dallas|
|C. D. Bevington||Winterset||J. A. Mills||Srory|
|8 —||L. Banks Wilson||Creston||E. J. Dickinson||Corydon|
|E. H. Spence||Mt. Ayr||W. D. Eaton||Sidney|
|9 —||John N. Baldwin||Council Bluffs||F. M. Hopkins||Guthrie Centre|
|Silas Wilson||Atlantic||S. J. Patterson||Logan|
|10 —||George C. Call||Algona||S. J. Moore||Boone|
|H. W. Macumber||Carroll||J. H. Bradt||Rockwell City|
|11 —||F. H. Heisell||Sioux Rapids||C. H. Winterable||Primghar|
|E. C. Roach||Rock Rapids||Lyman Whittier||Onawa|
|Cyrus Leland, Jr.||Troy||W. B. Townsend||Leavenworth|
|Nathaniel Barnes||Kansas City||Thos. Anderson||Wilder|
|Thomas J. Anderson||Topeka||E. L. Shafer||Council Grove|
|A. P. Riddle||Minneapolis||W. H. Nelson||Arkansas City|
|M. M. Murdock||Wichita||T. M. Walker||Alton|
|O. A. Swenson||Lindsboro||George Huyckel||Ellsworth|
|1 —||Wm. C. Hook||Leavenworth||C. F. Isaacson||Seneca|
|John Schilling||Hiawatha||Oscar Fagerburg||Belvue|
|2 —||Grant Hornaday||Ft. Scott||T. M. Hancock||Olathe|
|W. H. Brown||Paola||D. A. Crocker||Pleasanton|
|3 —||John Randolph||Pittsburg||Sam'l Fitzpatrick||Sedan|
|E. G. Dewey||Elk City||John Sperry||Thayer|
|4 —||I. E. Lambert||Emporia||D. P. Blood||Douglass|
|J. S. Dean||Marion||C. A. Sayre||Cedar Point|
|5 —||T. D. Fitzpatrick||Salina||A. B. Kimball||Scandia|
|Geo. W. Higgenbothen||Manhattan||T. E. Raines||Concordia|
|6 —||E. F. Robinson||Osborne||G. A. Gilpin||Oberlin|
|I. T. Purcell||Grove City||Dr. W. A. Lee||Stockton|
|7 —||H. J. Bone||Ashland||John C. Nicholson||Newton|
|Frank Vincent||Hutchinson||F. L. Irish||Sterling|
|L. P. Tarlton||Frankfort||W. J. Lyons||Newport|
|W. J. DeBoe||Marion||Thos Forman||Mayville|
|A. R. Burnam||Richmond||Edward Chenault||Lexington|
|S. E. Smith||Owensboro||W. F. Welsh||Beattyville|
|1 —||J. H. Happy||Eddyville||Irwin Wood||Kutana|
|W. B. Yandell||Marion||Jacob Marshall||Wickliffe|
|2 —||H. G. Overstreet||Owensboro||Geo. Irwin||Calhoun|
|T. W. Gardner||Rome||Rev. P. H. Kennedy||Henderson|
|3 —||W. G. Hunter||Burksville||J. B. Coffman||Russellville|
|J. L. Butler||Morgantown|
|4 —||J. B. Carlisle||Lebanon||J. Canvers||Mumfordville|
|B. B. Burton||Hardingsburg||J. E. Wood||Elizabethtown|
|5 —||George D. Todd||Louisville|
|Charles E. Sapp||Crescent Hill|
|6 —||W. McD. Shaw||Covington||R. P. Ernst||Covington|
|C. N. Nalandingham||Williamstown||John Tettan||Falmouth|
|7 —||George Denny||Lexington||R. P. Stoll||Lexington|
|Leslie Combs||Lexington||John Tettan||Georgetown|
|8 —||J. W. Yerkes||Danville||S. E. Welch||Derea|
|J. W. Carperton||Richmond||J. N. Cuelton||Redhouse|
|9 —||J. P. McCartney||Flemingsburg||Dr T. S. Bardford||Augusta|
|Frank Coles||Ashland||J. B. Wilhoit||Grayson|
|10 —||Jeff. Prater||Salyersville||Capt. D. L. Cook||Winchester|
|Howard Wilson||Mt. Sterling||R. L. Stewart||Hindman|
|11 —||John G. White||Manchester||J. A. Coleman||Monticello|
|L. T. Neat||Columbia||John Eversole||Booneville|
|Henry Demas||Edgurd||J. J. Sullivan||Donaldsouville|
|J. Madison Vance||New Orleans||Joseph Honore, Jr.||New Orleans|
|Albert H. Leonard||Shreveport||W. H. Williams||New Orleans|
|William Pitt Kellogg||New Orleans||S. A. Warden||New Orleans|
|1 —||Henry C. Warmoth||Magnolia||James Lewis||New Orleans|
|Walter L. Cohen||New Orleans||A. T. Gabriel||New Orleans|
|2 —||A. T. Wimberly||New Orleans||L. B. Carmouche||McDonoghville|
|Richard Simms||Central||Ernest Ducogne||New Orleans|
|3 —|| T. A. Cage (Ë vote)
Mayer Cohen (Ë vote) .
|New Orleans Donaldsonville||H. O. Maher||Donaldsonville|
|L. S. Clark (Ë vote)
Wm. J. Behan (Ë vote)
|Franklin Now Orleans||J. S. Davidson||Bayou Goula|
|4 —||B. F. O'Neal||Benton|
|5 —||J. B. Donelly||New Orleans||J. M. Cook||East Carroll|
|S. W. Green||Lake Providence||Charles J. Green||Ruston|
|6 —||T. B. Brooks||Opelousas||Michael Winfield|
|W. Wylie Johnson||Mandeville||Henry Eisle||Bayou Chicot|
|Amos L. Allen||Alfred||John I. Sturgis||New Gloucester|
|Charles E. Littlefield||Rockland||B. F. Briggs||Auburn|
|Edwin C. Burleigh||Augusta||Charles A. Marston||Skowhegan|
|E. A. Thompson||Dover||George B. Dunn||Houlton|
|1 —||George P. Westcott||Portland||Charles E. Townsend||Brunswick|
|J. T. Davidson||York||Joseph F. Warren||Buxton|
|2 —||Harold M. Sewall||Bath||Waldo Pettingell||Rumford Falls|
|Hiram Ricker||Poland||W. S. White||Rockland|
|3 —||Forrest Goodwin||Skowhegan||Edward B Rodick||Bar Harbor|
|Esward W. Chase||Blue Hill||Geo. W. Heseltine||Gardiner|
|4 —||Stanley Plummer||Dexter||Isaiah K. Stetson||Bangor|
|W. M. Nash||Cherryfleld||Gleason R. Campbell||Cherryfield|
|George L. Wellington||Cumberland||W. B. Fletcher||Annapolis|
|James A. Gary||Baltimore||George W. Bryant||Baltimore|
|\Villiam T. Malster||Baltimore||H. M. Sinclair||Cambridge|
|Robert P. Graham||Salisbury||N. M. Rittenhouse||Baltimore|
|1 —||Wm. D. Straughn||Snow Hill||Wm. J. Vannort||Chestertown Centreville|
|B. Gootee Stevens||Williston||John P. Forester||Centreville|
|2 —||W. J. Smith||Elk ton||Milton Schaeffer||Westminster|
|C. Ross Mace||Baltimore||E. M. Hoffman||Baltimore|
|3 —||Wm. F. Airey||Baltimore||John C. Smith||Baltimore|
|T. Frank Tyler||Baltimore||John C. Friedel||Baltimore|
|4 —||Felix Agnus||Baltimore||Robert L. Stevens||Baltimore|
|Wm. E. Tilghman||Baltimore||Conrad Willis||Baltimore|
|5 —||Washington G Tuck||Annapolis||John I. Brookes||Mutual|
|Sydney E. Mudd||Bryantown||Benjamin F. Hiss||Baltimore|
|6 —||S. T Haft'ner||Frederick||David E. Dick||Frostburg|
|Robert S. Crawford||Hagerstown||Charles B. Jones||Rockville|
|Henry Cabot Lodge||Nabant||Roland H. Boutwell||Belmont|
|W. Murray Crane||Dalton||Richard F. Hawkins||Springfield|
|Eben S. Draper||Hopedale||Louis C. Southard||Easton|
|Curtis Guild, Jr.||Boston||S. K. Courtney||Boston|
|1 —||Perley A. Russell||Barrington||George K. Baird||Lee|
|Wm. Whiting||Holyoke||Franklin E, Snow||Greenfield|
|2 —||Elisha Morgan||Springfield||H. W. Irwin||Northampton|
|Walter M. Wright||Orange||Thomas H. Goodspeed||Athol|
|3 —||A. E. Smith||Leicester||Granby P. Bridges||Hopkinton|
|M. V. B. Jefferson||Worcester||Jas. P. Crosby||Worcester|
|4 —||Geo. W. Weymouth||Fitchburg||Henry Parsons||Marlboro|
|Chas. K. Moulton||Waltham||George J. Burns||Ayer|
|5 —||William M. Wood||Andover||E. F. Johnson||Woburn|
|H. K. White||Lowell||N. P. Frye||A'ndover|
|6 —||Geo. R. Jewett||Salem||Chas. O. Baily||Newbury|
|H. Hale Willard||Newburyport||Chas. D. Brown||Gloucester|
|7 —||Amos F. Bread||Lynn||George H. Dunham||Chelsea|
|Jas. Pierce||Maiden||Walter S. Keene||Stoneham|
|8 —||A. E. Winship||Somerville||Stanley Ruffln||Boston|
|John Hopewell, Jr.||Cambridge||Edward S. Crockett||Boston|
|9 —||Geo. A. Hibbard||Boston||Arthur G. Wood||Boston|
|Jesse M. Gove||Boston||Peter Morrison||Boston|
|10 —||Augustus T. Sweat||Boston||Stephen M. Marshall||Boston|
|Chas. L. Hammond||Quincy||Geo. F. Lowell||Boston|
|11 —||Everett C. Ben ton||Belmont||Chas. H. Utely||Brookline|
|John S. Richardson||Boston||Burrill Porter Jr.||North Attleborough|
|12 —||Robert O. Harris||East Bridgewater||Thos. E. Grover||Canton|
|Fred. S. Hall||Taunton||A. H. Washburn||Middleboro|
|13 —||Wm. M. Butler||New Bedford||Walter I. Rich||Barnstable|
|Leontine Lincoln||Fall River||Walter O. Luscomb||Falmouth|
|Russell A. Alger||Detroit||Crawford S. Kelsey||Battle Creek|
|Thomas J. O'Brien||Grand Rapids||Henry A. Haigh||Detroit|
|John Duncan||Calumet||George A. Kempf||Chelsea|
|Mark S. Brewer||Pontiao||Isaac C. Washington||Port Huron|
|1 —||David Meginity||Detroit||Otto E. E. Guelich||Detroit|
|Freeman B. Dickerson||Detroit||James H. Stone||Detroit|
|2 —||James T. Hurst||Wvandotte||Chas. A. Blair||Jackson|
|Edward P. Allen||Ypsilanti||Henry C. Smith||Adrian|
|3 —||Hamilton King||Olivet||Albert A. Dorrance||Coldwater|
|Ebenezer O. Grosvenor||Jonesville||Herbert E. Winsor||Marshall|
|4 —||Frank W. Waitt||Sturgis||John L. Yost||Cassopolis|
|Richard B. Messer||Hastings||Henry Sherwood||Reedsville|
|5 —||Gerrit J. Diekema||Holland||Neil McMillan||Rockford|
|Wm. H. Anderson||Grand Rapids||Grant M. Morse||Ionia|
|6 —||Win. McPherson||Howell||Theodore M. Wolter||Detroit|
|Geo. W. Buckingham||Flint||John Robson||Lansing|
|7 —||John L. Starkweather||Romeo||Samuel W. Vance||Port Huron|
|Wm. H. Aitken||Banilac||J. Herbert Cole||Lapeer|
|8 —||Oliver L. Spaulding||St. John||Geo. W. Hill||Saginaw|
|Theron W. Atwood||Caro||Otto Sprague||Owossa|
|9 —||Ohas. H. Hackley||Muskegon||Frank P. Dunwell||Ludington|
|Edgar Gr. Maxwell||Pentwater||Earl Fairbanks||Luther|
|10 —||Temple Emery||East Tawas||Pearly C. Heald||Midland|
|J. Frank Eddy||Bay City||Eugene Foster||Gladwin|
|11 —||Edgar P. Babcock||Kalkaska||Legrand E. Slussar||Mancelona|
|Chas. L. Crandall||Big Rapids||Geo. W. Minchin||Evart|
|12 —||James McNaughton||Iron Mountain||Henry J. Woessner||Menominee|
|Charles E. Miller||Ironwood||Frank O. Mead||Escanaba|
|George Thompson||St. Paul||A. H. Reed||Glencoe|
|R. G. Evans||Minneapolis||Ira C. Richardson||Thief River Palls|
|L. P. Hunt||Mankato||James Diment||Owatonua|
|Chas. F. Hendryx||Sauk Centre||Burger Thurstenson||Cokato|
|1 —||A. D. Gray||Preston||P. H. Bailey||Waseca|
|L. S. Swenson||Albert Lea||Olans K. Dahl||Caledonia|
|2 —||W. R. Edwards||Tracy||L. G. Beebe||Winnebago City|
|W. H. Rowe||St. James||D. A. McLarty||Granite Palls|
|3 —||L. F. Hubbard||Red Wing||F. F. Griebe||Hastings|
|T. M. Paine||Glencoe||Samuel Bowler||Belle Plaine|
|4 —||Wm. H. Merriam||St. Paul||Fred S. Bryant||St. Paul|
|J. H. Crandall||Cottage Grove||H. F. Barker||Cambridge|
|5 —||Chas. A. Pillsbury||Minneapolis||Chas. S. Cairns||Minneapolis|
|Ell Torrence||Minneapolis||J. Frank Wheaton||Minneapolis|
|6 —||Munroe Nichols||Duluth||W. S. McDonald||Annandale|
|A. D. Davidson||Little Falls||Frank Wilson||Wadena|
|7 —||C. J. Gunderson||Alexandria||P. H. Kobzens||Hallock|
|Ezra G. Valentine||Breckenridge||G. S. W attain||Warren|
|James Hill||Jackson||Nelson A. Anderson||Vicksburg|
|John S. Burton||Holly Springs||William B. Sorsbye||Clinton|
|Albert M. Lee||Vicksburg||William A. Alcorn, Sr.||Clarksdale|
|E. H. Lampton||Greenville||William E. Mask||Winona|
|1 —||William F. Elgin||Corinth||Daniel A. Adams||Iuka|
|Richard D. Littlejohn||Columbus||John Fears||Monroe|
|2 —||George W. Buchanan||Holly Springs||William Kennedy||Ripley|
|William Simmons||Sardis||J. W. Avant||Oxford|
|3 —||Wesley Crayton||Vicksburg||George W. Butler||Anguilla|
|Joseph E. Ousley||Eutaw||George W. Gilliam||Lula|
|4 —||Charles Rosenbaum||De Kalb||James M. Loverette||Walthall|
|Eugene E. Pettibone||Grenada||Byron W. Foree||West Point|
|5 —||R. A. Simmons||Richland||John C. Hill||Meridian|
|A. J. Hyde||Meridian||J. W. Smith||Meridian|
|6 —||C. A. Simpson||Pass Christia||T. J. Keys||Ocean Springs|
|George F. Bowles||Natchez||J. L. Collins||Bay St. Louis|
|7 —||James M. Matthews, Sr.||Wesson||Emil Engbarth||Rodney|
|George C. Granberry||Raymond||Edward W. Jones||Jackson|
|Chauncey I. Filley||St. Louis||Louis Benecke||Brunswick|
|Wm. Warner||Kansas City||Jas. T. Moore||Lebanon|
|F. G. Niedringbaus||St. Louis||Leon Jordan||Kansas City|
|J. H. Bothwell||Sedalia||W. M. Farmer||St. Louis|
|1 —||Jos. Park||La Plata||J. L. Baker||Lancaster|
|Edward W. Robinson||Kahoka||A. J. Preeland||Lakeland|
|2 —||Jas L. Minnis||Carrollton||W. B. Rodgers||Trenton|
|J. B. Swanger||Milan||W. B. Stewart||Moberly|
|3 —||M. M. Campbell||Albany||James A. Rathbun||Braymer|
|Jackson Walker||Bethany||P. M. Hatch||Osborn|
|4 —||John G. Grems||Maryville||Ralph O. Stauber||St. Louis|
|J. L. Blttinger||St. Joseph||H. E. Ralston||Elmo|
|5 —||Joseph H. Harris||Kansas City||W. H. Wagoner||Independence|
|Ed. M. Taubman||Lexington||Nelson Crews||Kansas City|
|6 —||P. E. Kellogg||Rich Hill||B. Zick||Pleasant Hill|
|S. W. Jurden||Holden||Geo. R. Baker||Montrose|
|7 —||B. P. Leonard||Bolivar||F. B. Parker||Springfield|
|J. J. Smith||Sweet Springs||W. M Johns||Sedalia|
|8 —||A. R. Jackson||Climax Springs||W. Smithpeter||Buffalo|
|F. B. Landar||California||W. L. Vaughn||Linn|
|9 —||A. F. Mispagel||St. Charles||T. L. Douglas||Mexico|
|S. T. Sharp||Montgomery City||S. R. McKay||Troy|
|10 —||L. J. W. Wall||St. Louis||G. A. Wurdeman||Old Orchard|
|Ohas. F. Gallinkamp||Union||Fritz. W. Clemens||St. Louis|
|11 —||F. B. Brownell||St. Louis||L. M. Fishback||St. Louis|
|Lee A. Phillips||St. Louis||Henry Gaus, Jr.||St. Louis|
|12 —||Nathan Frank||St. Louis||T. A. Arnold||St. Louis|
|Chas. D. Comfort||St. Louis||C. G. Schoenhard, Jr.||St. Louis|
|13 —||C. B. Parsons||Riverside||John Schwab, Jr.||Ironton|
|C. Jesse Roote||Mansfield||Ray Philips||Hoy|
|14 —||M. B. Gideon||Ozark||M. E. Shelton||Poplar Bluff|
|J. L. Davis||Forsyth||R. A. Sparks||Benton|
|15 —||T. B. Haughawout||Carthage||T. L. Wills||Lamar|
|G. A. Purdy||Pierce City||John C. Herms||Neosho|
|Lee Mantle||Batte||P. R. Dolmen||Butte|
|Thomas H. Garter||Helena||Tom B. Miller .||Helena|
|Charles S. Hartman||Roseman||O. F Goddard||Billings|
|Thomas C. Marshall||Missoula||J. M. Sligh||Philipsburg|
|Alex. Metzel||Puller's Springs||J. B. Losee||Anaconda|
|Tared W. Stowell||Miles City||J. G. Bair.||Choteau|
|John L. Webster||Omaha||O. G. Smith||Kearney|
|Thomas P. Kennard||Lincoln||L. P. Judd||Cedar Rapids|
|Peter Jansen||Jansen||C. B. Dempster||Beatrice|
|George H. Thurnmel||Grand Island||A. C. Wright||Elmwood|
|1 —||L. L. Lindsey||Lincoln||S. P. Davidson||Tecumseh|
|H. N. Dovey||Plattsmouth||James Walsh||Benson|
|2 —||John M. Thurston||Omaha||B. F. Monroe||Blair|
|John C. Cowin||Omaha||H. C. Baird||Coleridge|
|3 —||John T. Bressler||Wayne||C. J. Garlow||Columbus|
|John C. Martin||Clarks||A. Graham||Beatrice|
|4 —||P. M. Wetherald||Helron||G. J. Railback||Ashland|
|C. B. Anderson||DeWitt||C. H. Beaumont||Madrid|
|5 —||J. P. A. Black||Bloomington||J. S. Hoover||Blue Hill|
|S. W. Christy||Edgar||E. J. Davenport||Valentine|
|6 —||B. H. Goodeil||Kearney||J. O. Taylor||Broken Bow|
|E. L. Meyer||Newport|
|A. C. Cleveland||Cleveland||S. A. D. Glasscock.||Osceola|
|Enoch Strother||Virginia||W. S. Bonnilield||Winnemucca|
|J. B. Overton||Virginia||C. H. Oolburn||Virginia|
|C. H. Sproule||Elko||John Torre||Eureka|
|W. D. Phillips||Reno||W. W. Williams||Stillwater|
|Geo. F. Turrittin||Reno||P. L Flannigan||Reno|
|Stephen S. Jewett||Laconia||Stephen H. Gale||Exeter|
|B. F. S. Streeter||Concord||Dexter Richards||Newport|
|Charles T. Means||Manchester||Oscar S. Hatch||Littleton|
|James A. Wood.||Acworth||George A. Clark||Manchester|
|1 —||Charles B. Gafney||Rochester||John W. Rowe||Brentwood|
|W. D. Sawyer||Dover||A. C. Kennett||Conway|
|2 —||Tohn A. Spanlding||Nashau||Frank P. Maynard||Claremont|
|John H. Brown||Bristol||Thomas C. Rand||Keene|
|William J. Sewell||Camden||H. C. Loudenslager||Woodbury|
|Garrett A. Hobart||Patterson||Clarence E. Breckenridge||Maywood|
|Franklin Murphy||Newark||Charles H. Reed||Plainfleld|
|John Keen||Elizabeth||Barker Gummere||Trenton|
|1 —||Robert E. Hand||Cape May||Frank E. Patterson||Camden|
|George Hires||Salem||Charles M. Wilkins||Wenona|
|2 —||Frederick W. Boebling||Trenton||Henry J. Irick||Vincetown|
|Alfred M. Bradshaw||Lakewood||George Clinton||Atlantic City|
|3 —||T. Frank Appleby||Asbury Park||Charles H. Reed||Plainfleld|
|John W. Herbert, Jr.||Helrnetta||Charles Place||Somerville|
|4 —||Stephen K. Large||White House||Theo. P. Margerum||Dickerson|
|A. Blair Kelsey||Belvidere||Geo. W. Stickles||Rockaway|
|5 —||Wm. Barbour||218 Church St.. N. York||B. W. Spencer||Passaic|
|Jos. H. Quackenbush||Patterson||Wm. Makensie||Rutherford|
|6 —||John Franklin Fort||Newark||Frederick Mock||Newark|
|Charles Bradley||Newark||Frank M. Parker||Newark|
|7 —||Samuel D. Dickinson||Jersey City||Joseph Giusta||Hoboken|
|Thomas McEwan, Jr.||Jersey City||Thomas Aldconi||New Durham|
|8 —||Frank Bergen||Elizabeth||Charles J. Fisk||Plainfleld|
|William Riker, Jr.||Orange||Charles W. Fuller||Jersey City|
|Thomas C. Platt||New York||Hamilton Fish||Garrisons|
|Warner Miller||Herkimer||Franks. Weatherbee||PortHenry|
|Chauncey M. Depew||New York||C. D. Babcock||Rochester|
|Edward Lauterbach||New York||Daniel H. McMillan||Buffalo|
|1 —||H. C. Johnson||Astoria||Augustus Denton||New Hyde Park|
|Walter L. Suydara||Blue Point||Joseph H. Newins||Riverhead|
|2 —||Theodore B. Willis||Brooklyn||Denis M. Hurley||Brooklyn|
|Geo. H. Roberts, Jr.||Brooklyn||Wm. E. Phillips||Brooklyn|
|3 —||Timothy L. Woodruff||Brooklyn||Jacob Brenner||Brooklyn|
|W. B. Atterbury||New York||Jas. Lefferts||Flatbush|
|4 —||Granville W. Harman||Brooklyn||Fred. E. Shipman||Brooklyn|
|Jos. R. Clark||Brooklyn||Jas. P. Connell||Bath Beach|
|5 —||Fred. W. Wurster||Brooklyn||J. P. Milliken||Brooklyn|
|Ernest J. Kaltenbach||Brooklyn||Frank Vogt||Brooklyn|
|6 —||Henry O. Saffen||Brooklyn||James F. Bendernagle||Brooklyn|
|George W. Palmer||Brooklyn||Jacob Worth||Brooklyn|
|7 —||Cornelius Van Cott||New York||Frederick Hadley||New York|
|Hugh McRoberts||Tompkinsvllle||Frank Foggin||Port Richmond|
|8 —||Lispenard Stewart||New York||Simon Gavin||New York|
|L. L. Van Allen||New York||John Moran||New York|
|9 —||Charles H. Murray||New York||Christian Goetz||New York|
|J. J. Collins||New York||Abraham A. Joseph||New York|
|10 —||Frederick S. Gibbs||New York||Clarence W. Meade||New York|
|John P. Windolph||New York||Jos. T. Hackett||New York|
|11 —||Jacob M. Patterson||New York||Conrad C. Wiserman||New York|
|George Hillard||New York||Chas. N. Jerolrnan||New York|
|12 —||Cornelius N. Bliss (Ë vote)||New York||P. T. Sherman||New York|
|H. V R. Kruger (Ë vote)||New York||Edward Hardy||New York|
|Howard Carroll (Ë vote)||New York||C. A. Simms||New York|
|ThurlowWeedBarnes (Ë v't)||New York||Ohas. Eidlich||New York|
|13 —||William Brookfleld||New York||T. F. Egan||New York|
|Anson G. McCook||New York||Robert Miller||New York|
|14 —||L. E. Quigg||New York||Jastro Alexander||New York|
|Abraham Grnber||New York||Henry R. Hoyt||New York|
|15 —||O. H. T. Collis||New York||Elias Goodman||New York|
|Robert J. Wright||New York||Geo. H. Button||NewYork|
|16 —||Wm. H. Robertson||Katonah||Francis M. Carpenter||Mt. Kisoo|
|John G. Peene||Yonkers||Frank F. Miller||Tarry town|
|17 —||Benj. B. Odell. Jr.||Newberg||Arthur S. Thompkins||Nyack|
|Thos. W. Bradley||Waldon||Jos M. Dickey||Newberg|
|18 —||John H. Ketoham||Dover Plains||L. W. Vail||Poughkeepsie|
|S. D. Coykendall||Rondout||A. T. Clearwater||Kingston|
|19 —||Frank S. Black||Troy||John A. Quackenbush.||Stillwater|
|Louis F. Payne||Chatham||Perkins F. Cady||Hudson|
|20 —||William Barnes, Jr.||Albany||Jas. H. Mitchell||Cohoes|
|Win. J. Walker||Albany||Hiram Griggs||Altamont|
|21 —||Edward Ellis||Schenectady||Jacob Snell||Fonda|
|J. LeRoy Jacobs||Cairo||L. W. Baxter||Cobleskill|
|22 —||Win. L. Proctor||Ogdensburg||Theo H. Swift||Potsdam|
|W. W. Worden||Saratosra Springs||Jas. P. Arginsinger||Johnstown|
|23 —||Addison B. Colvin||Glen Falls||Clayton H. Delano||Ticonderoga|
|Thomas A. Sears||Bombay||David F. Dobie||Plattsburgh|
|24 —||John T. Mott||Oswego||V. Lansing Waters||Lowville|
|D. C. Middleton||Watertown||Edward J. Tallman||LaFargeville|
|25 —||Frederick C. Weaver||Utica||Thos. Wheeler||Utica|
|Albert G. Story||Little Falls||B. B. VanDusen||Ilion|
|26 —||Frank J. Enz||Tthaca||Wesley Gould||Hancock|
|William A, Smyth||Oswego||George E. Greene||Binghamton|
|27 —||Frank Hiscock||Syracuse||E. F. Blair||Erievllle|
|Francis Hendricks||Syracuse||Jas. Loyster||Cazenovia|
|28 —||Sereno E. Payne||Auburn||J. Henry Smith||Penn Yan|
|John Raines||Canandaigua||Chas. O. Newton||Homer|
|29 —||John F. Parkhurst||Bath||Chas. M. Woodward||Walkins|
|Archie E. Baxter||Elrnira||Chas. T. Andrews||Seneca Falls|
|30 —||Archie D. Sanders||Stafford||Eugene Cary||Niagara Falls|
|Irviner M. Thompson||Albion||Clarence M. Alford||Livonia|
|31 —||Geo. W. Aldridge||Rochester||Frank P. Higbie||Chili Station|
|Wm. A. Sutherland||Eochester||Anderson Bowen||Fairport|
|32 —||John R. Hazel||Buffalo||Dennis J. Ryan||Buffalo|
|John Craft||Buffalo||Simon Selbert||Buffalo|
|33 —||George E. Matthews||Buffalo||Wru L. Marey||Buffalo|
|Wesley C. Dudley||Buffalo||John G. Wallemeier||Tonawanda|
|34 —||N. V. V. Franchot||Olean||E. A Curtis||Fredonia|
|Lester V. Stearns||Dunkirk||A. Miner Wellman||Friendship|
|Jeter C. Prichard||Marshal||J. Elwood Cox||Greensboro|
|James E. Boyd||Greensboro||C. T. Bailey||Raleigh|
|C. M. Bernard||Greenville||W. S. Hogari|
|George H. White||Tarboro||J. E. Dellinger||Greensboro|
|1 —||J. P. Butler||Jamesville||H. G. Gussom||Edenton|
|E. C. Duncan||Beaufort||Hugh Gale||Elizabeth City|
|2 —||J. H. Hanuon||Halifax|
|H. L. Grant||Goldsboro|
|3 —||A. R. Middleton||Keenansville|
|C. D. Waddell||Fayetteville|
|4 —||W. H. Martin||Raleigh||C. E. Spicer|
|E. A. Johnson||Raleigh||John N. Williamson|
|5 —||J. H. Holt. Jr., (Resigned).||W. H. Crews, Jr.||Oxford|
|W. T. O'Brian||Durham|
|6 —||J. W. Mullen (Ë vote)||Huntersville|
|J. B. Dudler (Ë vote)||Wilmington||E. M. Green|
|Z. F. Long (Ë vote)||Rockinghame|
|J. M. Goode (Ë vote)||Charlotte||Wm. McMullen||Charlotte|
|7 —||James H. Ramsey||Salisbury||E. D. Stanford||Yadkinville|
|C. G. Bailey||Advance||J. T. Cramer||Thomasville|
|8 —||M. L. Mott||Wilkesboro||W. G. Medows||Moravian Falls|
|J. B. Fortune||Shelby|
|9 —||C. J. Harris||Dillsboro|
|John G. Grant||Hendersonville|
|C. M. Johnson||Dwight||Austin King||Forman|
|S. T. Satterthwait||Fargo||George W. Soliday||New Rockford|
|O. S. Hanson||Buxton||E. H. Kent||Lakota|
|J. M. Devine||La Moure||M. B. Cassell||Sherbrooke|
|Alex. Hughes||Bismarck||H. L. Dickenson||Dickenson|
|George Bingenheimer||Mandan||W. A. Cadwell||Monanso|
|Joseph B. Foraker||Cincinnati||Dr. J. E. Lowes||Dayton|
|Asa S. Bushnell||Springfield||Charles Fleischman||Cincinnati|
|Chas. H. Grosvenor||Athens||John N. Taylor||East Liverpool|
|Mark A. Hanua||Cleveland||Johu P. Green||Cleveland|
|1 —||George B. Cox||Cincinnati||M. L. Kruckemeyer||Cincinnati|
|T. W. Graydon||Cincinnati||W. B. Shattuc||Cincinnati|
|2 —||John A. Caldwell||Cincinnati||John Goetz, Jr.||Cincinnati|
|Andrew Hickenlooper||Cincinnati||Colonel C. B. Wing||Cincinnati|
|3 —||Robert Wilson||Middletown||E. B. Weston||Dayton|
|Wm. E. Crume||Davton||W. S. Fornshell||Camden|
|4 —||George B. Davis||Wapakoneta||W. H. Phipps||Paulding|
|J. I. Allread||Greenville||J. W. Williams||Bryan|
|5 —||John M. Sheets||Ottawa||J. P. Dysert||Rockford|
|M. E. Loose||Napoleon||R. R. Mede||Anna|
|6 —||W. B. Harrison||Xenia||George P. Dunham||Wilmington|
|E. J. West||Wilmington||Horace L. Smith||Xenia|
|7 —||George W. Wilson||London||T. B. Kyle||Troy|
|Howard Johns||Circleville||John H. VanDemas||Washington C. H.|
|8 —||G. A. Eichelberger||Urbana||W. T. Hoopes||Marysville|
|J. C. Howe||Kenton||J. O. Brand, Jr.||Bellefontaine|
|9 —||Geo. H. Ketchum||Toledo||Robinson Locke||Toledo|
|J. M. Longnecker||Wauseon||Luther Black||Bowling Green|
|10 —||A. C. Thompson||Portsmouth||H. S. Willard||Wellston|
|J. K. Richards||Ironton||S. H. Eagle||Gallipolis|
|11 —||D. Massie||Chillicothe||Samuel W. Pascoe||New Lexington|
|Jeremiah Carpenter||Carpenter||Charles A. Cable||Nelsonville|
|12 —||Chas. L. Kurtz||Columbus|
|Henry C. Taylor||Columbus|
|13 —||Linn W. Hull||Sandusky||P. Cuneo||Upper Sandusky|
|George D. Copeland||Fremont||T. D. Campbell||Fostoria|
|14 —||Arthur L. Garford||Elyria||W. C. Cooper||Mt. Vernon|
|Jacob Cohn||Ashland||W. S. Cappellar||Mansfield|
|15 —||James R. Barr||Cambridge||E. M. Stanbery||McConnelsville|
|David Miller||Caldwell||W. B. Gaitree||Marietta|
|16 —||I. J. Gill||Steubenville||Thomas B. Rouse||Woodsville|
|David Cunningham||Gadiz||Wm. A. Hunt||St. Clairsville|
|17 —||G. A. Hay||Coshocton||A. B. Critchfield||Millersburg|
|W. H. Stout||Urichsville||J. H. Kauke||Millersburg|
|18 —||Caleb B. Wick||Younestown||Myron A. Norris||Youngstown|
|W. A. Smith||East Liverpool||James J. Grant||Canton|
|19 —||Frank Hutehins||Warren||J. N. Thomas||Niles|
|Charles Dick||Akron||S. P. Walcott||Kent|
|20 —||Andrew Squire||Cleveland||C. F. Leech||Cleveland|
|Robert McDowell||Cleveland||C. W. Osborne||Cleveland|
|21 —||Myron T. Herrick||Cleveland||Louis J. Rowbottom||Cleveland|
|Sylvester T. Everett||Cleveland||J. E. Benson||Cleveland|
|R. A. Booth||Grant's Pass||George A. Steel||Portland|
|Charles Hilton||The Dalles||Max Pracht||Ashland|
|John W. Meldrum||Oregon City||J. M. VanDuyn||Dallas|
|C. H. Dodd||Portland||M. C. Harrison||Portland|
|1 —||J. F. Calbreath||McMinnville||A. J. Johnson||Scio|
|R. S. Moore||Linkville||L. F. Willits||Ashland|
|2 —||Wallace McCamant||Portland||J. Bourne. Jr.||Portland|
|Charles W. Parrish.||Canyon City||Fred. W. Hendley||Pendleton|
|Daniel H. Hastings||Harrisburg||Chas. A. Minor||Wilkes-Barre|
|James Elverson||Philadelphia||Bois Penrose||Philadelphia|
|Francis J. Torrance||Pittsburg||Arthur Kennedy||Alleghany|
|James S. Beacon||Greensburg||S. J. McCarrell||Harrisburg|
|T. L. Flood||Meadville||Frank E. Hollar||Carlisle|
|Joseph Bosler||Ogontz||Chas. Miller||Franklin|
|W. W. Griest||Lancaster||James B. Raymond||Altoona|
|F. H. Barker||Ebcnsburg||Chas. M. Plank||Reading|
|1 —||Edwin S. Stuart||Philadelphia||Penrose A. McClain||Philadelphia|
|Israel W. Durham||Philadelphia||H. li. Bingham||Philadelphia|
|2 —||David H. Lane||Philadelphia||Frank M. Biter||Philadelphia|
|Jacob Wildmore (Hamilton Disston, deceased.)||Philadelphia||Wm. B. Ahern||Philadelphia|
|3 —||Joseph S. Klemmer (Ë v)||Philadelphia||David S. Scott||Philadelphia|
|Jas. B. Anderson (Ë vte)||Philadelphia||W. L. Smith||Philadelphia|
|Henry Clay||Philadelphia||Harry Hunter||Philadelphia|
|Ellwood Becker||Philadelphia||John Hunter||Philadelphia|
|4 —||Alex. Grow. Jr.||Philadelphia||A. Lincoln Acker||Philadelphia|
|Edward W. Patton||Philadelphia||A. S. L. Shields||Philadelphia (Germant'n)|
|5 —||David Martin||Philadelphia||Thomas J. Powers||Philadelphia|
|H. B. Hackett||Philadelphia||Harlan Page||Philadelphia|
|6 —||Smedley Darlington||West Chester||Thos. C. Speakman||Honey Brook|
|Thos J. Clayton||Thurlow||Wesley S. McDowell||Chester|
|7 —||Jas. B. Holland||Norristown||I. R. Halderman||Harleysville|
|Hugh B. Eastburn||Doylestown||Henry G. Moyer||Perkasie|
|8 —||Frank Reeder||Easton||Thos. C. Walton||Stroudsburg|
|J. M. Dreisbach||Mauch Chunk||Chester A. Pellet||Milford|
|9 —||Edward M. Young||Allentown||Llewellyn Williams||Slatington|
|A. M. High||Reading||H. S. Bard||Reading|
|10 —||H. BurdCassell||Marietta||J. Pranois Dunlop||Lanhein|
|J. Gust Zook||Lancaster||Day Wood||Goshen|
|11 —||Wm. Connell||Scranton||Conrad Schroder||Scranton|
|John T. Williams||Scranton||Jas. J. Williams||Archibald|
|12 —||John Leisenring.||Upper Lehieh||Chas. L. Wilde||Hazeltou|
|M. R. Morgans||Wilkes-Barro||Lewis Landmesser||Wilkes-Barre|
|13 —||John F. Finney||Pottsville||S. B. Edwards||Pottsville|
|Jos. D. McConnell||Ashland||John I. Matthias||Mahanoy City|
|14 —||Lucien E. Weimer||Lebanon||Alfred R. Houck||Lebanon|
|W. Mifflin Smith||Markleville||S. S. Willard||New Bloomfield|
|15 —||C. F. Wright||Susqueanna||Frank G. Sairs||Athens|
|E. B. Hardenburgh||Honesdale||Morris Sheppard||Towanda|
|16 —||Henry J. Landrus||Wellsboro||G. S. Horton||Williamsport|
|John S. Meyers||Lock Haven||Milton J. Potter||Coudersport|
|17 —||Wm. B. Faust||Mt. Carmel||Fred P. Vincent||Dushore|
|U. Y. James||Danville||William Buck||Centralia|
|18 —||John A. Seiders||Chambersburg||Howard O. Lantz||Lewistown|
|Jere B. Rox||Huntington||A. M. Aurand||Beaver Falls|
|19 —||Chas. H. Mullin||Mt. Holly Springs||Harry A. Bechtold||New Freedom|
|Samuel L. Johns||McSherrystown||George D. Thorn||Gettysburg|
|20 —||George R. Scull||Somerset||James McMillen||Johnstown|
|George T. Bell||Hollidaysburg|
|21 —||John P. Elkin||Indiana||S. E. Wilson||Punxsutawney|
|Capt. H. S. Denny||Ligonier||Joseph Beale||Leechburg|
|22 —||C. L. Magee||Pittsburg||J. O. Brown||Pittsburg|
|William Flynn||Pittsburg||A. J. Edwards||Pittsburg|
|23 —||W. A. Stone||Allegheny||Robert McCready||Sewickley|
|Robert McAfee||Allegheny||James M. Essler||Tarentum|
|24 —||Chas. H. Seaton||Uniontown||Frank M. Fuller||Uniontown|
|E. F. Acheson (H. of R.)||Washington||John R. Byrne||Scottdale|
|25 —||M. S. Quay||Beaver||Samuel H. Miller||Mercer|
|Simon Perkins||Sharon||Wm. D. Wallace||Newcastle|
|26 —||Wm. H. Andrews||Titusville||E. A. Hempstead||Mead ville|
|Lewis Streuber||Erie||W. W. Mogsaridge Corry||Harrisburg|
|27 —||A. C. Hawkins||Bradford||T. R. Simpson||Oil City|
|S. C. Lewis||Franklin||W. H. Howard||Emporium|
|28 —||Harry B. Wilson||Clarion||A. H. Woodward||Clearfleld|
|J. H. McEwan||Ridgway||S. S. Crissman||Philipsburg|
|Edward L. Freeman||Central Falls||Andrew J. Currie||Valley Falls|
|Frank F. Onley||Providence||LucianSharpe||Providence|
|Sam'l W. K. Allen||East Greenwich||Walter H. Stearns||Pawtucket|
|Albert L. Chester||Westerley||Charles H. Child||Providence|
|1 —||John P. Sanborn||Newport||Reginald Norman||Newport|
|George L. Smith||Barrington||Oharles H. Howland||Providence|
|2 —||Walter A. Reed||Chepachet||James Linton||Pawtucket|
|E. Charles Francis||Woonsocket||John R. Dennis||Central Falls|
|Eugene A. Webster||Orangeburg||E. J. Dickerson||Aiken|
|Robert Smalls||Beaufort||John K. Tolbert||Greenwood|
|T. B. Johnson||Sumter||Thomas E. Miller||Grahamville|
|W. D. Crum||Charleston||P. S. Suber||Laurens|
|1 —||George I. Cunningham||Charleston||T. J. Reynolds||Beaufort|
|R. C. Brown||Charleston||D. W. Robinson||Jacksonboro|
|2 —||B. P. Chatfield||Aiken||Paris Simpkins||Edgefleld|
|W. S. Dixon||Baruwell||John A. Daniels||Fruit Hill|
|3 —||Robert Moorman||Newberry||A. C. Merrick||Walhalla|
|R. R. Tolbert||Greenwood||W. W. Fisher||Mt. Carmel|
|4 —||C. M. Wilder||Columbia||W. D. Chappelle||Columbia|
|Thomas H. Ollis||Greenville||J. C. Hill||Greenville|
|5 —||C. J. Pride||Rock Hill||F. R. Massey||Lancaster|
|W. E. Boykin||Camden||E. D. Littlejohn||Gaflney|
|6 —||T. E. Wilson||Florence||E. J. Sawyer||Bennettsville|
|E. H. Dees||Darlington||W. R. Jackson||Florence|
|7 —||J. H. Fordham||Orangeburg||R. H. Jenkins.||Lincoln ville|
|Z. E. Walker||Sumter||J. H. Weston||Congaree|
|L. B. French||Yankton||T. E. Tomlinson||Centreville|
|R. P. Pettigrew||Sioux Falls||A. C. Biernatzki||Salem|
|C. G. Sherwood||Clark||L. L. Lostutter||Iroquois|
|D. A. Mizener||Mitchell||C. L. Olson||Howard|
|David Williams||Webster||C. E. Bostwiok||Redfield|
|H. C. Meachan||Gettysburg||J. H. Baldwin||St. Lawrence|
|W. N. Lucas||Hot Springs||M. A. Willis||Ouster|
|W. E. Smead||Lead City||C. C. Polk||Sturgis|
|H. Clay Evans||Chattanooga||Hiram Tyree||Chattanooga|
|E. Caldwell||Shelbyville||John P. Smith||Johnson City|
|Jarnes Jeffreys||Camden||J. T. Settle||Memphis|
|E. J. Santord||Knoxville||Allen S. Tate||Rutledge|
|1 —||W. P. Brownlow||Jonesboro||W. H. Penland||Newport|
|H. C. Jarvis||Rogersville||R. E. Toomey||Greenville|
|2 —||Jesse L. Rogers||Knoxville||T. N. Brown||Maryville|
|T. P. Baker||Huntsville||W. O. Douglass||Jellico|
|3 —||Foster V. Brown||Chattanooga||A. H. Falkner||McMinnville|
|T. M. Burkett||Athens||Gus Cate||Cleveland|
|4 —||J. M. Proctor||Cross vi lie||J. R. Story||Jamestown|
|W. H. Pickering||Carthage||John A. Denton||Dayton|
|5 —||J. W. Overall||Liberty||H. Henley||Tullahoma|
|R. L. Couch||Bell Buckle||Warren Smith||Woodbury|
|6 —||J. B. Bosley||Nashville||J. W. Dillon||Nashville|
|H. L. W. Cheatham||Barren Plain||R. F. Boyd||Nashville|
|7 —||R. A. Haggard||Waynesboro||J. B. Lilly, Jr.||Franklin|
|H. P. Fariss||Columbia||J. T. Kidd||Henryville|
|8 —||Wm. Spellings||McKenzie||D. W. Nobles||Paris|
|G. T. Shannon||Saltillo||J. Wesson||Adamsville|
|9 —||D. A. Nunn||Brownsville||R. F. Hawn||Milan|
|Henry E. Austin||Alamo||B. P. Bondurant||Sharon|
|10 —||W. M. Randolph||Memphis||W. S. Latta||Somerville|
|Zachary Taylor||Memphis||J. S. Handle||Covington|
|John Grant.||R. L. Smith.|
|Frank Hamilton.||W. E. Davis.|
|Ed. Anderson.||W. H. Love.|
|Richard Allen.||R. G. Collins.|
|1 —||Daniel Taylor||Navasota||Samuel Andrews||Houston|
|M. W. Lawson||Willis||William F. Knowles||Fairfleld|
|2 —||H. B. Kane||Palestine||Thomas Miller||Lufkin|
|T. T. Pollard||Beaumont||C. A. Porter||Colmesneil|
|3 —||Webster Flanagan||Henderson||W. A. Lucy||Long view|
|J. W. Butler||Tyler||James Latham||Athens|
|4 —||C. M. Ferguson||Paris||Luke Bills||Clarksville|
|H. G. Goree||Atlanta||S. J. Spencer||Texarkana|
|5 —||Cecil A. Lyon||Sherman||H. E. Smith||McKinney|
|William Johnson||Bonham||George W. Johnson||Sherman|
|6 —||J. M. McCormic||Dallas||David Lowry||Ennis|
|Robert Armstrong||Kaufman||H. M. Johnson||Hillsboro|
|7 —||W. F. Crawford||Cameron||A. M. Armstrong||Crawford|
|B. F. Wallace||Temple||W. H. Hawley||Belton|
|8 —||Marrion Mullins||Brownwond||George C. McAndrew||Granbury|
|W. T. Wasson||Dublin||Horace Baker||Weatherford|
|9 —||Hugh Hancock||Austin||L. L. Campbell||Bastrop|
|Paul Fricke||Brenham||W. E. Dunger||Cadwell|
|10 —||R. B. Hawley||Galveston||James Bankey||Gonzales|
|M. M. Kogers||La Grange||Thomas Wheatley||Matagorda|
|11 —||J. O. Luby||San Diego||B. M. Shelton||Kockport|
|G. R. Townsend||Victoria||C. L. Reager||Wharton|
|12 —||C. W. Ogden||San Antonio||Jackson|
|13 —||Patrick Dooling||Quanah|
|O. T. Bacon||Wichita Falls|
|Frank J. Cannon||Odgen City||Lindsey Rogers||Ogden City|
|Isaac Trumbo||Salt Lake City||C. C. Goodwin||Salt Lake City|
|Arthur Brown||Salt Lake City||John C. Graham||Provo City|
|Thomas Kearns||Park City||J. M. Bolitho||Richfleld|
|Clarence E. Allen||Salt Lake City||Web Green||Mt. Pleasant|
|William S. McCornick||Salt Lake City||Joseph A. Smith||Lagan City|
|Redfleld Proctor||Proctor||P. K. Gleed||Morrisville|
|Henry D. Holton||Brattleboro||James M. Pollard||Chester|
|E. C. Smith||St. Albans||M. H. Allen||Ferrisburg|
|Charles A. Prouty||Newport||L. W. Hubbard||Lyndon|
|1 —||James B. Scully||Burlington||L. C. Leavens||Richford|
|O. M. Barber||Arlington||H. S. Binsham||Bennington|
|2 —||J. W. Brock||Montpelier||George H Blake||Barton|
|Victor I. Spear||Braintree||E. O. Leonard||Bradford|
|Wm. Lamb||Norfolk||W. M. Flanagan||Powhattau C. H.|
|James A. Walker||Wytheville||J. S. Sammons||Charlottesville|
|S. M. Yost||Staunton||M. M. Lewis||Norfolk|
|A. W. Harris||Petersburg||Washington Gardiner||Bedford City|
|1 —||Geo. T. Scarburg||Accoma C. H.||J. M. Griffin||Fredericksburg|
|T. C. Walker||Gloucester O. H.||W. A. Laws||Montrass|
|2 —||George E. Bowden (Ë vote)||Norfolk||Jno. Y. Brady||Portsmouth|
|R. M. Smith (Ë vote)||Hampton||Wm. Thoroughgood||Norfolk|
|A. H. Martim (Ë vote)||Berkley||Jordon Thompson||Suffolk|
|H. Libbey (Ë vote)||Fortress Monroe||Robert Norton||Yorktown|
|3 —||Edmund Waddell||Richmond||Edgar Allen||Richmond|
|C. W. Harris||Manchester||R. F. Robinson||Both well|
|4 —||Stith Balling||Petersburg||W. H. Green||Lawrenceville|
|J. D. Brady||Petersburg||Charles Gee||Disputanta|
|5 —||C. J. Barksdale||Danville||W. B. Brown||Rooky Mount|
|G. M. Tucker||Hillsville||W. B. Pedigo||Stuart|
|6 —||J. M. McLaughlin.||Lynchburg||Adolphus Humbles||Lynchburg|
|S. E. Sproul||Roanoke||F. K. Morris||Bedford City|
|7 —||John Acker||Harrisonburg||Alex. McCormick||Briggs|
|J. H. Rives||University of Virginia||R. E. Griffith||Winchester|
|8 —||W. G. B Shumate||Galveston||W. H. A. Young||King George C. H.|
|H. J. Wale||Louisa||R. L. Mitchell||Alexandria|
|9 —||J. S. Browning||Pocabontas||W. P. Kent||Wytheville|
|D. F. Bailey||Bristol, Teon.||R W. Dickinson||Lebanon|
|10 —||J. C. Schetfer||Staunton||Willis Carter||Staunton|
|R. T. Hubard||Boiling||A. Stuart||James River|
|A. F. Burleigh||Seattle||W. K. Kennedy||Ritzville|
|H. A. Fairchild||Whatcom||Henry Christ||Vancouver|
|George H. Emerson||Aberdeen||Thomas M. May||Dayton|
|L. W. Carner||Castle Rock||M. P. Maloy||Waterville|
|J. M. Gilbert||North Yaktma||W. F. P. Speck||Pasco|
|Albert Goldman||Walla Walla||E. L. Brown||Sidney|
|Harry L. Wilson||Spokane||F. M. Winship||Davenport|
|V. C. Sullivan||Tacotna||H. McLain||Colfax|
|O. W. O. Hardman||Middlebourne||I. H. Duval||Wellsburg|
|F. M. Reynolds||Keyser||F. M. Thomas||Grafton|
|J. E. Dana||Charleston||John L. Horst||Buckhanon|
|A. B. White||Parkersburg||George Poffenbarger.||Point Pleasant|
|1 —||Henry Schmulbach||Wheeling||W. P. Crump||Weston|
|D. W. Boughner||Clarksburg||T. W. Stuck||West Union|
|2 —||N. W. Linch||Martinsburg||E. A. Billingslea||Fairmont|
|Thomas B. Gould||Parsons||W. H. Wenz||Phillippt|
|3 —||Thomas E. Houston||Elk Horn||Peter Sillman||Charlestown|
|J. B. Crawford||Sewell||Wallace Ballard||Union|
|4 —||Thomas G. Sikes||Huritington||Edward McCreary||Parkersburg|
|C. F. Rathbone||Elizabeth||E. J. Thomas||Cottageville|
|Philetus Sawyer||Oshkosh||H. D. Smith.||Appleton|
|W. D. Hoard||Fort Atkinson||W. F. Heine||Shullsburg|
|Eugene S. Elliott||Milwaukee||James R. Lyons||Glendale|
|James H. Stout||Menomonie||W. E. Plummer||Durand|
|1 —||Chain Ingersoll||Beloit||N. B. Treat||Monroe|
|E. M. Johnson||Whitewater||Sam'l I. Stein||Belmont|
|2 —||Robert M. LaFollette||Madison||S. M. Eaton||Watertown|
|Chris. E. Mohr||Portage||C. J. Rollis||Stoughton|
|3 —||Richard Meyer, Jr.||Lancaster||August Seifert||Reedsburg|
|J. W. Rewey||Rewey||L. H. Bancroft||Richland Center|
|4 —||William Geuder||Milwaukee||E. J. Lindsey||Milwaukee|
|Julius E. Koehr||Milwaukee||William Graf||Milwaukee|
|5 —||Theodore Zillmer||Milwaukee||D. E. McGinley||Cedarsburg|
|H. M. Youmans||Waukesha||George Spratt||Sheboygan Falls|
|6 —||L. N. Stevens||Montello||George Fitch. *Died March 30.|
|G. G. Sedgwick||Manltowoc||J. H. McNeel||Fond du Lac|
|7 —||David F. Jones||Sparta||W. H. Huntington||Durand|
|H. B. Cole||Black River Falls||Albert Kirchner||Fountain City|
|8 —||Maynard T. Parker||Ahnapee||R. D. Kood||Stevens Point|
|A. G. Nelson||Waupaca||Chas. H. Baake||Appleton|
|9 —||H. W. Wright||Merrill||Duncan McLennon||Rib Lake|
|M. C. Ring||Neillsville||John Ogden||Antigo|
|10 —||Ole K. Anderson||West Superior||Simon Thoreson||Gransburg|
|Charles S. Taylor||Barron||Olaf A. Sagstad||Baldwin|
|Willis VanDevanter||Cheyenne||H. G. Nickerson||Lander|
|Benjamin F. Fowler||Cheyenne||W. H. Thorn||Buffalo|
|John O. Davis||Rawlins||M. C. Barrow||Douglas|
|B. B. Brooks||Casper||W. H. Kil patriok||New Castle|
|Clarence C. Hamlin||Rock Springs||J. H. Ryckman||Evanston|
|Otto Gramm||Lararnie||W. F. Brittain||Sheridan|
|C. S. Johnson (Ë vote)||Juneau||Theodore Needham||Wrangel|
|Thomas S. Nowell (Ë vote)||Juneau||W. R. Kelly||Sitka|
|C. W. Young (Ë vote)||Juneau||Harrison Bostwick||Juneau|
|C. S. Blaokett (Ë vote)||Juneau||A. C. Van Doren||Juneau|
|Henry J. Cleveland (Ë vote)||Arizola||W. S. Head||Prescott|
|James M. Ford (Ë vote)||Phoenix||H. C. Lowell||Phoenix|
|Charles W. Wright (Ë vote)||Tucson||George Christ, Jr.||Nogales|
|Charles H. Akers ( Ë vote )||Prescott||F. D. Myers||Prescott|
|John W. Dorrington (Ë vote)||Yuma||J. W. Bolton (colored)||Phoenix|
|Myron H. McCord (Ë vote)||Phoenix||William Shilllam||Benson|
|William Christy (Ë vote)||Phosnix||J. H. Carpenter||Yuma|
|Isaac T. Stoddard (Ë vote)||Prescott||Henry J. Cleveland||Arizola|
|Burt Dunlap (Ë vote)||Dunlap||J. L. Hubbell||Holbrook|
|Kalph H. Cameron (Ë vote)||Flagstaff||A. L. Grow||Tombstone|
|J. L. Mahoney (Ë vote)||Winslow||F. L. Smith||Kingman|
|J. A. Zabriskie (Ë vote)||Tusoon||W. A. Freeze||Phoenix|
|Andrew Gleason||Washington||W. F. Thomas||Washington|
|Perry H. Carson||Ivy City||J. W. Bell||Washington|
|P. L. Soper||Vinita||W. H. Darrow||Wyandotte|
|R. B. Ross||Tahlequa||E. W. Fannan||South McAlester|
|Joseph Foltz||South McAlester||J. H. Wilkins||Atoka|
|I. P. Grady||Hartshorne||Cyrus B. Kean||Wynnewood|
|W. T. Morgan||Wagoner||W. F. Seaver||Muscogee|
|John Coyle||Rush Springs||William Johnston||Bartlettsville|
|A. L. Morrison||Santa Fe||Phillip Motherstll||Engle|
|John S. Clarke||Las Vegas||Charles H. Sparks||Roswell|
|Thomas D. Burns||Tierra Amorilla||Frank Springer||Las Vegas|
|Pedro Perea||Bernaleno||John S. Van Doren||Blue Water|
|Solomon Luna||Las Lunas||W. S. Williams||Socorro|
|W. H. H. Llewellvn||Las Cruces||Celso Baca||Eden|
|John I. Dille||El Reno||J. D McGuire||Norman|
|Henry E. Asp||Gnthrie||T. B. Ferguson||Watonga|
|J. C. Roberts||Kingfisher||Dick T. Morgan||Perry|
|John A. Buckles||Enid||Dyke Ballenger||Beaver|
|O. A. Mitscher||Oklahoma City||T. A. Butler||Seger|
|Charles Day||Blackwell||T. J. Austin||Guthrie|
True and corrected roll of Delegates and Alternates, as adopted by Committee on Credentials.
JACOB TRIEBER, Sec'y of Committee.
J. FRANKLIN FORT, Chairman of Committee.
The CHAIRMAN. The order of business is upon the report of the committee on Rules. Is the committee ready to make its report? The Chair recognizes General Bingham, of Pennsylvania, chairman of the Committee.
GENERAL BINGHAM. Mr. Chairman,and gentlemen of the Convention: Your Committee on Rules have had before them for consideration several propositions not heretofore considered by the Committee on Rules of previous conventions. We therefore submit to this Convention, at this time, a body of rules following the rules of heretofore convention proceedings, in order that the general business of the Convention can proceed under rules which you shall or will adopt. Your Committee therefore submits for your action the following report, as a rule of procedure to govern this Convention:
RULE I. The Convention shall consist of a number of delegates from each State equal to double the number of each Senator and Representative in Congress; six delegates each from the Territories of Arizona, Indian Territory, New Mexico and Oaklahoma; four from Alaska and two from the District of Columbia.
RULE II. The rules of the House of Representatives of the Fify-fourth Congress shall be the rules of the Convention, so far as they are applicable and not inconsistent witht he following rules:
RULE III. When the previous question shall be demanded by a majority of the delegates from any State, and the demand is seconded by two or more States, and the call is sustained by a majority of the Convention, the question shall then be proceeded with, and disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representatives in similar cases.
Rule IV. A motion to suspend the rules shall be in order only when made by authority of a majority of the delegates from any State, and seconded by a majority of the delegates from not less than two other States.
Rule V. It shall be in order to lay on the table a proposed amendment to a pending measure, and such motion, if adopted, shall not carry with it, or prejudice such measure.
RULE VI. Upon all subjects before the Convention the States shall be called in alphabetical order and next the Territories, Alaska and the District of Columbia.
RULE VII. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be disposed of before the report of the Committee on Resolutions is acted upon, and the report of the Committee on Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Convention proceeds to the nomination of a candidate for President and Vice-President.
RULE VIII. When a majority of the delegates of any two States shall demand that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by States, Territories, Alaska and the District of Columbia, the secretary calling the roll of the States and Territories, Alaska and the District of Columbia, in the order heretofore established.
RULE IX. In making the nomination for President and Vice-President in no case shall the calling of the roll dispensed with. When it appears at the close of any roll call that any candidate has received the majority of all the votes to which the Convention is entitled, the President of the Convention shall announce the question to be: "Shall the nomination of the candidate be made unanimous?" If no
80candidates shall have received such majority, the Chair shall direct the vote to be taken again, which shall be repeated until some candidate shall have received a majority of the votes, and when any State has announced its votes it shall so stand, unless in case of numerical error.
RULE X. In the record of the votes, the vote of each State, Territory, Alaska and the District of Columbia shall be announced by the Chairman, and in case the vote of any State, Territory, Alaska or the District of Columbia shall be divided, the Chairman shall announce the number of votes for any candidate, or for or against any proposition, but if exception is taken by any delegate to the correctness of such announcement by the chairman of his delegation, the President of the Convention shall direct the roll of members of such delegation to be called, and the result shall be recorded in accordance with the vote individually given.
RULE XI. No member shall speak more than once upon the same question, nor longer than five minutes, unless by leave of the convention, except in the presentation of the names of candidates.
RULE XII. A Republican National Committee shall be appointed, to consist of one member from each State, Territory, Alaska and the District of Columbia. The roll shall be called, and the delegation from each State, Territory, Alaska and the District of Columbia shall name, through its Chairman a person who shall act as member of such Committee. Such Committee shall issue the call for the meeting of the National Convention within sixty days, at least, before the time fixed for said meeting, and each Congressional District in the United States shall elect its delegates to the National Convention in the same way as the nomination for a member of Congress is made in said District, and in Territories the delegates to the Convention shall be elected in the same way as a nomination of a delegate to Congress is made, and said National Committee shall prescribe the mode of selecting the delegates for the District of Columbia. An alternate delegate for each delegate to the National Convention, to act in case of the absence of the delegate, shall be elected in the same manner and at the same time as a delegate is elected. Delegates at large for each State and their alternates shall be elected by State Conventions in their respective States.
RULE XIII. The Republican National Committee is authorized and empowered to select an Executive Committee to consist of nine members, who may or may not be members of the National Committee.
RULE XIV. All resolutions relating to the platform shall be referred to the Committee on Resolutions without debate.
RULE XV. No persons except members of the several delegations and officers of the Convention shall be admitted to that section of the hall apportioned to delegates.
RULE XVI. The Convention shall proceed in the following order of business:
First. Report of the Committee on Credentials.
Second. Report of the Committee on Permanent Organization.
Third. Report of the Committee on Resolutions.
Fourth. Naming members of National Committee.
Fifth. Presentation of names of Candidates for President.
Seventh. Presentation of names of Candidates for Vice President.
Ninth. Call of the roll of States, Territories, Alaska and the District of Columbia for names of Delegates to serve respectively on Committees to notify the nominees for President and Vice President of their selection for said offices.
General BINGHAM. I will state that this report has been made common to the Convention by printed copies placed around the hall in the seats of members. I therefore, if there is no objection, move the adoption of the report.
The question being put on the adoption of the report of the Committee, it was adopted by a unanimous vote.
On motion of General Grosvenor, of Ohio, the Convention adjourned until ten o'clock tomorrow morning.
At precisely 10:32 o'clock Chairman Thurston called the Convention to order, introducing the Rev. John R. Scott, a colored clergyman of Florida, who offered the following invocation:
Our Father, from whose hands the centuries fall like grains of sand, we meet to-day united, free, loyal to our land and to Thee; we thank Thee for all the blessings of life that are ours to enjoy, and we beseech Thy blessing upon our labors in this Convention, and we ask that all things that we do may be done to Thy honor and glory. We ask these things for the sake of Him who has taught us in praying to say: Our Father, who art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name; Thy kingdom come; Thy will be done oil earth as it is in Heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those who trespass against us. Lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil, for Thine is the Kingdom, and the power and the glory, forever. Amen.
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention: The order of business is the report of the Committee upon Platform. Is that Committee ready to report?
Governor FORAKER of Ohio. The Committee is ready to report.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the Chairman of the Committee, Senator-elect Foraker, of Ohio.
After a prolonged demonstration of applause, upon his appearance upon the platform, Governor Foraker proceeded as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: On behalf of the Committee on Resolutions, I have the honor to report the following:
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their representatives in National Convention, appealing for the popular and historical justification of their claims to the matchless achievements
82of thirty years of Republican rule, earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened intelligence, experience and conscience of their countrymen in the following declaration of facts and principles:
For the first time since the civil war the American people have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and unrestricted Democratic control of the government. It has been a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor and disaster. In administrative management it has ruthlessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, entailed an unceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,000, in a time of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien syndicates and reversed all the measures and results of successful Republican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic, blighted industry and trade with prolonged depression, closed factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise and crippled American production, while stimulating foreign production for the American market. Every consideration of public safety and individual interest demands that the government shall be wrested from the hands of those who have shown themselves incapable of conducting it without disaster at home and dishonor abroad and that it shall be restored to the party which for thirty years administered it with unequal success and prosperity. And in this connection, we heartily endorse the wisdom, patriotism and success of the administration of Benjamin Harrison. (Applause). We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of protection, (applause) as the bulwark of American industrial independence, and the foundation of American development and prosperity. This true American policy taxes foreign products and encourages home industries. It puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American producers. It upholds the American standard of wages for the American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the farm and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign demand and prices; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable application it is just, fair and impartial, equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimination and individual favoritism.
We denounce the present tariff as sectional, injurious to the public credit and destructive to business enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition with the American product as will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the Government, but will protect American labor from degradation and the wage level of other lauds. We are not pledged to any particular schedule. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the time and of production. The ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industries. (Applause). The country demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest. (Applause).
We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements negotiated by the last Republican Administration was a National calamity, and demand their renewal and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations, remove the restriction which now obstructs the sale of American products in the ports of other countries,
83and secure and enlarge markets for the products of our farms, forests, and factories. (Applause).
Protection and Reciprocity are twin measures of American policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly struck down both, and both must be re established. Protection for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocal agreement of mutual interest, which gain open markets for us in return for our open markets for others. Protection builds up domestic industry and trade and secures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus. We condemn the present administration for not keeping pace with the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party favors such protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other countries more than one hundred million dollars annually. (Applause). To all our products; to those of the mine and the field, as well as to those of the shop and the factory, to hemp and wool, the product of the great industry sheep husbandry; as well as to the foundry, as to the mill, we promise the most ample protection. (Applause). We favor the early American policy of discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant marine. (Applause). To the protection of our shipping in the foreign-carrying trade, so that American ships, the product of American labor, employed in American ship-yards, sailing under the stars and stripes, and manned, officered and owned by Americans, may regain the carrying of our foreign commerce. (Applause and cheers).
The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. (Great applause). It caused the enactment of a law providing for the redemption of specie payments in 1879. Since then every dollar has been as good as gold. (Applause). We are unalterably opposed to every measure calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our country. (Applause). We are therefore opposed to the free coinage of silver, except by international agreement with the leading commercial nations of the earth — (The speaker was here interrupted by a demonstration of approval on the part of a large majority of the delegates which lasted several minutes).
(Continuing, Governor Foraker read as follows:)
which agreement we pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing gold standard must be maintained. All of our silver and paper currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all measures designated to maintain inviolable the obligations of the United States, of all our money, whether coin or paper, at the present standard, the standard of most enlightened nations of the earth.
The veterans of the Union Armies deserve and should receive fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable they should be given the preference in the matter of employment. (Applause). And they are entitled to the enactment of such laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril. (Applause).
We denounce the practice in the pension bureau so recklessly and unjustly carried on by the present Administration of reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the roll, as deserving the severest condemnation of the American people.
84Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous and dignified, and all our interests in the western hemisphere should be carefully watched and guarded.
The Hiwaiian Islands should be controlled by the United States, (Applause), and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere with them. (Applause). The Nicarauguan Canal should be built, owned and operated by the United States. (Applause). And, by the purchase of the Danish Island we should secure a much needed Naval station in the West Indies.
The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and just indignation of the American people, and we believe that the United States should exercise all the influence it can properly exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey, American residents have been exposed to grievous dangers; American property destroyed. There, as everywhere else, American citizens and American property must be absolutely protected at all hazards and at any cost. (Applause).
We reassert the Monroe Doctrine in its full extent, and we reaffirm the rights of the United States to give the Doctrine effect by responding to the appeal of any American State for friendly intervention in case of European encroachment.
We have not interfered and shall not interfere, with the existing possession of any European power in this hemisphere, but those possessions must not, on any pretext, be extended.
We hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the European powers from this hemisphere, and to the ultimate union of all the English speaking parts of the continent by the free consent of its inhabitants; from the hour of achieving their own independence the people of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles of other American peoples to free themselves from European domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic battles of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, (Applause), and our best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest for liberty. The government of Spain, having lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property or the lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its Treaty obligations, we believe that the government of the United States should actively use its influence and good offices to restore peace and give independence to the Island. (Applause).
The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a naval power commensurate with its position and responsibilities. We, therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy, and a complete system of harbor and sea-coast defenses. (Applause).
For the protection of the equality of our American citizenship and of the wages of our workingmen, against the fatal competition of low priced labor, we demand that the immigration laws be thoroughly enforced, and so extended as to exclude from entrance to the United States those who can neither read nor write. (Applause).
The civil service law was placed on the statute book by the Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and heartily and honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable.
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast. (Applause).
We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized and preposterous practice well known as lynching, and the killing of human beings suspected or charged with crime without process of law. (Applause).
We favor the creation of a National Board of Arbitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise between employers and employed engaged in inter-state commerce.
We believe in an immediate return to the free homestead policy of the Republican party, and urge the passage by Congress of the satisfactory free homestead measure which has already passed the House, and is now pending in the Senate. (Applause).
We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests of the people of the Territories and of the United States. And the Federal officers appointed for the Territories should be selected from the bona-fide residents thereof, and the right of self-government should be accorded them as far as practicable.
We believe that the citizens of Alaska should have representation in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful legislation may be intelligently enacted.
We sympathize fully with all legitimate efforts to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality. The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women, and believes that they should be accorded equal opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of usefulness and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic and Populistic mismanagement and misrule. (Applause.)
Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party. By these principles we will apply it to those policies and put them into execution. We rely on the faithful and considerate judgment of the American people, confident alike of the history of our great party and in the justice of our cause, and we present our platform and our candidates in the full assurance that their selection will bring victory to the Republican party, and prosperity to the people of the United States.
Upon reading the concluding paragraph, Governor Foraker moved the adoption of the report of the Committee on Resolutions, as the Republican National Platform for 1896.
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention: — The adoption of the report has been moved and seconded. Are you ready for the question?
Cries of "Question," "Question."
Senator TELLER, of Colorado, here appeared upon the platform and was vigorously cheered.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Colorado, Senator Teller.
Senator TELLER here presented a minority report, which he requested the Secretary to read.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Colorado moves as a substitute the following, for what may be termed the financial plank of the platform, which the Secretary will read.
The Secretary then read as follows:
"We, the undersigned members of the Committee on Resolutions, being unable to agree with a portion of the majority report which treats of the subject of coinage and finances, respectfully submit the following paragraph as a substitute therefor:"
"The Republican party authorizes the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money, and pledges its power to secure the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at our mints at the ratio of sixteen parts of silver to one of gold."
Senator Teller was here recognized by the Chairman.
Senator TELLER spoke as follows: Gentlemen of the Convention: I will not attempt to inflict upon you a discussion of the great financial question which is dividing the people not only of this country, but of the whole world. The few moments allotted to me by the Convention will not enable me to more than state in the briefest possible manner our objections to the financial plank proposed for your consideration. I am a practical man, and I recognize the conditions existing in this Convention, foreshadowed as they were by the action of the Committee, selected by the representatives assembled from the different States.
This plank, or this proposition, was submitted to the whole Committee and by it rejected. Loyalty to my own opinion, consideration of the great interest that is felt in this country, compels me in the face of unusual difficulties, to present this for your consideration, not with that bounding hope, or with that courage that I have presented this in other bodies with greater measure of success than I can hope for here. The great and supreme importance of this question is alone my excuse now for the few words that I shall say to you.
In connection with this subject, in a public capacity, I have dealt with it now for twenty years. I represent a State that produces silver, but I want to say to you here and now that my advocacy of the proposition is not in the slightest degree influenced or controlled by that fact. (Applause).
I contend for it because I believe there can be no sound financial system in any country in the world that does not recognize this principle. I contend for it because since 1873, when it was ruthlessly stricken from our statutes, there has been a continued depreciation of all the products of human labor and of human energy. I contend for it because in this year of 1896 the American people are in greater distress than they ever were in their history. I contend for it because this is in my judgment the great weight, the great incubus that has weighed down enterprise and destroyed progress in
87this favored land of ours. I contend for it because I believe the progress of my country is dependent on it. I contend for it because I believe the civilization of the world is to be determined by the rightful or wrongful solution of this financial question. I am tolerant of those who differ with me. I act from my judgment, enlightened as best I have been able to enlighten it with by many years of study and many years of thought. In my judgment, the American people in the whole line of their history have never been called upon to settle a question of greater importance to them than this. The great contest in which many of you participated, of whether we should have two flags or one was not more important to the American people than the question of a proper solution of what shall be the money system of this land.
I have said enough to show you that I think that this is not a question of policy, but a question of principle. It is not a mere idle thing, but one on which hangs the happiness, the prosperity, the morality and the independence of American labor and American producers. (Applause). Confronted for the first time in the history of this glorious party of ours, confronted, I say, for the first time with danger of a financial system that in my judgment will be destructive of all the great interests of this land, we are called upon to give to this provision of our platform our adhesion or rejection.
Mr. President, I do not desire to say unkind or unfriendly things, and I will touch in a moment and only a moment on why I object to this provision of this platform. The Republican party has never been the party of a single standard. It was a bi-metallic party in its origin, in all its history. In 1888 it declared for bi-metallism; in 1892 it declared for bi-metallism; in 1896 it declares for a single gold standard.
Mr. President, in 1888 we carried the State that I here represent, for whom? For the Republican nominee; we carried it on a bi-metallic platform. We carried it with a majority that was equal, considering our vote, to that of any State in the Union. It has been a Republican State from the hour of its admission. It has kept in the Senate Republican Senators, and in the House Republican members.
Mr. President I promised you that I would not discuss the silver question and I will not, except to say that this platform is such a distinct departure from everything heretofore held by this party, that it challenges our Republicanism to accept it.
Mr. President, the platform contains some platitudes about international conferences. It provides that we will maintain the gold standard in this country until the principal nations of the world shall agree that we may do otherwise. Mr. President, this is the first great gathering of Republicans since this party was organized that has declared the inability of the American people to control their own affairs. (Applause on the part of the silver delegates). To my horror this declaration from the great political party of Abraham Lincoln and Ulysses S. Grant. Do you believe that the American people are too weak to actually maintain a financial system commensurate with the greatness of the country of their own fruition.
Gentlemen of the Convention, you will have no bi-metallic agreement with all the great commercial nations of the world, and it cannot be obtained. So this is a declaration that the gold standard is to be put upon this country and kept here for all time. Do you believe that Great Britian, that great commercial nation of the
88world — do you believe that Great Britian, our powerful competitor in commerce and trade, will ever agree to open her mints to the free coinage of silver? or consent that we should open ours as long as she gets the advantage of the low prices of the declining values that have been brought to this country by the adoption of a gold standard in 1873 in a partial degree only?
We are the great debtor nation of the world. Great Britian is the great creditor. We pay her every year millions and hundreds of millions of dollars, as income on her investment in this country, on her loans. A gold standard, in my judgment, lowers prices and decreases values. And she buys of us millions and millions more than she (Great Britian) sells. She buys upon a gold standard, a lowering and depreciating standard. How long do you think it will be when she will agree to a system of values that raises the price of the farm product, or the product of our mines in this country? It is a solemn declaration that the Republican party intends to maintain low prices and stagnated business for all time to come.
Mr. President, there is a beautiful provision in this platform about the tariff. Mr. President, I subscribe to that. (Applause and cheers). I believe in a protective tariff. I have advocated it for forty years, but it is my solemn conviction that a protective tariff cannot be maintained upon a gold standard. The tariff protection principle is for the raising of the price of. human toil; it is for giving to the producer ample compensation for his labor; the gold standard, on the contrary, everywhere that it is enforced, is for the purpose of reducing values.
Now, gentlemen of the Convention, I am going to make this simple objection as to the protective system; that it is in danger, and then I will call your attention to one other fact, and then I will leave it to your judgment whether this platform shall be adopted or whether it shall be rejected. Under existing conditions, we undoubtedly have the gold standard. I do not deny that, but what I have sought for twenty years is to change it to the bi-metallic system. I have believed, and I now believe that when the Almighty created these twin metals he intended that the world should use them for the purposes for which they were created. And when he blessed this land of ours with more gold and more silver than any other country in the world he meant that we should use them for the purposes for which they were intended, to-wit: This use by the people as standard money. We to-day reverse the traditions of our country and declare we will use only one. If the American people are in favor of that, I have nothing to say. I must submit to the majority vote, and the majority voice in this country of ours. I do not believe this party of ours, if it could be polled, is in favor of a single gold standard. I believe that ninety per cent of the American people are in favor of bi-metallism of the old fashioned sort that existed in this country up to 1873.
Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, I promised you that I would take but a few moments, and I believe that I am allowed only a few minutes more in which I can rapidly address you. But I want to say a few things, and they may seem to you to be personal, and that they ought not to be introduced in an audience like this. I must beg your indulgence if I seem to transcend the proprieties of this occasion, if I shall say something personal to myself.
I have formed my conviction on this great question after twenty years of study; after twenty years of careful thought and careful
89reading. I have been trained in a school that it seems to me ought to fit me fairly well for reaching just conclusions from established facts. I have formed my conclusions to such an extent that they become binding on my conscience. I believe that the adoption of a gold standard in the United States will work great hardship; that it will increase the distress, and that no legislation touching the tariff can remove the difficulties that now all admit prevail in this land. I believe that the whole welfare, of my race is dependent upon a rightful solution of this question; that the morality, the civilization, nay the very religion of my country is at stake in this contest. I know, and you know that men in distress are neither patriotic nor brave. You and I know that hunger and distress will destroy patriotism and love of country. If you have love of country, patriotic fervor and independence, you must have your citizens comfortably fed and comfortably clothed. That is what made me a Republican in 1853: that is what made me a Republican all these years, because I believed that the Republican party was good for the great masses of men, that its legislation was intended to lift up and elevate and hold up and sustain the unfortunate and the distressed and give all American citizens equal opportunities before the law. (Applause). I do not believe it can be had with a gold standard.
You may doubt my judgment, and many of you will, but shall I doubt it? I must act upon my judgment, and not upon yours. I must answer to my conscience, and not to my neighbor's. I must do my duty, as it is presented to me and not as presented to you. I say to you now that I may hasten my remarks that with the solemn conviction upon me that this gold plank means ultimate disaster and distress to my fellowman, I cannot subscribe to it, and if adopted I must, as an honest man, sever my connection with the political organization that makes that one of the main articles of its faith. (Applause). I repeat here what I said yesterday in committee, I would not upon my own judgment alone, carefully as I have attempted to prepare it, dare to take this step alone. My friends, I am sustained in my view of the danger that is coming to us and coming to the world by the adoption of the gold standard by the intelligence of the entire world. They may say that the silver question is a craze. Let me tell you that the best part of Europe, the best part of the world, is with the advocates of bi-metallism. All the great political teachers of Europe, with the exception of five or six, are the pronounced advocates of bi-metallism, unrestricted, unrestrained bi-metallism. All the great teachers of political economy in the European colleges, without exception, are in favor of bi-metallism. My own judgment, based as I have said to you, on careful preparation, on careful study for twenty years bears me out and puts me in accord with them, and I would be recreant to my trust, given to me by the people of my State if I failed to protest here, and if I failed, when the Republican party makes this one of the tenets of its faith, to sever my connection from that party. (Applause and cries of "No!" "No!")
Mr. President, I ask your kind permission to say a few things personal to myself, and when I have said that, having told you what my conscience demands that I should do, I will leave this question for your consideration.
Do you suppose that myself and my associates who act with me and take the same view of this question that I do — do you suppose that we can take this step without distress? Do you suppose that we could take it for any personal advantage, or any honor that could
90be conferred upon us? We say it is a question of duty. You may nominate in this Convention any man you choose; if you will put him on the right kind of a platform I will vote for him. You may take any methods to nominate him that you think proper. I will defer to your judgment and support him if the platform is a right one, but when you ask me here now to surrender my principles, as an honest man, I cannot do that. I realize what it will cost us; I realize the gibes and sneers and the contumely that will be heaped upon us. but, my fellow citizens, I have been through this before — before the political party to which you belong had a being. I have advocated a cause more unpopular than the silver cause. I have stood for the doctrine of free man, free homes and free speech. I am used to detraction; I am used to abuse and I have had it heaped upon me without stint. When the Republican party was organized I was there. It has never had a national candidate since it was organized that my voice has not been raised in his support. It has never had a great principle enunciated in its platform that has not had my approbation until now. With its distinguished leaders, its distinguished men of forty years, I have been in close communion and close friendship. I have shared in its honors and in its few defeats and disasters. Do you think that we can sever our connection with a party like this unless that it be a matter of duty, a duty not to our State, but a duty to all people of this great land. (Applause).
Mr. President, there are few men in a political party that have been honored more than I have by the people of the State in which they live. There are few men in this Convention or anywhere else that have been longer connected with this organization than I. There are few men in it who have been more active and known in it — no, not one has been more attached to the great principle of this party than I have been, and I cannot go out of it without heartburnings and a feeling that no man can appreciate who has not endured it, and yet I cannot before my country and my God, agree to the provision that shall put upon this country a gold standard, and I will not. (Applause). And I do not care what may be the result. If it takes me out of political life I will go out with a feeling that at least I maintain my consistency and my manhood, and that my conscience is clear, and that my country will have no right to find fault with me. (Cheers).
I beg your pardon for saying things so personal, but yet if a personal act that to some implies perfidy and dishonor, is about to be taken, I think it but just to myself and my associates that I should proclaim to you that we take this step not in anger, not in pique, not because we dislike the nominee, prospectively or otherwise, but because our conscience requires, as honest men that we should make this sacrifice, for sacrifice we feel that it is.
Thanking you gentlemen for your kind attention, retiring from you as I do perhaps never again to have an opportunity of addressing a Republican Convention, I cannot do it without saying that after all I have in my heart a hope — nay, I have an expectation, that better counsels will prevail, and that if you should be foolish enough to adopt this platform and force us to leave the Republican party, that better counsel will prevail and ultimately, on a true Republican platform, sustaining Republican principles, I may have the inestimable pleasure of again addressing you.
(Senator Teller received an ovation from the silver men as he concluded his speech. The Chair then recognized Senator-elect Foraker, who was greeted with tremendous applause.)
Governor FORAKER. I move you, Mr. Chairman that the motion to substitute be laid on the table.
Senator LODGE, of Massachusetts. I rise to second the motion made by the Senator of Ohio.
The CHAIRMAN. It is moved that the substitute offered by the gentleman from Colorado, be laid upon the table.
The State of Colorado here demanded that the roll of States be called and a record made of the vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Is that demand seconded by any other State?
The State of Montana seconds the demand.
The State of Nevada also seconds the demand.
The CHAIRMAN. The Secretary will call the roll of States and the Chairman of each delegation will answer.
The Chairman announced a recess of five minutes upon motion being made, in order that the delegations might caucus and determine how to vote.
When the five minutes had expired, the Chairman directed the Secretary to call the roll of States, and the following is the vote on the motion to lay the substitute on the table:
|North Carolina||22||7 Ë||14 Ë|
|Dist. of Columbia||2||2|
|924||818 Ë||105 Ë|
The following proceedings were had during the roll call, on the motion to lay on the table the substitute proposed by Senator Teller for the financial plank of the platform: When the vote of the State of California was announced, it was challenged and the Chair said: "The Secretary will call the individual roll of delegates."
The Secretary called the roll of the California delegation, with the following result:
L. A. Sheldon, nay; J. D. Spreckels, nay; U. S. Grant, nay. (The vote of the son of Gen. Grant was received with cheers by the silver wing of the Convention.)
George A. Knight, nay; Daniel Cole, yea (applause); A. B. Lemon, nay; George L. Johnson, nay; J. H. Neff, yea; E. S. Dennison, nay; A. A. Hockheimer, nay; Joseph S. E. Spear, yea; Henry I. Kawalsky, nay; William Cluff, no response.
The CHAIR. The Secretary will call the name of the first alternate from that district.
The Secretary called the name of A. S. Mangrum, who responded, "No."
The call was continued as follows:
O. A. Hale, nay; Hervey Lindley, nay; T. J. Field, nay; F. H. Short, nay; F. H. Sinclair, nay.
The call having been completed, the Chairman announced the result as follows: Yeas, 3; nays, 15.
When the vote of the State of Illinois was announced, Martin B. Madden, a delegate from Illinois, challenged the vote as announced by the Chair and thereupon the Chairman directed the Secretary to call the roll of delegates, which he did with the following result:
Robert W. Patterson, yea; William Penn Nixon, yea; Joseph W. Fifer, yea; Richard J. Oglesby, yea; Martin B. Madden, yea; Frank C. Robey, yea; Edward S. Conway, yea; William Lorrimer, yea; Edward R. Brahard, yea; George M. Schneider, yea; Joseph Bidwell, yea; Thomas O'Shaughnessy, yea; James M. Smyth, yea; Phillip Knopf, yea; Samuel R. Raymond, yea; Graeme Stewart, yea; Charles Whitney, yea; Edward P. Engelhardt, yea; Isaac L. Ellwood, yea; H. D. Judson, yea; Smith D. Atkins, yea; R. S. Farrend, yea; Charles H. Deere, yea; L. H. Brookfield, yea; Duncan McDougall, yea; Thomas J. Henderson, yea; H. B. Wheeler, yea; H. M. Snapp, yea; W. H. Krantz, yea; Charles G. Eckert, yea; Charles E. Sniveley, yea; J. C. Pinckney, nay; J. Mack Scholl, yea; J. O. Anderson, yea; Asa G. Matthews, yea; Sargeant McKnight, yea; J. Otis Humphrey, yea; Hugh Crea, yea; H. J. Hamlin, yea; A. H. Kinne, yea; A. H. Jones, yea; H. A. Neal, yea; Thomas S. Ridgway, yea; Walter Coyle, yea; W. A. Rodenberg, yea; J. D. Gerlach, yea; Frank A. Pricket, yea; James E. Jobe, yea.
The Secretary announced the result as follows: Yeas, 47; nays, 1. (Cheers).
When the vote of the State of Kansas was announced, it was challenged by Mr. Fitzpatrick, of that State, and the Secretary called the roll of the Kansas delegation, with the following result:
Cyrus Leland, Jr., yea; Nathaniel Barnes, yea; Thomas J. Anderson, yea; A. P. Riddle, no response.
The CHAIR. The Secretary will call the name of the first alternate.
The Secretary called the name of W. B. Townsend, who responded yea.
M. M. Murdock, nay; C. A. Swenson, yea; Wm. C. Hook, yea; John Shilling, yea; Grant Hornaday, yea; W. H. Brown, yea; John Randolph, yea; E. G. Dewey, yea; I. E. Lambert, nay; J. S. Dean, nay; T. D. Fitzpatrick, yea; Geo. W. Higgenbothen, yea; E. F. Robinson, yea; I. P. Purcell, yea; H. J. Bone, yea; Frank Vincent, nay.
All having been completed, the Chair announced the result as follows: Yeas, 16; nays, 4.
When the vote of the State of Missouri was announced Delegate L. J. Wall challenged the vote of the State, whereupon the Chairman directed the Secretary to call the roll of the delegates, which resulted as follows:
Chauncey I. Filley, yea; William Warner, yea; F. G. Niedringhaus, yea; J. H. Bothwell, yea; Joseph Park, yea; Edward W. Robinson, yea; James L. Minnis, yea; J. E. Swanger, yea; M. M. Campbell, yea; Jackson Walker, yea; John G. Grems, yea; J. L. Bittinger, yea; Joseph H. Harris, yea; Ed. M. Taubman, yea; F. E. Kellogg, yea; S. W. Jurden, yea; B. F. Leonard, yea; J. J. Smith, yea; A. R. Jackson, yea; F. B. Lannder, yea; A. F. Mispagel, yea; S. T. Shapp, yea; L. J. Wall, yea; Charles F. Gallenkamp, yea; F. B. Brownell, yea; George A. Phillips, yea; Nathan Frank, yea; Charles D. Comfort, yea; C. B. Parsons, yea; C. Jesse Roote, yea; M. B. Gideon, yea; J. L. Davis, yea, T. B. Houghawout, nay; G. A. Purdy, yea.
The Chairman thereupon announced the vote of Missouri: Yeas. 33; nay. 1.
W. T. O'Brien challenged the vote of North Carolina.
The CHAIRMAN. The vote of North Carolina is challenged, as announced. The Secretary will call the roll of delegates.
The roll being called, was responded to as follows:
Jeter C. Prichard, nay; James E. Boyd, yea; C. M. Bernard, nay; George H. White, nay; J. P. Butler, nay; E. C. Duncan, nay; J. H. Hannon, nay; H. L. Grant, nay; A. R. Middleton, nay; C. D. Waddell; nay; W. H. Martin, yea; E. A. Johnson, nay; W. H. Crews, Jr. (alternate), yea: W. T. O'Brien, yea; J. W. Mullen, yea; J. B. Dudley, nay; Z. F. Long, nay; J. M. Good, yea; James H. Ramsey, nay; C. G. Bailey, yea; M. L. Mott, nay; J. B. Fortune, nay; C. J. Harris, yea; John G. Grant, nay.
The total vote was: Yeas, 7 Ë, nays, 14 Ë.
When the vote of the State of South Dakota was announced:
Senator PETTIGREW, of South Dakota. Mr. Chairman, I challenge the vote of South Dakota.
The reading clerk then called the roll of delegates of South Dakota, with the following result:
L. B. French, yea; R. F. Pettigrew, nay; C. G. Sherwood, yea; D. A. Minezer, nay; David Williams, yea; H. C. Meachan, yea; W. B. Lucas, yea; W. E. Smead, yea.
Foster B. Brown, of Tennessee challenged the correctness of Tennessee's vote.
The list of delegates was called, with the following result: H. Clay Evans, yea; E. Caldwell, yea; James Jeffries, yea; E. J. Sanford, yea; W. P. Brownlow, alternate for W. H. Penland, yea; H. C. Jarvis, yea; Jesse L. Rogers, yea; J. F. Baker, yea; Foster V. Brown, yea; T. N. Burkett, yea; J. M. Proctor, yea; W. H. Pickering, yea; J. W. Overall, yea; R. L. Couch, yea; J. D. Bosley, yea; H. L. W. Cheatham, yea; R. A. Haggard, yea; H. F. Farriss, yea; William Spellings, yea; G. T. Shannon, yea; D. A. Nunn, yea; Henry E. Austin, alternate for R. F. Hann, yea; W. M. Randolph, yea; Zachary Taylor, nay. Total — Yeas, 26; nays, 2.
When the vote of the state of Virginia was announced, it was challenged, and the Secretary called the roll of Virginia as follows:
William Lamb, yea; James A. Walker, nay; S. M. Yost, yea; A. W. Harris, yea; George T. Scarburg, yea; T. C. Walker, yea; George E. Bowden (Ë vote), yea; A. H. Martin (Ë vote), yea; R. M. Smith (Ë vote), yea; Harry Libbey (Ë vote), yea; Edmund Waddell, yea; C. W. Harris, yea; Smith Balling, yea; J. D. Brady, yea; C. B. Barksdale, nay; G. M. Tucker, yea; J. M. McLaughlin, yea; S. E. Sproul, yea; John Acker, nay; J. H. Rives, nay; W. G. V. Shumate, yea; H. J. Wale, yea; J. S. Browning, yea; E. F. Bailey, nay; J. C. Scheffer, yea; E. T. Hubbard, yea. Total — Yeas, 19; nays, 5.
When the vote of the Territory of New Mexico was announced:
The CHAIR. Does any delegate from New Mexico challenge the announcement of the vote?
Mr. LLEWELLYN, of New Mexico. The vote of New Mexico is challenged.
The CHAIR. The Secretary will call the roll of the delegates from New Mexico.
The Secretary called the roll with the following result:
A. L. Morrison, yea; John S. Clarke, yea; Thomas D. Burns, nay; Pedro Pera, yea; Solomon Luna, nay; W. H. H. Llewellyn, nay.
The vote of New Mexico was announced: Yeas, 3; nays, 3.
When Alaska was called, C. S. Johnson of that delegation inquired:
"Under the rules, is not Alaska entitled to four votes? We are so informed to-day."
The CHAIR. The Chair is informed that under the report of the Committee on Credentials Alaska has four votes.
Mr. Johnson immediately responded:
"Alaska casts four votes yea."
When the District of Columbia was called, Perry H. Carson, a delegate from the District of Columbia was endeavoring to get the eye of the Chair. When finally recognized, he asked:
"I want to know about the vote ‘yea’ and the vote ‘nay’ — what it means." (Laughter and cheers.)
The CHAIR. The Convention is now voting on a motion to lay the substitute offered by the Senator from Colorado on the table. A "yea" vote is to lay it on the table.
Mr. CARSON. I only wanted to know whether our delegation voted, right or not and I find it did vote right. (Laughter and cheers.)
The Chairman announced the result of the vote as follows: Upon the motion to lay upon the table the ayes were 818 Ë and the noes 105 Ë. The substitute is laid on the table.
After the applause had subsided, the Chair recognized Senator-elect Foraker, of Ohio.
Governor FORAKER. On behalf of the State of Ohio, I now move the previous question on the motion to adopt the resolution as read from the platform.
Senator DuBois, of Idaho, here attempted to gain recognition from the Chair, amid some confusion, during which the States of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts seconded the motion of Governor Foraker. Persisting, Senator DuBois was finally permitted to address the Chair. He said: I ask the gentleman from Ohio to withdraw his motion for a moment until I can ask him a question. I ask the gentleman from Ohio not to press his motion until I can ask him a courteous question.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will state that under the rules for the previous question and the order of debate, the Chair can recognize no gentleman until the previous question is put.
Governor FORAKER. I will withdraw my motion until the gentleman from Idaho can ask his question.
Senator DuBois. Mr. Chairman: There are a great many delegates in this Convention who are not in favor of the free and unrestricted coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. There are also a great many delegates in this Convention who are not in favor of the single gold standard. I therefore ask for a separate vote upon the financial plank in order that our great party may go on record on this question. (Cries of disapproval.) I ask this particularly in the interest of the Republican party.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair will state that in case the previous question is ordered by this Convention, then under the rules any State seconded by two other States can have a division of the question.
Colorado and Montana called for a division of the question.
The CHAIRMAN. The request for a division of the question has been properly seconded and the Chair will therefore state that in
96case the previous question is first ordered, the question will thereafter be put as upon that portion of the plank upon which the demand is made for a separate vote. The question before the Convention is upon the previous question.
On the question of ordering the previous question, it was agreed to nem. con. and the main question was ordered.
Mr. STEVENSON, of Colorado. Mr. Chairman: I ask that the States be called and the votes announced by delegations.
The CHAIRMAN. The question on the demand for a division will be first put upon the adoption of the financial plank reported by the Committee, and upon that question Idaho demands a roll call. Is there a second to the demand?
Mr. MATTHEWS, of Montana. Montana seconds the demand of Idaho for a call of the roll.
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is, shall the financial plank as reported by the Committee, be adopted as a part of the platform of the Republican party? As the States are called, those favoring its adoption will vote "aye" and those opposed will vote "no." The Secretary will now call the roll.
The vote resulted as follows:
|North Carolina||22||7 Ë||14 Ë|
|Dist. of Columbia||2||2|
|924||812 Ë||110 Ë|
During the calling of the roll on the question to adopt the financial plank of the platform, there ensued the following proceedings:
When Iowa was called the Chairman of the delegation gave the vote of that State as yeas, 24; two not voting.
Mr. Baldwin, of Iowa, challenged the vote of the delegation.
The CHAIR. The Secretary will call the roll of the delegates.
The Secretary called the roll of delegates, with the following result:
John H. Gear, yea; W. P. Hepburn, yea; D. B. Henderson, yea; J. S. Clarkson, yea; James C. Davis, yea; Charles M. Junkin, yea; Seth L. Baker, nay; Geo. W. French, yea; Edward Knott, yea; J. T. Merry, yea; S. B. Zeigler, yea; Edward Collins, yea; G. R. Stumble, yea; S. W. Rathbun, nay; Calvin Maning, yea; W. H. Needham, yea; A. B. Cummins, yea; C. D. Bevington, no response.
The Secretary called the name of the alternate, J. A. Mills, who voted yea.
L. Banks Wilson, yea; R. H. Spence, yea; John N. Baldwin, yea; Silas Wilson, yea; George C. Call, nay; H. W. Macomber, nay; F. H. Heisell, yea; D. C. Roach, yea.
The roll call having been completed, the Chair announced the result as follows: Yeas, 23; nays, 3.
When the vote of the State of Kansas was announced, a delegate from Kansas challenged the vote of that State, whereupon the Secretary called the roll of delegates and alternates as follows:
Cyrus Leland, Jr., yea; Nathaniel Barnes, yea; Thomas J. Anderson, yea; A. P. Riddle, no response; M. M. Murdock, nay: C. A. Swenson, no response; W. B. Townsend, yea; Thomas Anderson, no, response; S. L. Shafer, yea; William C. Hook, yea; John Shillingj yea; Grant Hornaday, yea; W. H. Brown, yea; John Randolph, nay; E. G. Dewey, yea; I. E. Lambert, nay; J. S. Dean, nay; T. D. Fitzpatrick, yea; George W. Higgenbothen, yea; E. F. Robinson, yea; I. T. Purcell, yea; H. J. Bone, yea; Frank Vincent nay.
The Chair thereupon announced the vote of Kansas as: Yeas, 15; nays, 5.
When the vote of New Mexico was announced, Mr. W. H. H. Llewellyn challenged the vote of New Mexico.
Upon the call of the roll the following was the result:
A. L. Morrison, yea; John S. Clark, yea; Thomas D. Burns, nay; Pedro Perea, nay; Solomon Luna, nay; W. H. H. Llewellyn, nay; — 2 votes yea and four votes nay.
Gen. Walker of Virginia challenged the vote of Virginia.
The roll of delegates was then called with the following result:
William Lamb, yea; James A. Walker, nay; S. M. Yost, yea; A. W. Harris, yea; George T. Scarburg, yea; T. C. Walker, yea; George E. Bowden, Ë vote, nay; R. N. Smith, Ë vote, yea; A. H. Martin, Ë vote, nay; Harry Libbey, Ë vote, yea; Edmund Waddell, nay; C. W. Harris, yea; Stich Balling, yea; C. J. Barksdale, nay; G. M. Tucker, yea; J. N. McLaughlin, yea; S. E. Sproule, yea; John Acker, nay; J. H. Rives, nay; W. G. B. Shumate, yea; H. J. Wale, yea; J. S. Browning, yea, D. F. Bailey, nay; J. C. Scheffer, yea; R. T. Hubbard, yea.
The call of delegates resulted in 16 ayes and 7 nos.
Col. Henderson, of Iowa, here announced that the three negative votes from Iowa had been changed from "nay" to "aye," amid applause.
The Secretary was instructed to again call the State of Iowa, resulting in the response "26 votes aye."
Chairman Thurston announced the result of the vote as follows: Ayes 812 Ë; Noes 110 Ë.
Continuing, the Chair said: And the financial plank is adopted. (Applause).
The CHAIR: The question now recurs upon the adoption of the balance of the platform. All in favor of its adoption will say "aye;" those opposed, "no."
The vote was put, and the platfbrm was adopted by an almost unanimous vote, amid great applause.
Immediately after the announcement of the adoption of the platform, Senator Teller, of Colorado, appeared on the platform, and in a low voice informed the Chair that he had an important communication to present to the Convention.
The CHAIR. The gentleman from Colorado rises to a question of personal privilege.
Senator TELLER. Mr. Chairman, we have prepared a statement, which, with the permission of the Chair, will be read by Senator Cannon.
The CHAIRMAN. It is asked as a matter of personal privilege that a statement prepared by certain members of this Convention be read. In the absence of objection, the Chair will permit the Delegate from Utah, Senator Cannon, to read the statement, as a matter of personal privilege. The Chair asks respectful attention and absolute quiet.
Senator Cannon then read the following statement:
To the Republican National Convention of the United States: In announcing the purpose asserted in this paper, it is due to our constituents and to ourselves that there shall be a public showing of vindicating facts. The sole authorized expression of National Republican faith from June 9th, 1892 until the present date, has been the platform adopted in the National Convention at Minneapolis. Neither the utterances of State Conventions, nor the attitude of individuals could change the tenor of that platform, or abate the sanctity of its binding force. Every delegate to this Convention was elected as its adherent and its advocate. True, one of its most important paragraphs has been subjected to such a diversion of construction as to make its language unsatisfactory during the intervening time and dangerous if continued in the future; but of the
99intent contained within that language there has never been a doubt. It is the rightful province of this Convention to revise the party tenets and to announce anew the party purpose. A majority of this Convention, in the exercise of such authority, has this day made official enunciation of Republican law and gospel. With much of the platform we agree, believing that in many essential particulars it compasses the needs of humanity, affirms the maintenance of right and proposes the just remedy for wrong. But it declares one elemental principle not only in direct contravention of the expression of party faith in 1892, but in radical opposition to our solemn conviction. We recognize that in all matters of mere method it is but just and healthful that the minority shall yield to the will of the majority, else we have chaos in party and in government. But as no pronouncement of majorities can change opposing knowledge, or belief, sincerely entertained, so it cannot oblige the minority to abandon or disobey its principles. As surely as it is requisite for peace and progress that minorities shall yield to majorities in matters of mere method, just so surely is it necessary for that same peace and progress that minorities shall not yield in matters of fundamental truth. The Republican platform of 1892 affirms that the American people, from tradition and interest, favored bi-metallism, and demanded the use of both gold and silver as standard money. This was accepted by us as a declaration in behalf of the principle upon which rests the interest of every citizen, and the safety of the United States. In such terms the platform was then satisfactory to the believers in bi-metallism within our party. Only because of equivocal construction and evasion has it since been demonstrated to be insufficient. The platform this day adopted in the National Republican Convention at St. Louis is as follows. (Here follows the financial plank of the platform just adopted).
As the declaration of 1892 has been by a majority of the party construed to justify a single gold standard for a monetary basis, and as the recent trend of the official power of the party has been in that direction, we can but assume that the money plank of the new platform, which is much more favorable to gold monometallism, will be determinedly used in behalf of that idea. The Republican party has won its power and renown by maintaining its purposes courageously and relentlessly. It is therefore only in accordance with the party's history to assume that if it shall come into present authority in the United States, it will crystallize into law, an administration under this tempting platform the perpetual single gold standard in our finances. This, if long continued, will mean the absolute ruin of the producers of the country, and finally of the nation itself.
The American people not only favor bi-metallism from tradition and interest, but from that wise instinct which has always been manifest in the affairs of a people destined for the world's leadership. Under the operation of our great demand for advancement we have become to other nations the greatest debtor nation of the world. We pay the vast charges which every year accumulate against us in the clearing houses of the world with the money of the world, procured by the disposal of our commodities in the markets of the world. We are a nation of producers. Our creditors are nations of consumers. Any system of international or national finance, which elevates the price of human produce makes our burden lighter and gives promise of that day when it shall be entirely lifted and our country freed financially, as it is politically, from the domination of
100monarchy and foreign autocracy. History, philosophy and morals all join with a common instinct of self-preservation in demanding that the United States shall have a solid, substantial, unvarying standard composed of all available gold and silver under which our country will progress to financial enfranchisement. But with a single gold standard, the country will go on to worse destruction, to continued falling prices, until our people will become the hewers of wood and the drawers of water for the consumers in the creditor nations of the earth.
To such an unholy achievement we will not lend ourselves. Dear as has been the Republican name to its adherents, that name is not so dear as the faith itself, and we do not abate one jot or tittle of a mighty principle by which Republicanism has uplifted the world when we say, at this parting of the ways, we cling to the faith, let the name go where it will.
(The speaker was here interrupted by calls of "Time, Time" but the Chair asked for a respectful hearing, and the speaker continued):
We hold that this Convention has seceded from the truth; that the triumph of such secession would be the eventual destruction of our freedom and our civilization. To that end the people will not knowingly follow any political party, and we choose to take our place in the ranks of the great mass of citizens who realize that the hour has come for justice. Did we deem this issue less important to humanity, we would yield, since the associations of all our political lives have been entertwined with the men and the measures of this party of past mighty achievement. But the people cry aloud for relief; they are bending beneath a burden growing heavier with the passing hours; endeavor no longer brings its just reward; tearfulness takes the place of courage and despair usurps the throne of hope, and unless the laws of the country and the policies of political parties shall be converted into mediums of redress, the effect of human desperation may sometime be witnessed here as in other lands and in other ages. Accepting the fiat of this Convention as the present purpose of the party, we withdraw from this Convention and return to our constituents the authority with which they invested us, believing that we had better discharge their trust by this act which restores to them the authority unsullied, than by giving cowardly and insincere endorsement to the greatest wrong ever wilfully attempted within the Republican party, once the redeemer of the people, but now about to become their oppressor unless Providentially restrained.
(This last sentence was received with an uproar of hisses. The uproar continued and the Chairman in attempting to appease the audience said):
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair suggests to this Convention that the Republican party, in convention assembled, need not fear any declaration —
(Here the uproar was renewed and the Chair could not be heard).
The CHAIR (continuing): And the Chair further suggests, in the interests of the Republican party, that whatever is to be said within reasonable limits by those who can no longer remain in our organization
101ought to be listened to with respectful attention, believing that full answer to all such declarations will be made by the great majority of the American people at the polls in November. (Cheers).
Senator CANNON (continuing): This is signed by a committee in behalf of the withdrawing delegates. The names of the committee are: Henry M. Teller, of Colorado; F. T. DuBois, Idaho; Frank J. Cannon, Utah; Charles A. Hartman, Montana; R. F. Pettigrew, South Dakota; A. C. Cleveland, Nevada.
Upon completing the reading of the statement, Senator Cannon shook hands with Senator Thurston and Senator-elect Foraker, and withdrew from the platform.
This incident was followed by the withdrawal of the silver delegates from the Convention, amid great excitement and a magnificient demonstration upon the part of the remaining delegates who tried to outvie each other in demonstrations of loyalty to the party and her principles. The "Red, White and Blue" "America," and other patriotic songs were played by the band, joined in by one grand chorus from the audience, which continued for some minutes. When quiet was restored, the Chair proceeded as follows:
Gentlemen of the Convention: There seems to be enough delegates left to transact the business of the Convention.
The remark of the Chairman was received with derisive shouts, and a general uproar of laughter ensued.
The CHAIRMAN: The Chair now begs the Convention to hear the Delegate from Montana, who did not go out. (Applause). (Calls of "platform" "platform").
The CHAIRMAN: It is the wish of this Convention that the gentleman come to the platform.
Senator MANTLE: (Speaking from his seat in the Montana delegation). Mr. and Chairman and gentlemen: There is, evidently, from the remarks of the Chairman, a misapprehension as to my position, and that which those who remained with me, occupy with reference to this Convention. I desire to say that a majority of the delegation from the State of Montana have not felt that, under all the circumstances surrounding this occasion, they were justified in actually walking out from this Convention. (Cries of good, good). But, Mr. Chairman, I am compelled to say in deference to the wishes and the opinions of a vast majority of the Republicans of the State of Montana, that we cannot give our approval, or our endorsement to the financial plank this day adopted. ("Good, good"), Now, Mr. Chairman, the gentlemen who are here in this Convention are here to represent the sentiments of the people who sent them here. We of Montana are here precisely in the same position. Under the pledges made by the Republican party in its last National Republican platform, we of the West went out and said to our people: The
102Republican party is the friend of silver; it has declared that it ia "in favor of the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of this nation." Upon that statement, although we encountered a Populist wave which swept over our Western States, we were enabled to keep the State of Montana within the Republican party, and to cast its electoral vote for Benjamin Harrison. But, Mr. Chairman, had it been stated that the Republican party was in favor of the single gold standard, that achievement would have been impossible.
(The speaker was here interrupted by Mr. Henderson, of Iowa, who said):
Mr. Chairman, I rise to a question of order. (Shouts and cries of " no, no," "sit down").
(Some confusion ensued, during which Mr. Henderson and Senator Mantle exchanged a few remarks, whereupon Mr. Henderson withdrew his point of order.)
Senator MANTLE: Mr. Chairman: The victors can well afford to be generous. I am simply expressing the sentiments of the people who sent me here, and they have never been anywhere but in the Republican party. I have never in my life cast anything but a Republican vote, and I do not want to do it now if I can help it. (Applause). But we have come here under explicit direction, under explicit instruction from the Republicans of our State. We would be false to them and false to ourselves if we did not state their position, and their objections at this time. Mr. Chairman, in the name and in behalf of the Republicans of Montana, I protest earnestly, solemnly and emphatically against the financial plank of the platform adopted this day. And I say this, that we cannot accept ft; we cannot endorse it; we cannot support it But here there is a difference of opinion in this delegation. There are those who are satisfied to utter this protest and still participate in the proceedings of this Convention. (Applause.) There are others who feel that in declining to support the party declaration upon this great controlling issue, they are in honor bound not to participate in the placing of a candidate upon a platform, a portion of which they cannot at this time endorse. But, Mr. Chairman, whatever the action of the delegation may be among its individual members, I want to say this that we reserve the right to the Republicans of the State of Montana, to accept or reject at such time and in such manner as they may determine the platform and the candidates this day placed before them by this Convention. (Applause.)
General GROSVENOR: Mr. Chairman. I will not consent that any more time shall be taken up. I object to the fraudulent introduction of Democratic speeches under the head of privileged communications.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair believes that in recognizing Senator Brown, of Utah, to a question of personal privilege, it is not for a continuation of anything objectionable to this Convention.
Senator BROWN, of Utah: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this Contention: The delegation of Utah does not bolt. (Applause). We do not believe that the Republican party is an oppressor, but the guardian of liberty and the protector of honest government everywhere. Three of our delegation have gone, and I am here to express our sorrow at their departure. We have begged them to remain and we shall never cease to urge them to return. (Applause). It is personal, largely, however. As I said before, we have three delegates in this Convention, and we have three alternates. Mr. Rodgers, Mr. Green and Mr. Schmidt, all true to the old Republican party. (Applause). We have come before you as staunch and stalwart Republicans, and as loyal to her principles as are the everlasting mountains where we live. We do not, in saying this, surrender anything of the belief that we have, and I shall not weary you with a speech on that subject. We still remain true to the principle of free coinage of silver at the old ratio. We do not believe it can be settled by a mere vote this fall, or a mere vote in this Convention. Time, prosperity and success can only settle it, and when it is settled that way, it will be the redemption of silver as Constitutional money. But, as I said, I promised not to speak to you on that subject; I come to say to you that there is one great issue before the American people. One to which the Republican party was pledged years and years ago; one in which you have not yet fulfilled your mission — you have promised to the people of the United States an American Tariff and American protection. That promise you must fulfill this fall. You must send protection to every ship owner and every ship maker; you must send protection to the farmer, to the manufacturer, and I come to you to say that Utah, or part of us at least, will endeavor to labor to help you in that cause. (Cries of "good" "good"). We will go to the people of that State; we will go to the Protectionists of that State, and we will labor with them to see if we cannot send three electors who shall vote for the nominee of this Convention, whoever he may be. (Applause). We will labor to see to it that we have a representation in Congress that will vote for every Tariff Bill that comes up. (Applause). We never have faltered at home on that subject. We are with you. We may have some doubt or misgiving of the past, but our hearts will reach forward, and we will struggle to convince you that we are right on the silver question, but whether you are right, or we are right, we will work together, and we will work with you for the great cause of Americanism.
And now, Mr. President, I beg that the three alternates whom I have named be allowed to sit with us as Delegates in this Convention to take the place of those who have retired. (Applause).
The CHAIRMAN: Unless objection is made, the three alternates from Utah will be authorized to take their seats in the places of the three delegates who have retired.
Mr. BURLEIGH. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Contention: Coming from the only Pacific coast State which declared in its platform for the maintenance of the present gold standard and against the free coinage of silver, I desire to take your attention for one moment. The young State of Washington, smaller than many of her magnificent sisters in this Union, yields first place for patriotic devotion to the principles of this government, and loyal allegiance to the tenets of the Republican party, to none. We have not come here to imbibe inspiration on the money question. We brought our inspiration with us, twenty-five hundred miles from the Pacific coast, and through the States of Idaho and Montana and it is just as good here now and just as fervent as before it made the journey.
We believe in a single gold standard, because we think the money which pays interest to the banker on Wall street is none too good to pay the wages of labor in Washington. (Cries of "good"). And the principles of this party inscribed upon our banner with Protection, Reciprocity, with sound money, as defined by this platform and with the unanimous choice of the Republicans of that State for President, William McKinley, of Ohio, (Great applause), we shall go to Republican victory at the polls in November, and with us will go the loyal people of the State of Montana.
At this point there were calls for the regular order.
The CHAIRMAN. The regular order is demanded ; the Secretary will call the roll, and when each State is called it will report its member of the National Committee. It is further requested that the name and post office address of each member be sent to the desk in writing.
|Arkansas||Powell Clayton||Little Rock.|
|California||John D. Spreckels||San Francisco.|
|Colorado||J. F. Saunders||Denver.|
|Delaware||James H. Wilson||Wilmington.|
|Florida||John C. Long||St. Augustine.|
|Georgia||Judson W. Lyons||Augusta.|
|Idaho||George L. Shoup||Salmon City.|
|Illinois||T. N. Jamieson||Chicago.|
|Indiana||Winfield T. Durbin||Anderson.|
|Iowa||A. B. Cummins||Des Moines.|
|Kansas||Cyrus Leland, Jr.||Troy.|
|Kentucky||John W. Yerkes||Danville.|
|Louisiana||A. T. Wimberly||New Orleans.|
|Maine||Joseph H. Manley||Augusta.|
|Maryland||George L. Wellinton||Cumberland.|
|Massachusetts||George H. Lyman||Boston.|
|Michigan||George L. Maltz||Detroit.|
|Minnesota||L. F. Hubbard||Red Wing.|
|Missouri||Richard C. Kerens||St. Louis.|
|Montana||Charles R. Leonard||Butte.|
|Nebraska||John M. Thurston||Omaha.|
|Nevada||C. H. Sproule||Elko.|
|New Hampshire||Person C. Cheney||Manchester.|
|New Jersey||Garret A. Hobart||Paterson.|
|New York||Fred. S. Gibbs||New York City.|
|North Carolina||James E. Boyd||Greensboro.|
|North Dakota||W. H. Robinson||Mayville.|
|Ohio||Chas. L. Kurtz||Columbus.|
|Oregon||George A. Steele||Portland.|
|Pensylvania||Matthew S. Quay||Beaver.|
|Rhode Island||Charles R. Brayton||Providence.|
|South Carolina||Eugene A. Webster||Orangeburg.|
|South Dakota||A. B. Kittredge||Sioux Falls.|
|Tennessee||W. P. Brownlow||Jonesboro.|
|Utah||L. R. Rogers||Salt Lake City.|
|Vermont||George T. Childs||St. Albans.|
|Virginia||George E. Bowden||Norfolk.|
|Washington||P. C. Sullivan||Tacoma.|
|West Virginia||N. B. Scott||Wheeling.|
|Wisconsin||Henry C. Payne||Milwaukee.|
|Wyoming||Willis Van Devanter||Cheyenne.|
|Arizona||W. M. Griffith||Florence.|
|New Mexico||Solomon Luna||Los Lunas.|
|Indian Territory||Leo E. Bennett||Muskogee.|
|Oklahoma||Henry E. Asp||Guthrie.|
|Dist. of Columbia||Myron M. Parker||Washington.|
|Alaska||C. S. Johnson||Sitka.|
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair announces that the members of the National Committee, as reported to this Convention, will meet tomorrow morning at ten o'clock at rooms 366 and 368, of the Southern Hotel, this city. The gentlemen from Ohio, General Grosvenor offers a resolution which the Secretary will read:
The resolution is as follows: Whereas, there are several vacancies on the National Committee, as reported on the last call; therefore,
Resolved, That the National Committee be and it is hereby empowed to fill all vacancies on said Committee.
The resolution was adopted.
The CHAIRMAN. The regular order of business is the roll call of States for the presentation of candidates for nomination. (Applause).
Mr. MANTLE, of Montana. Mr. Chairman. One of the delegates from the State of Montana has felt it his duty to withdraw from the Convention. I desire to ask, sir, that one of the alternates may occupy his place and cast a vote in this Convention.
The CHAIR. It will be so ordered, without objection.
The Secretary will call the roll of States.
The roll of States was called and no response was made until the State of Iowa was reached, when Mr. Henderson said:
Mr. Chairman, Mr. John N. Baldwin, of Council Bluffs, will speak for Iowa. (Amid great applause, Mr. Baldwin began):
Mr. BALDWIN. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: There is one, but only one of those whose names will be presented to this Convention who can claim that there has been placed for him in history's golden urn an estimate of his character and worth, made by him, on whom nature has stamped her royal seal; God exhibited as his greatest design of American manhood, genius, statesmanship and patriotism, who now in Heaven, wears a crown of deathless praise, and whose great soul is a portion of eternity itself — James G. Blaine. (Applause).
Blaine, writing to Garfield, said: "Then comes Allison. He is true, kind, reasonable, fair, honest and good. He is methodical, industrious and intelligent, and would be a splendid man to sail along with smoothly and successfully."
Complying with the request of the Iowa delegation, I rise to propose to this Convention the nomination of him, to whom this heritage was bequeathed — William B. Allison, and to ask you to make it on the old and new testament of Republicanism. It takes a big man to represent the State of Iowa in the Congress of the United States for thirty-five years, but Senator Allison is that man. With the most perfect knowledge of the details of all our political laws and their histories, with that statesmanlike judgment which distinguishes the essential from the accidental and the immutable from the transitory; "with every look a cordial smile, every gesture a caress," yet with a spirit of such firm mold and purpose that no bribe or feast or palace could awe or swerve, he has for thirty-five years upon the floor of the House and Senate been fighting for the interest of the people; carrying onward and upward the nations' legislative work; turning cranks out of place; unsphering the culminating stars of Democracy; unmasking the hidden purposes of corrupt measures, until now, he holds the place of ungrudged supremacy in the legislative halls of that most splendid of capitals.
That which this country has lost is that which it now seeks, "Protection." To get it the people have worked hard, prayed fast, paid high and now let them have it. Allison does not believe in a tariff for Revenue only, but in a tariff for Protection and Revenue jointly. He has always insisted that the Protective system is the mightiest instrument for the development of our National resources and the strongest agency to protect American wealth and American labor. Protection built the laborer his American home, and he never again will welcome therein Democratic sirens, singing Free Trade songs, written and composed by English bards, for having chiseled the principles of protection in its hearthstone, he will, at the next election defend them at his front gate.
The great and important issue which is just now coming around the corner is the one of sound money, and we can no more dodge it than we can gravitation — and sound money means the courageous maintenance of our present gold standard until changed by international agreement. In this respect, the situation is easily simple, but certainly serious.
A decision upon this important question must be made by this Convention, and, remember, gentlemen, a nation listens to catch the click of its fate. For Senator Allison you cannot build too strong a platform for sound money, and if you place him upon it he will see to it that the dry rot of 16 to 1 does not steal through its staunch timbers. The United States can no more make good money by simply placing its symbol of sovereignty or mark of authority on any kind of metal regardless of its commercial value or relations to foreign countries, than it can extend its domain by calling a furlong a mile. He believes that an American dollar should have a few grains of sense as well as more of silver. That there can be no stability to our currency or money, if we keep adopting such shifting policies as that under them the same piece may be a copper cent in one hand or a dollar in another. He believes, that unlimited coinage would soon lead to unlimited bankruptcy. No honest farmer would borrow from his neighbor a bushel of 50-cent wheat and insist upon paying him back in a bushel of 25-cent oats, and so this great government cannot expect to keep its credit at the highest point if it borrows dollar gold and insists upon paying back with 50-cent silver, any other construction of the word "coin" in any laws or any contracts to the contrary notwithstanding.
The platform of this Convention must be for sound money, and in clear, ringing, unmistakable terms. On any other construction of it the party may get into power, but the country will be in danger of falling into the batch of bankrupt governments and at the end of the party's administration it would probably have no more of an estate that did Rebelais, whose will, when opened, read: "In the name of God, Amen. I have nothing. I owe much. I give the rest to the poor." "At the time when nation wildly looks at nation, standing with mute lips apart" Allison did not meet with a clenched fist the proffered hand of international adjustment. However, he has stood unwaveringly by the Monroe Doctrine, and insisted that the United States should recognize any people, struggling for liberty and Republican institutions, even if they were insurgents in Cuba.
I ask you to nominate him. If you do, the people from the sand-enshrouded Mexican line, to the live wire that separates us from an unborn daughter on the North, will shout as in one glorious, glad anthem, "The old temple of Republicanism still stands. Flock to it for shelter." If you do, every keynote of the campaign will be kept up at concert pitch. If you do, the White House will be used no longer as an experiment station. Nominate him, and not now, perhaps, but when the strife is over, his name will fall like millenial music on your ears. Nominate him and a thrill of joy will go from the West to the East, carrying on its trembling way the songs of our reapers, only to be lost in the roar of your furnaces. Nominate him and when our corn grows gold in autumn's time, our flocks teeming and our granaries full, every spindle will be turning day and night on the Merrimac. If you will do this, light will break upon our darkened land and instantly a long-suffering people will hear the surges of returning prosperity.
May the spell of Republicanism have greater power to move you, than the spell of magic words. In this hour of anxious expectancy; in this hour pregnant with history, prophecy and destiny, the grave gives up its mighty dead, and they are here Lincoln, Grant, Garfield, Blaine, yea all the illustrious dead of the Republican party; and mingled with its living advocates, martyred Lincoln's spirit pleads with you to see to it that "These dead shall not have died in vain."
An ovation followed the conclusion of Mr. Baldwin's remarks, the Iowa delegation being especially enthusiastic.
By direction of the Chairman the roll call was continued, but no State responded until Maine was reached, when the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, made the following nominating speech:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: Four years ago we met as we meet now, representatives of the great Republican party. Prosperity was in the land, capital was confident and labor employed. There was a good day's wage for a good day's work, and the spirit of American enterprise was strong and bold. The Treasury was full and the revenues were sufficient. We met the public needs out of the public income. We were at peace with all the world and had laid a prudent hand on the key of the Pacific. Four short years have come and gone. Look around you now. The Treasury is empty. Our credit is impaired, our revenues are deficient. We meet the public needs not by income, but by borrowing at high rates and pledging the future to meet the wants of the present. Business is paralyzed, confidence has gone, enterprise has folded its eagle wings and mopes and blinks in the market place. There is no longer a good day's wage for a good day's work. Capital hides itself and labor idly walks the street. We have met with slights abroad; we have had serious troubles with other nations; the key of the Pacific has slipped from nerveless hands. Foreign troops have been landed in this hemisphere. Our boundaries in Alaska have been threatened. The Monroe Doctrine has been defended, but has not yet been vindicated. The people of a neighboring Island, struggling for freedom and independence, look toward us with imploring eyes, and thus far look in vain. (Cheers and applause).
But four short years have come and gone and they have wrought this change. What has happened? I will tell you in a word. The Democratic party has been in power. That is the answer. They deceived the people with promises of a millennium, and the results of those idle promises are all about us to-day. We have no such promises to make. We pledge ourselves only to that which we mean to perform. We will do our best, and as we saved the Union and abolished slavery in 1860, so in 1896 we will deal with this Democratic legacy of blunders, bankruptcy and misfortunes.
We have met here to choose the next President of the United States. No man doubts that we shall win at the next election, but let us not deceive ourselves with the pleasant fancy that the campaign will be an easy one. It will be a hard fight. It cannot be otherwise where so much is at stake. Against the Republican party are arrayed not only that organized failure, the Democratic party, but all the wandering forces of political chaos and social disorder. It is not merely the Presidency, which is the great prize set before us. The protection of our industries, our National credit; a strong foreign policy, all alike are at stake on the great issues to be settled at the polls next November. We cannot meet such a situation as this with mere shouts and enthusiasm. Upon us rests the duty of rescuing the country from the misery into which it has been plunged by three years of Democratic misrule. We can only succeed by the most strenuous endeavor. Everything depends upon the administration
109that we put in power. We want a President who, like Lincoln, will meet the situation, with the chief Republicans about him, and the party and the people at his back. We want a President who on the 5th day of March will call Congress in extra session, (Applause) and refusing to make appointments, or to deal with patronage, will say that all else must wait until Congress sends to him a tariff: which shall put money in the Treasury, and wages in the pocket of the American workingman. We want a President who will protect, at all hazards the gold reserve of the Treasury, who will see to it that every dollar presented is paid in whatever money the creditor chooses to demand, and will never forget that the nation which pays with honor, borrows with ease.
We want a President who will guard our foreign policy; who will always be firm and dignified in dealing with foreign nations, instead of varying a long course of weakness and indifference with a convulsive spasm of vigor and patriotism. We want a President, above all, who will lead his party and act with it; who will not, by senseless quarrels between Capitol and White House, such as we have lately seen, reduce legislation and execution alike to imbecility and failure. (Applause). Such a man we want for our great office in these bitter times, when the forces of disorder are loose and the wreckers with their false lights gather at the shore to lure the ship of state upon the rocks. Such a man I am now to present to you. He needs no praise from me, for he has proved himself his title to leadership. By what he has done and what he is we know what he can do. For twenty years in victory and in defeat, at the head of great majorities and of small minorities, he has led his party in Congress with an ability that no man could dispute and a resource that has never failed. I have seen him with a maddened opposition storming about him carry through the great reform which has made the House of Representatives the able and efficient body it is to-day. (Applause). I have seen him during the last winter guide a great majority so that it has met every demand put upon it, and has placed no burden upon the Republican party in the campaign now before us.
In the House and before the people he has always been the brilliant champion of the great Republican policies which, adopted, have made us prosperous, and abandoned, have left ruin at our doors. He is a thorough American, by birth, by descent, by breeding; one who loves his country and has served it in youth and manhood, in war and peace. His public career is as spotless as his private life. He is a trained statesman, fit for the heaviest task that can be imposed upon him. He has the confidence of his party and his country. He is a leader. We know it for we have seen him lead. To his followers he never said go, but always come. He is entirely fearless. We know it because we have seen his courage tested on a hundred fields. He is fit to stand at the head of the Republican column. He is worthy to be an American President.
I have the honor — aye, the very great honor, to present to you for nomination the Speaker of the National House of Representatives, Thomas B. Reed.
(The mention of Mr. Reed's name was received with a great ovation, lasting several minutes).
The CHAIRMAN: The Convention will be in order. Mr. Littlefield. of Maine, is recognized.
Mr. LlTTLEFlELD: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: The nominee of this Convention will be the next President of the Republic. That the Republican party is to be victorious in the coming campaign, whoever its candidate may be, has long since been settled by the manifold blunders, worse than crimes, that have been committed by the Democratic party. It has demonstrated its incapacity to direct the affairs of the nation in full measure heaped up, running over. It was intrusted with power by a forgetful and forgiving people, at a time of unexampled prosperity, with an overflowing national treasury, an unlimited public credit, labor fully and profitably employed, wheels turning, looms moving, furnaces glowing, and machinery humming the music that attends profitable, diversified industry. These were the inevitable results of the intelligent application of that elemental principle of our system of government, coeval with the birth agony of the Republic, protection to American labor and industry. The Democratic party, after having denounced the McKinley tariff as the "culminating atrocity of class legislation," and set forth its declaration of alleged principles, asked for a change of administration and party in order that there might be "a change of system and a change of method." We have had a change in administration and party, a change of system and method, and a complete reversal of results. In 1896 we see the perfect converse of the picture presented in 1892. In that great achievement of Democratic statesmanship, the confessed misbegotten offspring of cowardice, perfidy and dishonor, a tariff for deficiency only, Prof. Wilson declared that he had just begun to "shell the protected industries of the North." The opening gun of his campaign was sufficient to drive timid capital to inaccessible retreats, extinguish the fires, silence the loom, paralyze industry, turn honest labor into the street, and plunge the country into a condition of business depression hitherto unknown to this generation of business men. It encouraged and cherished foreign and destroyed domestic industry. It has fostered no industry as it has "that of the sheriff." Then the sunshine of prosperity illumined the whole land. Now our people grope, shiver and wait in the benumbing shadow of adversity and disaster. Even Cleveland has discovered that we are confronted by a condition of business depression. Then a surplus overflowed the treasury. Now a deficit drains its vaults. The stern logic of events has given the American people an object lesson upon the most stupendous scale. But one lesson is taught. It is so plain that "he may run that readeth it." Another change is decreed. It only waits the slow turning of the hand on the dial plate of time to be registered. For the next four years the Republican party will again take charge of the business of the country. Will it remain in power for decades, shaping in harmony with its high destiny the policy of the Republic? The action of this Convention in selecting a nominee will determine. We stand here as the representatives of this great party, charged with the responsibility of deciding whether the lease of power which an indignant, exhausted, exasperated people stand ready to give us, shall be four years or decades. We are called upon to act for the welfare of the whole party, not to express personal preferences. The occasion demands our greatest man our foremost leader. He should not be the representative of any special policy or any single principle of the party. He must be the representative of all interests, all elements, all sections. He must know no North and no South, no East and no West. He must have a private life and a
111public record, flawless, untarnished by suspicion, unsullied by calumny, a life upon which the calcium light of a campaign can cast no shadow. He must have opinions and the courage to declare them, and when he has once declared them, to "stand" like Luther, if need be, forever. He must have commanding ability, integrity above suspicion. He must be unswervingly loyal to all the principles of the party. He must have a thorough knowledge of the science of practical government, an intelligent apprehension of the true destiny of the Republic, a sincere purpose, a manly independence, a freedom from obligations, entanglements and alliances. He must be unselfish in his devotion to the welfare of the whole party, inflexible in determination, indomitable in courage. He must have an Americanism broad enough and rugged enough to maintain the dignity of the Republic and the rights of its citizens in every land and on every sea; an Americanism that with a due regard to international duties can extend the hand of sympathy to our fellow-men wherever they are struggling for freedom; an Americanism that does not look upon the Flag as a piece of mere textile fabric, but sees in it the emblem of a great and powerful people consecrated to liberty and freedom by the expenditure of uncounted treasure and the sacrifice of innumerable heroic, patriotic lives.
I come to you from a State that has always followed in victory or defeat the standard of the party; that ever since the party was born of its aspirations for freedom, has cast its vote for its candidates; that will cast its vote for the nominee of this Convention, whoever he may be; and I bring to you a candidate, who, by his twenty years of battle for the party in the House of Representatives, has demonstrated his possession of these qualifications in a pre-eminent degree. He has rendered conspicuous and enduring service to the party and the Nation; service that was not within the power or ability of any other to render. He trampled underfoot immemorial precedent in order that the party that had been intrusted by the country with the transaction of its business might discharge its duties and see that the business of the country was done. The universal practice of the Republican and Democratic parties had been such as to justify the statement of Mills in speaking for the Democracy that "we propose to exercise control of the House just as much as though we were still in the majority, because we know our minority is still strong enough to make us the virtual rulers," resulting in a government of the minority and not of the majority, a complete subversion of the fundamental principle of representative government. With this condition he was confronted at the assembling of the 51st Congress. He found the House of Representatives a body of obstruction. He made it a deliberative, legislative business body. He found it a hissing and a by-word. He made it the instrument of the peoples' will, one of the glories of the Republic. A determined minority stood like a lion in its path to thwart and defeat, but he made it possible for the Republican party to fulfill its pledges to the people. But for his over-mastering courage and inflexible determination, the McKinley bill would have been nothing but a legislative dream. The most venomous, rancorous and vituperative abuse known to partisan hatred was poured upon him by a defeated, baffled, exasperated minority. He became the center of a whirlwind of denunciation and calumniation the country over. His political future was staked upon the issue. He never hesitated to count the cost. Conscious of the rectitute and patriotism of his purpose, calm, serene, self-reliant, undismayed,
112indomitable, massive, heroic, the great speaker towered above it all, an immovable bulwark against which "the gates of hell itself could not prevail." He lived to emerge, unscathed, from the avalanche of partisan detraction and vilification, and see his position sustained by the greatest legal tribunal of the civilized world, and he had the proud satisfaction of witnessing the humiliation of his detractors and calumniators when they were compelled to adopt his rules. As true as the needle to the pole has been his devotion to theprinciples of honesty and sound finance. His record for sound money is without a break. He believes in sound finance, and in sound finance with a definition. He believes in a definition that defines. He is willing that his definition should be known of all men, and his definition is that until we can have bimetallism by international agreement, "the present gold standard should be maintained." He believes that any other principle means disaster and a loss of the confidence of the great business interests of the country. He knows that the government mint is not an alembic that can transmute fifty cents worth of silver metal into a coin of the realm of the value of one dollar. The Republican party was held up in the United States Senate and commanded to stand or deliver a dollar in coin for fifty cents of value. They could bring the party to a stand, but under his leadership they could not make it deliver. Entrusted by his party with an office second only in power to that of the Presidency, having at his disposal the highest objects of Congressional ambition, the control of great interests, he has scorned to use his power for his own aggrandisement. Dignified, unselfish, dispassionate, independent, untrammelled, sincere, conscientious, unmindful of his personal advancement, he has discharged the duties of his high office. Amid the exigencies of an intense canvass for this great office, his devotion to the welfare of the whole party has been pure and steadfast, without "variableness, neither shadow of turning." His energies have been exerted to make it possible to elect the nominee of this Convention, not to secure for himself the position of its standard bearer. He is entangled by no alliances, bound by no combinations. He has no friends that he will be compelled to reward, no enemies that it will be necessary to punish. He was never dominated or controlled by clique or cabal. He has never bowed and never will bow the knee to Baal. If nominated by this Convention he, and none other, will be the President of the Republic. We therefore present to you the great speaker, the leader of leaders, pre-eminent in fitness, by his eminent public services and abilities, towering above his fellows like a son of Anak, the wisest, strongest, ablest, noblest of American statesmen, Honorable Thomas B. Reed. Reed the Lion Hearted. If nominated he will lead this land permanently back to the "paths of prosperity and fame," and we shall take back with us "our ancient glory undimmed by adversity, our ancient honor unsullied by defeat."
By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary continued to call the roll of States, no response being made until the State of New York was reached, when Mr. Sutherland of that delegation arose and said: "The claims of the State of New York and her favorite son will be presented by her other favorite son — that citizen of all the States of the Union — Chauncey M. Depew."
The appearance of Mr. Depew was the signal for a great ovation, in which the whole body of delegates took part.
Before Mr. Depew was able to address the Chair a delegate inquired: "What about the erring sisters who walked out of here a while ago?"
Mr. DEPEW: They have deserted a Republican convention, composed of representatives of the party from all sections of the Union, and they walked out because they objected to the gold standard. I wonder how they will feel when they arrive at the gate of the Celestial City where they will find that it is run under a Republican government. (Laughter). I wonder how they will feel when they find that, as we are told by the old Apostle, the streets are paved with gold. (Laughter and cheers).
Continuing, Mr. Depew said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: National Republican Conventions have been epoch makers. They have formulated the principles, originated the policies and suggested the measures which in the history of these United States formed its most progressive period. They have nominated for the Presidency statesmen and soldiers who were the leaders of the people in their onward march to larger liberty and broader and better industrial conditions.
No party, no matter however glorious its achievements or how brilliant its successors can rely upon the past. Its former triumphs are only certificates of character, which must be met by continuing effort as beneficent and wise as anything of which it boasts. A party which is to permanently govern a country and is secure in its past must not only be equal to the present, but must forecast and provide for the future. The Republican party has held possession of the government of the United States for more than a generation, because it has triumphantly met these conditions. The unequal success of the Republican party, its hold upon the country, and its masterful influence upon affairs, have been due to the fact that in every crisis its principles have solved the problems of the hour, and its selected leader has been the man for the occasion. The greatest moral and patriotic questions which a free people were ever called upon to meet were slavery and secession in the early days of our organization. But with Union and liberty as our watchword, and with Lincoln as our leader, we saved the Republic and emancipated the slaves. The passionate and critical issues of reconstruction were successfully met and the hostile sections happily united by a policy of conciliation which could only secure the consent of the victors and the assent of the conquered by the influence of the soldier president who had the confidence of the armies which he had led in triumph, and the enemies whom he had paroled with honor. In a period when progress halted because of the distrust of Commonwealth and their citizens, of each other, the later and better judgment of the country expressed its acknowledgment to the non-partisanship and judicial fairness of Hayes and Evarts. The youth who came to manhood after the civil war and knew little of its agonies or its animosities found a glorious example of American possibility and achievement in the canal driver, the college student, the school principal, the college president, the Union General, the illustrious debater in the House of Representatives, the
114brilliant and magnetic Garfield. In defeat and in victory for (he policies which stood for the development of American industries, for America, for Americans, whether native or naturalized, and for the reciprocity which bound the North American and South American continents together, we had the plumed knight of our enthusiasm and our love, James G. Blaine. (Great applause.) As a new generation came to the majority to whom the past was a legend, the present, the difficult task of development and prosperity, and the future theory without experience, the Republican party again happily practiced in its control of the executive and the legislative branches of the government, that policy of protection of American industries and that practice of sound finance which gave to the Republic its era of greatest prosperity, and its period of the largest returns for capital, the fullest employment for labor, and the highest wages for work in the history of our nation, in the closing year of the administration of that able and accomplished statesman, Benjamin Harrison.
A few weeks preceding the convention of four years ago, at Minneapolis, I had an afternoon with Mr. Blaine. With marvelous intuition, he forecast the future. He said: "Substantially all the forces of opposition, of distrust and of disappointment, of theory and of imagination which accumulate against a party that has been in power for over thirty years, are now concentrated for an assault upon our position and are certain to succeed. The Democratic party and its allies of Populism and all other isms, are destined in this campaign, no matter who is our candidate, or what is our platform, to secure possession of the government." The country knows to its, loss, its sorrow and its grief, that the prediction has been fulfilled in every part. In its fulfillment the United States has the experience, and Europe has the business and prosperity.
We meet to take up the broken cord of national development and happiness, and link it once more to the car of progress. Our industries stagnant, our manufactures paralyzed, our agriculture disheartened, our artisans unemployed, our finances disordered, our treasury bankrupt, our credit impaired, our position among the nations of the world questioned, all look to this Convention and call upon its wisdom for hope and rescue. The conditions created by the practice of Democratic policies, the promise of Democratic measures and the differences of Democratic statesmen would seem to argue an unquestioned and overwhelming triumph for the Republican party in the coming election. No matter how brilliant the promise, no matter how serene the outlook, it is the part of wisdom, with the uncertainties of politics and our recent experience of the tragic shifting of issues, to be careful, prudent and wise in platform and in candidate.
The last few years have been a campaign of university extension among the people of the United States, and while we may in platform and candidate meet all the requirements of party obligations and party expectations, we must remember that there is a vast constituency which has little fealty to parties or to organizations, but votes for the man and the principles which are in accord with their view in the administration of the country. The whole country, north, south, east and west, without any division in our lines, or out of them, stands, after what has happened in the last three years, for the protection of American industries, for the principle of reciprocity, and for America for Americans, but a compact neighborhood of great commonwealths, in which are concentrated the majority of the population
115of the manufacturers, and of the industrial energies of the United States, has found that business and credit exist only with the stability of sound money.
It has become the fashion of late to decry business as unpatriotic. We hear much of the "Sordid considerations of capital," "employment," "industrial energies" and "prosperous labor." The United States differing from the medieval conditions which govern older countries, differing from the militarism which is the curse of European nations, differing from thrones which rest upon the sword, is pre-eminently and patriotically a commercial and a business nation. Thus, commerce and business are synonymous with patriotism. When the farmer is a field, sowing and reaping the crops which find a market that remunerates him for his toil, when the laborer and the artisan find work seeking them, and not themselves desparing of work, when the wage of the toiler promises comfort for his family and hope for his children, when the rail is burdened with the product of the soil and of the factory, when the spindles are humming and the furnaces are in blast, when the mine is putting out its largest product and the national and individual wealth are constantly increasing, when the homes, owned, unmortgaged, by the people, are more numerous day by day and month by month, when the schools are most crowded, the fairs most frequent, and happy conditions most universal in the nation, then are the promises fulfilled, which make these United States of America the home of the oppressed and the land of the free.
It is to meet these conditions and to meet them with a candidate who represents them, and about whom there can be no question, that New York presents to you for the Presidency, under the unanimous instructions of two successive Republican State Conventions, the name of her Governor, Levi P. Morton.
New York is the cosmopolitan State of the Union; she is both the barometer and thermometer of the changes of popular opinion and popular passion. She has been the pivotal commonwealth which has decided nearly every one of the national elections in this generation. She has more Yankees than any city in New England, more southerners than any community in the south; and more native born westerners than any city in the west, and the representatives of the Pacific coast within her borders have been men who have done much for the development of that glorious region. These experienced and cosmopolitan citizens, with their fingers upon the pulses of the finance and trade of the whole country, feel instantly the conditions that lead to disaster or to prosperity. Hence; they swing the State sometime to the Republican and sometime to the Democratic column.
In the tremendous effort to break the hold which Democracy had upon our commonwealth, and which it had strengthened for ten successive years, we selected as our standard bearer, the gentleman whom I present on behalf of our State here today, and who carried New York and took the legislature with him, by 156,000 majority.
We are building a navy, and the White Squadron is a forerunner of a commerce which is to whiten every sea and carry our flag into every port of the world. Not our wish, perhaps, nor our ambitions, probably, but our very progress and expansion have made us one of the family of nations. We can no longer, without the hazzard of unnecessary frictions with other governments conduct our foreign policy, except through the medium of a skilled diplomacy. For
116four years as Minister to France, when critical questions of the import of our products into that country were imminent, Levi P. Morton learned and practiced successfully the diplomacy which was best for the prosperity of his country. None of the mistakes which have discredited our relations with foreign nations during the past four years could occur under his administration. He is the best type of the American business man — that type which is the ideal of school, the academy and the college. That type which the mother presents to her boy in the western cabin and in the eastern tenement, as she is marking out for him a career by which he shall rise from his poor surroundings to grasp the prizes which come through American liberty and American opportunity. You see the picture. The New England clergyman on his meagre salary, the large family of boys and girls about him, the sons going out with their common school education, the boy becoming the clerk in the store, then granted an interest in the business; then becoming its controlling spirit, then claiming the attention of the great house in the city and called to a partnership, then himself the master of great affairs. Overwhelmed by the incalculable conditions of civil war, but with undaunted energy and foresight, he grasped again the elements of escape out of bankruptcy and of success, and with the return of prosperity he paid to the creditors who had compromised his indebtedness every dollar, principal and interest, of what he owed them. The best type of a successful business man, he turns to politics, to be a useful member of Congress, to diplomacy, to be a successful Minister abroad, to the executive and administrative branches of government, to be the most popular Vice-President and the presiding officer of that most august body, the Senate of the United States.
Our present deplorable industrial and financial conditions are largely due to the fact that while we have a President and a cabinet of acknowledged ability, none of them have had business training or experience. They are persuasive reasoners upon industrial questions, but have never practically solved industrial problems. They are the book farmers who raise wheat at the cost of orchids, and sell it at the price of wheat. With Levi P. Morton, there would be no deficiency to be met by the issue of bonds; there would be no blight on our credit which would call for the services of a syndicate; there would be no trifling with the delicate intricacies of finance and commerce which would paralyze the operations of trade and manufacture. Whoever may be nominated by this convention will receive the cordial support, the enthusiastic advocacy of the Republicans of New York, but in the shifting conditions of our commonwealth, Governor Morton can secure more than the party strength, and without question in the coming canvass, no matter what issues may arise between now and November, place the Empire State solidly in the Republican column.
(Prolonged applause followed the remarks).
By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary proceeded with the call of the States, no response being made until the State of Ohio was reached, when Governor Bushnell, on behalf of the Ohio delegation, said: Mr. Chairman, Senator Foraker will speak for Ohio and Ohio's candidate.
Governor Foraker upon his appearance upon, the platform was accorded a splendid reception, the whole house joining in the applause. He spoke as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: It would be extremely difficult if not entirely impossible to exaggerate the disagreeable experiences of the last four years. The grand aggregate of the multitudinous bad results of a Democratic National Administration may be summed up as one stupendous disaster; it has been a disaster, however, not without at least one redeeming feature. It has been fair — nobody has escaped. It has fallen equally and alike upon all sections of the country and all classes of our population. The just and the unjust, the Republican and the Democrat, the rich and the poor, the high and the low, have suffered in common. Idleness and its consequent poverty and distress have been the rewards of labor; distress and bankruptcy have overtaken business, shrunken values have dissipated fortunes, deficient revenues have impovished the government, while bond issues and bond syndicates have discredited and scandalized the nation. Over against this fearful penalty we can set down one great blessed compensatory result. It has destroyed the Democratic party. The proud columns that swept the country in triumph in 1892 are broken and hopeless in 1896. Their boasted principles when put to the test of a practical application, have proven delusive fallacies and their great leaders have degenerated into warring chieftains of hostile and irreconciliable factions.
Their approaching national convention, is but an approaching national nightmare. No man pretends to be able to predict any good result to come from it, and no man is seeking its nomination, except only the limited few who have advertised their unfitness for any kind of a public trust by proclaiming their willingness to stand on any sort of platform that may be adopted. The truth is the party that could stand up under the odium of human slavery opposition to the war for the preservation of the Union, emancipation enfranchisement, reconstruction and specie resumption, at last finds itself overmet and undone by itself. It is rising in the throes of final dissolution, superinduced by a dose of its own doctrines. No human agency can prevent its absolute overthrow at the next election, except only this convention. If we make no mistake here, the Democratic party will go out of power on the 4th day of March, 1897, to remain out of power until God, in his wisdom, and mercy and goodness, shall see fit once more to chastise his people. So far we have not made any mistake. We have adopted a platform which, notwithstanding the scene witnessed in this hall this morning, meets the demands and expectations of the American people. It remains for us now as a last crowning act of our work here to again meet that same expectation in the nomination of our candidate. What is that expectation? What do the people want? You all do know.
They want something more than a good business man; they want something more than a good Republican; they want something more than a fearless leader; they want something more than a wise, patriotic statesman; they want a man who embodies in himself not only all these essential qualifications, but who, in addition in the highest possible degree, typifies in name, character, record, ambition and purpose the exact opposite of all that is signified and represented by the present free trade, deficit making, bond issuing, labor saving, Democratic administration. I stand here to present to this Convention such a man. His name is William McKinley.
(At this point the Convention became uncontrollable by the chairman, the ovation which greeted the name of McKinley lasting twenty-five minutes).
You seem to have heard the name of my candidate before. And so you have. He is known to all the world. His testimonials are, a private life without reproach; four years of heroic service as a boy soldier for the Union on the battlefields of the Republic, under such generals as gallant Phil Sheridan; twelve years of conspicuous service in the halls of Congress, associated with such great leaders and champions of Republicanism as James G. Blaine; four years of executive experience as Governor of Ohio; but, greatest of all, measured by present requirements, leader of the House of Representatives and author of the McKinley law — the law under which labor had the richest rewards and the county generally the greatest prosperity ever enjoyed in our history. No other name so completely meets the requirements of the American people; no other man so absolutely commands their hearts and their affections. The shafts of envy and jealousy, slander and libel, calumny and detraction, lie broken at his feet. They have all been shot and shot in vain, — the quiver is empty and he is untouched. The American people know him, trust him, believe in him, love him and they will not allow him to be unjustly disparaged in their estimation. They know he is patriotic; they know he is an American of Americans; they know he is wise and experienced; that he is able and just, and they want him for President of the United States. They have already so declared — not in this or that State or section, but in all the States and all the sections, from Ocean to Ocean, and from the Gulf to the Lakes. They expect us to give them a chance to vote for him. If we do we shall give joy to their hearts, enthusiasm to the campaign and triumphant victory to our cause; and he in turn, will give us an administration under which the country will enter upon a new era of prosperity at home and of glory and honor abroad. By all these tokens of the present, and all these promises for the future, in the name of the forty-six delegates from Ohio, I submit his claims to your consideration.
(Another ovation resulted when Governor Foraker finished).
Chairman Hepburn here recognized Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska who had retired, temporarily, from the Chair, for the purpose of seconding Major McKinley's nomination.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: — This is the year of the people. They are conscious of their power. They are tenatious of their rights. They are supreme in this Convention. They are certain of victory now and in November. The people have framed the issue of this campaign. What is it? Money? Yes, money.
119Not that which is coin for the mine owner at the mint, or clipped by the coupon cutter from the bond, but that which is created by American muscle on the farms and in the work shops of the United States. (Applause).
This is the year of the people. They have risen in their might. They are united as never before. We know their wishes and are here to do their will. They know the man best qualified and equipped to lead the victory.
This is the year of the people. In their name, by their authority, I second the nomination of the great champion, William McKinley. (Applause).
When his country called to arms, he took into his boyish hands a musket and followed the flag, bravely following it to the front of the battle, so (hat it might float serenely in the Union sky. For a quarter of a century he has stood in the fierce light of public place, and his robes of office are as spotless as the driven snow; his great God-given powers have been always consecrated to the advancement of his own country, and the uplifting ennoblement of his own countrymen.
This is the year of the people. The necessities of 1896 are almost as great as those of 1861. It is true that the enemies of the Union have ceased to threaten with the sword, but Free Trade and Free Coinage are no less dangerous to American advancement than were the armed hosts of treason and rebellion: If the voice of the people is indeed the voice of God, then William McKinley is a complement of Abraham Lincoln, (Applause). Divinely ordained, as I believe, for a great mission to lead this people out of the shadow of depression into the sunshine of enduring prosperity. My countrymen; let not your hearts be troubled; the darkest hour is just before the day. The twentieth century will dawn bright and clear, God lives, the Republican party is coming back to power, and William McKinley is to be President of the United States. (Great applause).
In an inland manufacturing city on election night November the 8th, 1894, after the wires had confirmed the news of a great Republican victory, the workingmen started to climb to the top of the great smokeless chimney. That chimney had been built by the invitation and upon the promise of a Republican protective legislation. In the factory over which it towered was employment for twice a thousand men. Its mighty roar had heralded prosperity of a whole community now bleak, blackened, voiceless and dismantled, like a grim spectre of evil it frowned down upon the helpless city, while idleness, poverty, stagnation and want attested the utter failure of the Free Trade experiment. Up and up and up they climbed, watched by the multitude below; up and up and up, until at last they stood upon the summit, and there in the blare of the electric lights, cheered by the gathered thousands, they unfurled and nailed the American flag. (Applause). Down in the streets strong men wept and mothers lifted up their babes, invoking the blessing on the flag, and then in patient lips, burst forth in a song of hallelujah, of exulting hosts, the mighty paen of a people's joy, They sang, and enthusiastic millions sing it yet.
Hurrah, hurrah, the flag that makes us free;
And so we sing the chorus from Atlanta to the sea,
Hurrah for McKinley and Protection."
My countrymen, on behalf of those stalwart workmen and on behalf of the vast army of American toilers that their employment may be certain, their wages just, their dollars the best of the civilized world; on behalf of that dismantled chimney and deserted factory at its foot, that the furnaces may once more flame, the mighty wheels revolve, the whistles scream, the anvils ring, the spindles hum — on behalf of the cottages around about and all the humble homes of this broad land, that comfort and contentment may again abide by the fireside's glow, the women sing, the children laugh — yes, and on behalf of that American flag and all it stands for and represents, for the honor of every stripe, for the glory of every star — that it's power may fill the earth, and its splendors span the sky, I nominate that loyal American, Christian gentleman, soldier, statesman, William McKinley, of Ohio. (Great applause).
By direction of the Chairman, the Secretary continued to call the roll of States. No further response was made until Pennsylvania was reached, when Governor Hastings, of that State, appeared on the platform, amid a great demonstration and proceeded to speak as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: — Pennsylvania comes to this convention, giving you the cordial assurance that whoever may be the standard bearer of our party in the coming campaign, he will receive of all the States in the Union the largest majority from the Keystone State. (Great applause). Having within her boundary more American citizens who own the homes in which they live, whose principal daily occupation is to subdue and develop her great native resource, whose wage-earners one with the other, skilled and unskilled, receive the highest average American wage-rate. The Republicans of Pennsylvania come to this convention and bid you demand and their every interest demands a system of currency equal to the best of any in the world. (Applause). They demand as well that the government they love, and for whose flag they have fought and which they still stand ready to defend, shall pay its debts in money and not in promises. They do not believe that a dollar can be created by the fiat of any government. They believe that it requires 100 cents of intrinsic or exchangeable value, according to the markets of the world, and that any depreciation or degredation of that standard would be hurtful to her great business interests and would be a blow at the honor of our nation's flag. They believe in that old fashioned system of economy which requires us to live within our income, and where the income is not equal to the necessary outgo they believe in increasing the revenue rather than running the country further into debt. They believe that the great object of government is to defend and protect the people who ordained the government for its best interest, and as you say in your platform, we believe that the revenue policy and the protective policy go hand in hand; and the people of Pennsylvania stand as sturdy champions of that wise measure, which injuring no one and helping all, has made this country great and prosperous. Pennsylvania comes to this convention and with great unanimity, asks you to name a standard bearer who will represent not only its associations, but the brightest and best aspirations of the Republican party; a man who has been a loyal supporter of its every great movement;
121who has been a favorite with our people, and they and I respectfully ask this honor at your hands of this man who has always been in the forefront of battle for his party; who has been its wise counsellor and successful leader of its forlorn hope. He stood with those Republicans who have fought the great battles of American liberty. He was among the first to comprehend the magnitude of the armed debate of 1861, and to give himself to his country's cause. He stemmed the tide of currency inflation in 1878, and wrought the victory which, if less ostentations, was fully equal in importance and success to the country as that of Grover Cleveland and Free Trade in 1888.
The American citizen who believes that all policies should be for America's best interests, the American soldier who admires valor as much as he loves the flag of his reunited country; the American manufacturer anxious to re-light the fires of industry where silence and darkness now holds sway; they who believe that dollars good as gold should be given as the wage for a fair day's work; they who believe in reciprocity; they who believe in calling a halt upon any further foreign invasion upon our domestic shores. All these have found in him a steadfast friend and able champion.
He was the soldiers' friend in peace and he was their constant friend in war. The survivors of those who fought for freedom and gained immortal fame recognize in him a comrade whose valor has been proved on well-fought fields and attested by the noblest trophy ever won by soldiers, the decoration awarded him by the Congress of the United States.
Called to lead a forlorn hope in the campaign of 1888, he wrought a task equal to the six labors of Hercules. He organized the patriotism and the Republicanism of the country for victory. He throttled the Tammany tiger in his lair, and forcing an honest vote and an honest count in the stronghold of the most powerful and corrupt organization in the land, rescued the country from the heresies of democracy. (Applause).
Having thus made himself too powerful and too dangerous to the enemy the order went forth to assassinate him. But the poisoned arrows of vituperation and slander fell broken at his feet. He turned to the people among whom he lives and whose servant he was and their vindication was a unanimous re-election to the Senate of the United States.
Oh, my countrymen, let us not forget the magnitude and responsibility of this great Convention. Let the American people in the coming campaign determine whether they are willing to live through another free trade panic. Let the American wage-earner and the American wage-payer determine each for himself the causes which brought hunger to the home of one, and financial ruin to the other. Let the American farmers compare farm product prices with free trade promises. Let those who have saved a competence and those who have earned a livelihood determine whether they are willing to be paid in American dollars disgraced and discredited to fifty per cent of their value. Let him who fought for his country; let the widow and the orphan; let the loving parent who gave up all that was dear contemplate that flag and all it represents, pawned, as your platform says, to a foreign and domestic joint syndicate, to raise temporary loans for the purpose of postponing the financial disaster, and answer whether they want the shame and humiliation repeated. Let the sovereign voice be heard in the coming election, declaring that the only government founded on the
122rock of freedom, blessed with every gift of nature and crowned with unmeasured possibilities, shall not be dethroned, degraded and pauperized by a party policy at war with the very genius of our National existence. Nominate him whom I now name to you, and this country will have a President whose mental endowments, broad-minded statesmanship, unusual and marvellous capacity, ripe experience, knightly courtesy and true Americanism are unexcelled. Nominate him and he will elect himself. (Applause). I name to you the soldier statesman, Pennsylvania's choice, Matthew Stanley Quay.
(At the conclusion of Governor Hastings' address, a grand reception was accorded the name of Senator Quay, which lasted seventeen minutes).
The Chair directed the Secretary to proceed with the calling of the roll of States, which was completed without further responses, whereupon the Chairman said:
This concludes the calling of the roll of States.
Senator VANCE, of Louisiana. Gentlemen of the Convention: The time has grown very late and I am satisfied that you are tired. I know that you all feel that we have had a great day, and a great feast of reason, therefore I shall not tire you. I only come to add my voice as the representative of eight millions of people. I come to join in general acclaim for one purpose; I come to add our mite in helping you, you men who elect Presidents, in helping you to nominate for that high office, the highest and most gifted in the grasp of the American people, that man who is in the hearts of my race; that man who is the man of the people, that man the prophet of protection, that great general and soldier statesman, that Napoleon of American politics, William McKinley, of Ohio. (Applause.)
The CHAIRMAN. The Convention will please be in order. The next order of business will be the call of the roll of States for the vote upon the nomination of a candidate for President which then proceeded.
The official vote for the presidential candidates was as follows:
|North Carolina||19 Ë||2 Ë|
|District of Columbia||1||1|
|Totals||661 Ë||84 Ë||58||35 Ë||61 Ë|
|* Bolted the Convention. † Four blank; 1 for J. Donald Cameron. ‡ Three Absent. § One vote passed.|
During the call of the roll on the vote by States for the nomination of a candidate for President, the following proceedings took place. When the vote of the State of Florida was announced, and the State of Georgia called, Mr. Thatcher of Florida interrupted the proceedings by saying: "Mr. Chairman, the vote of Florida was challenged at the proper time, and I ask that the challenge be acted upon."
"Sit down!" "Sit down!" delegates in all parts of the hall cried, but Mr. Thatcher shook his head and stood calmly awaiting the Chairman's decision.
"Gentlemen of the Convention," said Senator Thurston, "the Chair will not proceed with the call without giving every delegate an opportunity to exercise his just right to challenge the announcement of a vote. The confusion has been so great that the Chair did not understand either of the delegates who arose. The gentleman from Florida challenges the vote, and the roll of Florida will be called."
The clerk called the roll with the following result:
Jos. E. Lee, McKinley; John G. Long, McKinley; Emory F. Skinner, McKinley; L. W. Livingston, McKinley; M. S. White, Morton; James M. Coombs, Morton; Dennis Egan, McKinley; Isaac L. Purcell, McKinley.
When the State of Georgia was reached, the vote was challenged and the clerk called the roll of that delegation with this result.
A. E. Buck, McKinley; H. L. Johnson, Quay; Henry Rucker, McKinley; John H. Devereaux, McKinley; M. J. Doyle, McKinley; S. B. Morse, McKinley; B. F. Brimberry, McKinley; J. C. Stiles, McKinley; W. P. Pierce, McKinley; F. S. Richardson, McKinley; W. H. Johnson, McKinley; D. A. Norwood, McKinley; D. C. Wimpish, McKinley; L. J. Price, McKinley; F. J. Wimberly, McKinley; I. W. Wood, Quay; Charles Adamson, McKinley; T. M. Dent, McKinley; W. A. Pledger, Reed; M. B. Morton, McKinley; A. J. Spence, McKinley; A. B. Gaston, McKinley; Judson W. Lyons, McKinley; J. M. Barns, McKinley; William Jones, McKinley; S. M. Scarlett, McKinley.
Georgia — Reed, 2; Quay, 2; McKinley, 22.
After the State of Idaho had been called, and no response had been made thereto, delegate Wimbs, of Alabama, demanded a roll call on the vote of his delegation.
"The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Alabama," said Mr. Thurston, "as he rose in time, if the Chair had understood him, to challenge the announcement of his State. Does the gentleman challenge the announcement of Alabama?"
"I do," replied Mr. Wimbs, and the Chairman directed the Secretary to call the roll of Alabama, with the following result:
C. W. Buckley, McKinley; David D. Shelby, McKinley; W. R. Pettiford, McKinley; John H. Jones, McKinley; P. D. Barker, McKinley; A. N. Johnson, Thomas B. Reed; Nathan H. Alexander, McKinley;
125Frank Simmons, McKinley; Samuel S. Booth, McKinley; John Harmon, McKinley; Thomas G. Dunn, McKinley; W. J. Stevens, McKinley; Douglass Smith, McKinley; H. A. Carson, McKinley; D. N. Cooper, McKinley; Dr. J. Dawson, McKinley; C. D. Alexander! McKinley; J. S. Curtis, McKinley; Walter Simmons, McKinley; H. B. Casin, McKinley; Ad. Wimbs, Reed; W. C. Hanlon, Levi P. Morton.
Alabama — Reed, 2; Morton, 1; McKinley, 19.
When the State of Illinois was reached, "Mr. Chairman, I challenge the votes of Illinois," said Duncan McDougall, a delegate from that State. Hisses followed that motion, but the Chairman ordered the roll to be called, which resulted as follows:
Robert W. Patterson, McKinley; Willliam Penn Nixon, McKinley; Joseph W. Fifer, McKinley; Richard J. Oglesby, McKinley; Martin B. Madden, McKinley; Frank C. Roby, McKinley; Edward S. Conway, McKinley; William Loritner, Reed (applause from Maine); Edward R. Brainerd, McKinley; George M. Schneider, McKinley; Joseph Bidwell, McKinley; Thomas O'Shaughnessy, McKinley; John M. Smyth, Reed; Philip Knopf, McKinley; Samuel B. Raymond, McKinley; Graeme Steward, McKinley; Charles Whitney, McKinley; George P. Engelhardt, McKinley; Isaac L. Ellwood, McKinley; H. D. Judson, McKinley; Smith D. Atkins, McKinley; R. S. Farrand, McKinley; Charles H. Deere, McKinley; L. H. Brookfield, McKinley; Duncan McDougall, McKinley; Thomas J. Henderson, McKinley; H. K. Wheeler, McKinley; H. M. Snapp, McKinley; W. H. Kratz, McKinley; Charles G. Eckert, McKinley; Charles E. Sniveley, McKinley; J. C. Pinckney, McKinley; J. Mack Sholl, McKinley; J. O. Anderson, McKinley; Asa C. Matthews, McKinley; Sargeant McKnight, McKinley; J. Otis Humphrey, McKinley; Hugh Crea, McKinley; H. J. Hamlin, McKinley; A. H. Kinne. McKinley; A. H. Jones, McKinley; H. A. Neal, McKinley; Thomas S. Ridgeway, McKinley; Walter Colver, McKinley; W. A. Rodenburg; McKinley; J. D. Gerlach, McKinley; Frank A. Prickett, McKinley; James E. Jobe, McKinley.
Illinois Reed — 2; McKinley. 46.
The vote of the State of Mississippi was challenged by delegate Charles Rosenbaum, of DeKalb. The Secretary was ordered to call the roll, and the delegation was polled as follows:
James Hill, McKinley; John S. Burton, McKinley; Albert M. Lee, McKinley; E. H. Lampton; McKinley; William F. Elgin, McKinley; Richard D. Littlejohn, Quay; Geo. W. Buchanan, McKinley; Wm. Simmons, McKinley; Wesley Crayton, McKinley; Jos. E. Ousley, McKinley.
The Secretary announced this vote as follows: Quay, 1; McKinley, 17.
When Montana was called Chairman Stowell of that State said:
"One vote for McKinley, one for J. D. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, three blank, one absent, and I ask that the roll of the alternates be called to supply the place of our absentees."
"Will the gentleman give the names of the absentees?" the Chairman asked.
"Hon. Charles S. Hartman," replied Mr. Stowell.
"From which district?" asked the Chairman.
"The State at large of Montana."
"The Secretary will then call the name of the first alternate delegate at large," directed the Chairman.
"P. R. Dolman," called the Secretary.
"Blank," responded Mr. Dolman.
"Mr. Dolman votes blank," said the Secretary and then he asked: "Who are the other absentees?"
"Are there any other absentees?" asked Senator Thurston.
"No, sir; there is only one," replied Mr. Stowell.
The Secretary then announced the vote of Montana as follows: Blank, 4; 1 for J. Donald Cameron and 1 for McKinley.
When the State of New York was reached, Mr. Platt announced the vote as 54 Ë for Mr. Morton, and 17 for McKinley, whereupon John Raines demanded that the delegation be polled, and the call of the roll resulted as follows:
Thomas C. Platt, Morton; Warner Miller, Morton; Chauncey M. Depew, Morton; Edward Lauterbach, Morton; H. C. Johnson, Morton; Joseph H. Nevins, alternate for Walter L. Snydam, McKinley; Theodore B. Willis, McKinley; Geo. H. Roberts, Jr., McKinley; Timothy L. Woodruff, Morton; W. B. Atterbury, McKinley; Grauville W. Harmon, Morton; Jos. R. Clark, Morton; Fred W. Wurster, Morton; Ernest J. Kaltenbach, McKinley; Henry C. Saffen, Morton; George W. Palmer, Morton; Cornelius VanCott, Morton; Hugh McRoberts, Morton; Lispenard Stewart, Morton; L. L. VanAllen, Morton; Charles H. Murray, Morton; J. J. Collins, Morton; Frederick S. Gibbs, Morton; John P. Windolph, Morton, Jacob M. Patterson, Morton; George Billiard, Morton; Cornelius N. Bliss, (Ë vote), McKinley; S. V. R. Cruger, (Ë vote), McKinley; Howard Carroll, (Ë vote,) Morton; Thurlow Weed Barnes (Ë vote,) Morton; William Brookfield, McKinley; Anson G. McCook, Morton; Lem. E. Quigg, Morton; Abraham Gruber, Morton; C. H. T. Collis McKinley; Robert J. Wright, McKinley; Wm. H. Robertson, McKinley! John G. Peene, McKinley; Benj. B. Odell, Jr., Morton; Thomas W. Bradley, McKinley; John H. Ketcharn, Morton; S. D. Coykendall, Morton; Frank S. Black, Morton; Louis F. Payne, Morton; William Barnes, Jr., Morton; Wm. J. Walker, Morton; Edward Ellis, Morton; J. LeRoy Jacobs, Morton; Wm. L. Proctor, Morton; W. W. Worden, Morton; Addison B. Colvin, Morton; Thomas A. Sears, Morton; John
127T. Mott, Morton: D. C. Middleton, Morton; Frederick C. Weaver, Morton; Albert G. Story, McKinley; Frank J. Enz, Morton; William A. Smyth, Morton; Frank Hiscock, Morton; Francis Hendricks, Morton; Sereno E. Payne, Morton; John Raines, Morton; John F. Parkhurst, Morton; Archie E. Baxter, Morton; Archie D. Sanders, Morton; Irving M. Thompson, Morton; Geo. A. Aldridge, Morton; Wm. A. Sutherland, Morton; John R. Hazel, Morton; John Craft, Morton; George E. Matthews, McKinley; Wesley C. Dudley, McKinley; N. V. V. Franchot, McKinley; Lester V. Stearns, McKinley.
New York — For Morton, 55; for McKinley, 17.
Before the announcement could be heard from the Texas delegation, Mr. W. J. Wasson challenged the vote of Texas, and the Secretary proceeded to call the roll of districts of that State.
John Grant, McKinley; R. L. Smith, McKinley; David Taylor, McKinley; H. B. Kane, McKinley; Webster Flannigan, McKinley; C. M. Ferguson, McKinley; Cecil A. Lyon, McKinley; J. M. McCormick, McKinley; W. F. Crawford, Reed; Marion Mullens, Reed; Hugh Plancock, Reed; R. P. Hawley, Reed; — Lubey, McKinley; Frank Hamilton, McKinley; — Davis, McKinley; M. W. Lawson, McKinley; T. P. Pollard, McKinley; J. W. Butler, McKinley; H. G. Goree, McKinley; William Johnson, McKinley; Robt. Armstrong, McKinley; B. F. Wallace, Reed; W. J. Wasson, McKinley; Paul Fricke, McKinley; M. M. Rogers, Allison; — Townsend, McKinley.
C. W. Ogden (no answer).
"Mr. Ogden is absent," said Delegate Flannigau. "Mr. Johnson is his alternate and votes for McKinley."
When the vote of Virginia was announced, Mr. Brady challenged the vote, whereupon the roll was called as follows:
William Lamb, McKinley; James A. Walker, McKinley; S. M. Yost, McKinley; A. W. Harris, McKinley; George T. Scarburg, McKinley; T. C. Walker, McKinley; George E. Bowden (Ë vote), McKinley; R. N. Smith (Ë vote), McKinley; A. H. Martin (Ë vote), McKinley; Harry Libbey (Ë vote), McKinley; Edmund Waddell, McKinley; C. W. Harris, McKinley; Seth Balling, McKinley; J. D. Brady, Reed; C. J. Barksdale, McKinley; G. M. Tucker, McKinley; J. M. McLaughlin, McKinley; S. E. Sproul, McKinley; John Acker, McKinley; J. H. Rives, McKinley; W. G. B. Shumate, McKinley; H. J. Wale, McKinley; J. S. Browning, McKinley; D. F. Bailey, McKinley; J. C. Scheffer, McKinley; R. T. Hubard, McKinley.
Virginia — Reed 1; McKinley, 23.
Mr. Morrison, of New Mexico, challenged the vote of that Territory, and the clerk called the roll as follows:
A. L. Morrison, McKinley; John S. Clark, McKinley; Thomas D. Burns, McKinley; Pedro Perea, McKinley; Solomon Luna, McKinley; W. H. H. Llewellyn, Allison.
New Mexico — Allison, 1; McKinley, 5.
JOHN RAINES, of New York. I ask unanimous consent that the name of John F. Parkhurst, of the Twenty-ninth District of New York, be called. He was not in his seat when his name was called, and his alternate did not cast a vote.
The CHAIRMAN. Unless objection is made his name will be called.
The Secretary called the name of John F. Parkhurst, who cast his vote for Levi P. Morton, as above stated.
A Delegate from Illinois. Mr. Chairman, I arise to make a correction. When the name of John M. Smith, from the Sixth District, was called, his alternate answered for John M. Smith, that gentleman not being in the hall. Now, I think the name of the alternate should be called and the vote cast in the name of the alternate, and not in the name of John M. Smith.
The Secretary was directed to call the name of James H. Parker, alternate, who voted for Thomas B. Reed.
When Chairman Thurston attempted to announce the vote the pent-up enthusiasm of the great assemblage cut him off short. He started with the vote for McKinley, but he did not finish that.
"McKinley, six hundred and six —"
The rest was taken for granted, and the assemblage was precipitated into a great outburst of cheers and whoops and yells and the usual concomitant of such a tumult at a Presidential Convention, with flags, plumes of the National colors, tin horns, umbrellas and everything which could be brought into motion in the hands of the howling thousands. Pandemonium reigned in the pit, and it reigned in the galleries. Men embraced each other, and some of the delegates shed tears of joy. The ladies waved handkerchiefs and flags, and some of them applauded vigorously, while many more actually cheered.
The alternates of the Ohio delegation raised the banner of the Tippecanoe Club, of Cleveland, and this was the signal for greater cheering. Then the band broke out with "America," and from outside of the Auditorium came the boom of a cannon, which began to fire a President's salute for a double purpose — in honor of McKinley and as an indication to the people in the city that a candidate had been named.
Just as the cannon belched forth the second time some enthusiastic McKinley men raised over the main entrance a large portrait of McKinley framed with bunting of the national colors and topped with groups of President's flags. Again there was another wild renewal of the cheering.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair desires to make a statement. Applications have been made for recognition by the representatives of all the other candidates voted for to make a certain motion. The Chair believes that it will be the fairest thing to recognize the representative of each candidate and in the order of each candidate according to the votes cast for each.
Mr. HENDERSON, of Iowa. Will it now be in order to make the motion referred to by the Chair?
The CHAIRMAN. Not until the vote referred to is announced. The Chair takes this opportunity to prefer a personal request. Some of the delegates from the different States have presented your chairman the respective badges of their States. The Chair would be delighted to take away from this Convention the badge of each State to retain as a memento of this occasion, and of the kindness and courtesy towards the Chair of each and every member of this Convention.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair is prepared to announce the vote upon the roll call. The following votes have been cast for William McKinley, 661 Ë.
(Disorder prevailed immediately the vote was announced, the delegates clamoring in an effort to show their appreciation of the nomination of Major McKinley, which lasted for some minutes.)
Senator LODGE. Mr. Chairman, speaking for my own State and I believe for all the other States that supported Mr. Reed, I wish to say that we pledge a great majority in our own State, and all the assistance we can give you in any other State, and all the help that we can render in any way for the great victory of William McKinley. Mr. Chairman, I move you that the nomination of William McKinley be made unanimous.
Governor HASTINGS, of Pennsylvania. Gentlemen of the Convention: Pennsylvania rises to second the motion to make the nomination of William McKinley unanimous. Pennsylvania has a right to second the motion. Pennsylvania was loyal to her favorite son, and Pennsylvania, with that loyalty now becomes the champion of protection, the champion of America's great champion, William McKinley. (Great applause). In Pennsylvania we welcome the issue of American protection and American policy, and when Major McKinley in his home in Canton, Ohio, on the night of election, listens to the returns, he will find that his largest majority comes from the State of Pennsylvania.
After a determined effort, Chairman Thurston was able to secure order, when he proceeded to announce the balance of the vote, as follows:
Morton, 58; Allison, 35 Ë; Reed, 84 Ë; Quay, 61 Ë; Cameron, 1; blank, 4.
After making the announcement, Chairman Thurston said: In accordance with the statement of the Chair, four gentlemen will be recognized in the order of the vote, for the candidates they represent: I recognize the gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Lodge.
Senator LODGE. The friends of Mr. Reed have followed him with the same loyalty which he has always shown himself to country, to principle and to party. That loyalty they now transfer to the soldier, the patriot, and American, whom you have nominated here to-day. (Applause).
Mr. PLATT, of New York. In behalf the delegation from the State of New York, I desire to second the motion to make the nomination of William McKinley unanimous (applause), and I pledge the State of New York to give its usual, if not double its usual, majority at the election for his success. (Applause).
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Iowa, Mr. Henderson.
Mr. HENDERSON. Mr. Chairman and brother Republicans: You have elected a National Committee to run the coming campaign; you do not need it. The Republicans of the country will run it themselves. (Applause). The Republicans, the rank and file, have made the nomination this afternoon, and not Mark Hanna or General Grosvenor, and from every State will come a vote for Major McKinley unprecedented in the history of the American people. Applause). By the authority of our distinguished Iowa son, Senator Allison, by the instruction of the Iowa delegation, representing the great loyal Republican party of Iowa, I second the nomination to make Major McKinley the unanimous choice of the Republican party of the United States. (Great applause).
At this point the Chairman recognized Dr. Depew, of New York, for whom the delegates were calling for some time.
Dr. DEPEW. Mr. Chairman, I am in the happy position of making a speech for the man who is going to be elected. It is a great thing for an orator when his first nominee has failed to come in and second a man who has succeeded.
New York is here with no bitter feelings, no hard feelings and no disappointment. (Applause). We recognize that the wave has submerged us, and my speech was the bubble, but when that bubble burst it was a cannon from New York sounding for William McKinley. (Applause).
They said of Governor Morton's father that he was a New England clergyman who brought up a family of ten children on three hundred
131dollars a year, and notwithstanding was gifted in prayer. (Laughter). It does not make any difference how poor, how miserable, how out of work, how ragged, how next door to a tramp any man may be in the United States to-night, he will be gifted in prayer at the result of this Convention. (Applause).
The peculiarity of this nomination is just that which always pleases the American people. We are not like the Germans, an abstract people, not like the Germans deifying principles unless they are connected with a man, and there is a principle dear to the American heart which is this principle, the one that moves its spindles, that supports its industries, the one that makes its wage-earner sought for employment and not seeking employment, and that principle for years gone by has been embodied in one man. His personality expresses it, and by the voice of the American people, with a majority unequalled, his personality will carry him to the Presidential chair. The aspirations of the voters of America, of the families of Americans; of the children of America, and the homes of America are for McKinley, Protection, and America for Americans. (Great applause).
A general call from all parts of the hall was then heard for Mr. Hanna, who finally yielded to the entreaties of the audience and arose and said:
MR. HANNA: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I am glad that there was one member of this Convention who has the intelligence at this late hour to ascertain how this nomination was made. By the people. What feeble efforts I may have contributed to the result, I am here to lay the fruits of it at the feet of my party and upon the altar of my country. (Applause).
I am ready now to take my position in the ranks alongside of my friend General Henderson, and all other good Republicans from every State, and do the duty of a soldier until next November. (Great applause).
The Convention here called for Senator Quay, desisting only when informed by the Chairman that he was not present.
The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, the question now is shall the nomination of William McKinley be made unanimous? All of you who are in favor of making the nomination of William McKinley unanimous will rise.
The Convention rose to its feet as one man amid a tumult of applause.
The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, by authority of your unanimous vote, as Chairman of this Convention, I declare that William McKinley, of the State of Ohio, is the nominee of the Republican party for President of the United States. (Applause).
The Chair here recognized Senator Lodge, of Massachusetts.
Senator LODGE: Mr. Chairman, I move that we now proceed to nominate a candidate for Vice-President, and that the nominating-speeches be limited to fifteen minutes.
A delegate here amended to make it five minutes, which was accepted.
Governor HASTINGS, of Pennsylvania: Mr. Chairman, I second the motion.
The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention, the regular order now is the call of States for the nomination of Vice-President, and it is moved that the presentation speeches be limited to five minutes for each candidate. All in favor of that motion will say "aye."
The Chairman here directed the Secretary to call the roll of States for a candidate for Vice-President.
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll of States, and when the State of Connecticut was reached, Hon. Samuel Fessenden, mounted the platform and spoke as follows:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: There are two acts already performed by this great Convention which should receive the most hearty and enthusiastic approval and ratification of all loyal Republicans of the United States. The first is the nomination of the soldier, patriot and great statesman of Ohio, Governor McKinley, as our candidate for President. The second is the adoption of a platform, which in unequivocal terms pledges the Republican party to the principles of protection, with reciprocity, always so nobly championed by William McKinley, and to an honest currency, based upon the present gold standard.
The Republicans of Connecticut at their State Convention, were among the foremost to express in clear and emphatic words their belief in an honest dollar and a single gold standard. The people of Connecticut are keenly alive to the importance of these great questions, and though classed as a doubtful State, we believe that upon these issues, Connecticut in November will give her electoral vote to Governor McKinley.
I have the pleasure and the honor to present to this Convention, as a candidate for the second place on our National ticket, the name of a Connecticut man — a man who represents the sentiments of Connecticut as well as of all sound money Republicans upon the vital issues of the coming contest. A staunch and fearless Republican — a man distinguished for his rare courage, his energy, his ability and his integrity. One who by his own hands, and his own brains, has achieved the great successes of his life. A man whose high distinction is not due to accident, but is the result of his own merit.
One, Mr. President and gentlemen, whose commanding talent and whose business activity, has placed him at the head of one of the greatest financial institutions of our country.
For four consecutive terms he was chosen mayor of the Democratic city of Hartford, and in 1888, was elected Governor of our State.
By his bravery, by his generosity, and by his sagacity, his administration was made one of the most famous in the history of the State.
That the ticket may be complete, that Connecticut may be made doubly sure, and that the name of a son of New England may have a place upon the National ticket, Connecticut nominates for Vice-President the Honorable Morgan G. Bulkeley. (Applause).
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the roll of States, no response being made until New Jersey was reached, when Mr. Sewell said: J. Franklin Fort will present the name of New Jersey's favorite son, Garrett A. Hobart. (Applause).
Mr. Fort spoke as follows:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise to present to this Convention the claims of New Jersey to the vice-presidency.
We come because we feel that we can for the first time in our history bring to you a promise that our electoral vote will be cast for your nominees. If you comply with our request, this promise will surely be redeemed.
For forty years, through the blackness of darkness of a universally triumphant Democracy, the Republicans of New Jersey have maintained their organization and fought as valiantly as if the outcome were to be assured victory. Only twice through all this long period has the sun shone in upon us. Yet, through all these weary years, we have, like Goldsmith's "Captive," felt that:
Adorns and cheers our way,
And still as darker grows the night,
Emits a brighter ray.
The fulfillment of this hope came in 1894. In that year, for the first time since the Republican party came into existence, we sent to Congress a solid delegation of eight Republicans, and elected a Republican to the United States Senate. We followed this in 1895 by electing a Republican Governor by a majority of 27,000. And in this year of grace we expect to give the Republican electors a majority of not less than 20,000.
I come, then, to you to day in behalf of new New Jersey, a politically redeemed and regenerated State. Old things have passed away, and behold all things have become new. It is many long years since New Jersey has received recognition by a National Convention.
When Henry Clay stood for protection in 1844, New Jersey furnished Theodore Frelinghuysen as his associate. The issue then was the restoration of the tariff and was more nearly like that of today than that of any other period which I can recall in the nation's political history. In 1856, when the freedom of man brought the Republican party into existence, and the great "Pathfinder" was called to lead, New Jersey furnished for that unequal contest William L. Dayton as the vice-presidential candidate. Since then, counting for nothing, we have asked for nothing. During this period Maine has had a candidate for President and a Vice President; Massachusetts a Vice President; New York four Vice President dents, one of whom became President for almost a full term; Indiana a President, a candidate for President and a Vice President; Illinois a President four times and a vice presidential candidate;
134Ohio two Presidents, and now a candidate for the third time; Tennessee a Vice President who became President for almost a full term.
We believe that the vice-presidency in 1896 should be given to New Jersey; we have reasons for our opinion. We have ten electoral votes. We have carried the State in the elections of 1893, 1894 and 1895. We hope and believe we can keep the State in the Republican column for all time. By your action to-day you can greatly aid us. Do you believe you could place the vice-presidency in a State more justly entitled to recognition or one which it would be of more public advantage to hold in the Republican ranks? If the party in any State is deserving of approval for the sacrifices of its members to maintain its organization, then the Republicans of New Jersey, in this, the hour of their ascendency, after long years of bitter defeat, feel that they can not come to this Convention in vain. We appeal to our brethren in the South who know with us what it is to be overridden by fraud in the ballot box, to be counted out by corrupt election officers, to be dominated by an arrogant, unrelenting Democracy. We should have carried our State at every election for the past ten years if the count had been an honest one. We succeeded in throttling the ballot-box stuffer and imprisoning the corrupt election officers, only to have the whole raft of them pardoned in a day to work again their nefarious practices upon an honest people. But to-day under ballot reform laws, with an honest count, we know we can win. It has been a long, terrible strife to the goal, but we have reached it unaided and unassisted from without, and we come to-day promising to the ticket here selected the vote of New Jersey, whether you give us the vice presidential candidate or not.
We make it no test of our Republicanism that we have a candidate. We have been too long used to fighting for principle for that. But we do say that you can, by granting our request, lighten our burden and make us a confident party with victory in sight even before the contest begins. Will we carry Colorado, Montana and Nevada this year if the Democracy declares for silver at 16 to 1? Let us hope we may. New Jersey has as many electoral votes as those three States together.
Will you not make New Jersey sure to take their place in case of need? We have in all these long years of Republicanism been the "Lone Star" Democratic State in the North. Our forty years of wandering in the wilderness of Democracy are ended. Our Egyptian darkness disappears. We are on the hilltop looking into the promised land. Encourage us as we march over into the political Canaan of Republicanism, there to remain by giving us a leader on the national ticket to go up with us. We are proud of our public men. Their Republicanism and love of country has been welded in the furnace of political adversity. That man is a Republican who adheres to the party in a State where there is no hope for the gratification of personal ambitions. There are no camp followers in the minority party in any State. They are all true soldiers in the militant army, doing valiant service without reward, gain, or the hope thereof, from principle only.
A true representative of this class of Republicans New Jersey will offer you to-day. He is in the prime of life, a never-faltering friend, with qualities of leadership unsurpassed, of sterling honor, of broad mind, of liberal views, of wide public information; of great business capacity, and, withal, a parliamentarian who would grace the presidency of the Senate of the United States. A native of our
135State, the son of an humble farmer, he was reared to love of country in sight of the historic field of Monmouth, on which the blood of our ancestors was shed that the republic might exist. From a poor country boy, unaided and alone, he has risen to high renown among us. In our State we have done for him all that the political conditions would permit. He has been Speaker of our assembly and President of our Senate. He has been the choice for United States Senator of the Republican minority in the Legislature, and had it been in our power to have placed him in the Senate of the United States he would long ere this have been there. His capabilities are such as would grace any position of honor in the nation. Not for himself; but for our State; not for his ambition, but to give to the nation the highest type of public official, do we come to this Convention by the command of our State and in the name of the Republican party of New Jersey — unconquered and unconquerable, undivided and indivisible — with our united voice speaking for all that counts for good citizenship in our State, we present to you for the office of Vice President of the republic, Garrett A. Hobart, of New Jersey.
Mr. J. OTIS HUMPHREY, of Illinois:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise to second the nomination, and I do so on behalf of the majority of the delegates of the great State of Illinois. Illinois, which thirty-six years ago gave to the Republican party her most distinguished son; and to the world its greatest human character in the person of Abraham Lincoln. (Applause).
Illinois, which in the dark days of the Republic gave to the party the matchless silent soldier, the greatest military hero the world ever saw, in the person of Ulysses S. Grant. (Applause).
Illinois, which twelve years ago, for this same great office, presented to the Republican party the leading citizen, soldier of the century, our own John A. Logan. (Applause).
Illinois, whose electoral vote from Lincoln to Harrison, with unvarying regularity, has always been given to the Republican party.
On her behalf and in her name, and pledging a like fidelity and an equal loyalty to the nominees of this Convention, I second the nomination for Vice President, the Hon. Garrett A. Hobart, of New Jersey.
The Secretary proceeded with the call of the States, no response being made until Rhode Island was reached, when Mr. Allen, of that State, mounted the platform, and spoke as follows:
Gentlemen of the Convention: I desire to present to you for the high office of Vice President of the United States, another famous son of New England. He comes, it is true, from what you sometimes tell us is but a little speck on the map way over on the Atlanic coast, but that little speck has sent to you and to this country a Greene, in 1776; a Burnside, in 1861, and you now have in the councils of this country the father of the McKinley Protection act. I present to you in the name of the State of Rhode Island, his Excellency Charles Warren Lippett, for the office of Vice President of the United States. (Applause).
The Secretary proceeded with the call until the State of Tennessee was reached, when Mr. Randolph, of that State, mounted the platform and spoke as follows:
Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It has been more than thirty years since any citizen of the States, organized as the Confederate States, has been presented by either of the great National parties for the office of President or Vice-President.
When the great conflict for the Nation's life was entered upon, the Republican party had but just assumed control. It became the champion of the Union of the States, and for the preservation of the Government under the Constitution. At the close of the contest the success of the National Armies was regarded as the special triumph of the party. The people of the States of the South had been in revolt, and it was natural that for a time after hostilities had ceased the Republican party and those people should distrust each other. The one found the great majority of its voters in the States which adhered to the Union, and therefore selected its candidates for President and Vice President from those States. The Democratic party had been the dominant party in the States of the South for many generations, and the people regarded that party not only as their National representative, but as the peculiar exponent of their political views. A solid South in a Democratic column of electoral votes was a necessary consequence, and for many years the Republican party has entered upon every National contest handicapped with 159 electoral votes absolutely certain against its nominee. To overcome this immense vote, thus fixed against it, has required the carrying of each of certain doubtful States of the North, and a failure to carry any one of those States, as demonstrated in the defeat of Mr. Blaine in the contest of 1884, meant the election of the Democratic nominee. To change this condition of affairs required a change of the relations between the people of the Southern States and the Republican party. To accomplish such change two things must concur — the people of the South, or a majority of them, must be satisfied that their interests are to be protected by the success of the Republican party, and also, that the Republican party is ready to concede to them, when members of it, and acting with it, equal recognition with the people of the other States in the selection of officers and agents for the administration of the Government, and the change must be brought about by obtaining converts from the Democratic party.
The experience of the last four years of the administration of the National Government upon Democratic principles and through Democratic officers and agents has furnished satisfactory proofs of the first proposition, and a large majority of the intelligent people of the former Solid South is now ready to admit that the principles announced in the platform just adopted, when honestly administered through capable officers and agents, must result in the building up of a New South, not only in name, but in industrial developments and all that goes to make up a happy and prosperous people. The proof of the other proposition that the people of the Southern States who are Republicans and who are honest, worthy and capable are to be trusted as officers and agents in the administration of the Government under like circumstances equally with their brothers
137of the other States, and that no invidious discrimination is to be made against them because of their locality, ancestry or past history or affiliation, remains yet to be made. Now is the time for the great Republican party to make its first serious effort to build itself up and put itself in a position of impregnable strength among the people of the South. The Solid South is reliably solid for the Democratic party no longer. Kentucky, Tennessee, Maryland, Delaware, West Virginia, Missouri, North and South Carolina, have each given unmistakable indications of drifting away, and with profitable encouragement and suitable recognition, they may be safely placed in the Republican column, not only when the result of the election in November is announced, but in future contests, as they periodically occur; and Tennessee, the gateway of the South, the great battlefield of the Civil War, the State which voted against Secession when the question was submitted to its people, by a large majority, the last State to join itself ti the Confederate States, and the first State to return to its loyalty to the Union, — now presents you one of its distinguished citizens for the second place on your ticket. It is true he is not native born, but he is more — he is a citizen by choice, and he conies from the portion of a State whose people have always been loyal to the Union and the Constitution, and which furnished more soldiers for the Army of the Union, in proportion to their population, than any other territory in the United States.
Our nominee was born in the great State of Pennsylvania. He was reared in the equally great state of Wisconsin. When the President, in the beginning of the Nation's danger, called the citizens to arms to preserve the Union and perpetuate the Constitution, though a mere boy, he enlisted as a private soldier, and after going through all the perils of the war, at the end he was honorably discharged from the service. He then became a citizen of the State of Tennessee, and has devoted his industry, energy and ability to developing the resources of that State. He has won the friendship, respect and confidence of the people among whom he lives. They have put him in various official positions; he has been Alderman and Mayor of a City, Member of Congress from his District and First Assistant Postmaster-General in the last Republican Administration. In every position he has discharged his duties honestly and faithfully and to the satisfaction of the people. After he had thus established himself, the Republicans of Tennessee nominated him for Governor, and the people, at the November election of 1894, gave him a majority of 748 votes over his opponent, as shown by the face of the returns made by the officers holding the election. After the election, the Democratic Legislature enacted a law for the purpose of contesting it. It is not too much to say that the law was designed to deprive him of the office to which the people had elected him, and the same people, who, as a Legislature, passed the law, assumed, under the law, to pass upon his right to the office. A pretended judicial inquiry was instituted. As a matter of fact, it was neither judicial nor fair. The issues made were false, and the testimony was garbled. The decision changed the face of the returns; enough votes were taken from what he had received to give his opponent a majority and to change his election into defeat. The ground of the rejection of the votes was not that they had not been cast, or that the voters were not legal voters, nor that the Judges of the election had not been fully satisfied of their right to vote before receiving their votes. All of these facts were admitted, but the decision was put on the grounds that though the voters had paid their
138poll taxes and had receipts, showing the fact for the time required by the law, such receipts had not been produced before the officers holding the election, and these officers, for that reason, had no right to receive their votes, and a man never elected Governor is now holding office in the State of Tennessee. The people of Tennessee feel that a great wrong has been done them, and they want an opportunity of expressing their public condemnation of the act. They want an opportunity of showing the confidence they have in the citizen who has thus been defrauded of the office to which they elected him. They believe he is worthy of any office within the gift of the American people. Representing them here, I nominate for Vice President of the United States Henry Clay Evans. (Applause).
JOHN P. SMITH, of Kentucky. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: — I regret very much that we have not time to devote to picturing the qualifications of the man that I rise to second the nomination of. Hailing from a State that rolled up a majority that elected the first Republican Governor since the days of Washington — the home of William O. Bradley, I come to second the nomination of this distinguished gentleman of Tennessee, believing as I do that the time has come when there should be no more South, East or West. I am the representative in part of more than seven millions of men and women who were bound in chains and shackles until about thirty years ago. We ask of this great body, the grandest organization this side of eternity, to give us the gentleman from Tennessee, an able man. But here the color question comes up. Somehow or other it pops up like the silver or gold question, but we cannot help it. But I will say this, you never heard of negroes coming into a National Convention and bolting and walking out because they could not get what they believed to be their rights. (Applause). We want to fight our battles within the party. Hundreds of thousands of negroes have fallen at the ballot-box with a Republican ballot in their hands. I arise to second the nomination of that representative Tennesseean, gallant soldier, eminent statesman and worthy gentleman, H. Clay Evans, of Tennessee. (Applause).
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair presents to you Mr. LaFollette of Wisconsin,who will address you for a moment.
Mr. LAFOLLETTE. Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of this Convention: — You have to-day made a platform which ought to give to the Republican nominees of this Convention every State in the North except possibly our silver sisters. You have to-day made a platform which is absolutely certain to give us every State in New England, and if, gentlemen of this Convention, there is a possibility of some of the Northwestern States slipping away from us, is it not well for us here in deliberation to stop and think? Shall we not today do something, if possible to repair that loss? Every pledge in the platform to-day that has gone out to the industrial world and to the workingmen and to the business men of this country, has already been kept in this Convention. Every promise made in that platform has already here to-day been fulfilled. Why do I say that? Why, because to every business man and to every workingman in this country William McKinley is the platform.
But, gentlemen of this Convention, there was another vital principle in that platform that demands, at the hands of this Convention, a living pledge here to-day. For a period of thirty years or
139more no Republican Convention has yet assembled that did not in its utterance declare for the sanctity of the ballot. Gentlemen, for a generation of time, a large body of Republicans in this country having no promise of material advantages such as comes to their brethren of the North in the industrial section of this country from their support of the party and its platform have, in so far as they could, surrounded as they are, borne evidence of their fealty and loyalty to us.
Gentlemen, let us stop here to-day and think a moment. It is necessary that we do something for them more than words. To-day you have an opportunity to do for our Southern Republicans that which you have done for the industrial North, to give them a candidate upon this ticket that shall be to them a pledge and give them renewed courage and hope. (Applause). I want to say that I speak of Mr. Evans with some feeling. Because when that great blue wave arose in the North, it swept to the sea and crushed the rebellion to the earth, he went with it on its course from the State of Wisconsin. I had the privilege of serving beside him in the halls of Congress. Those that met him when he was First Assistant Postmaster-General know of his executive ability, and you have but to pay a visit to the South, to that magnificent city of the New South to see what he is as a business man. (Applause). Whether he has the ability so characteristic of the gentleman from Cleveland, I do not know, but of this I am certain that his indominable courage, his splendid powers of organization, and his well-known ability have put the State of Tennessee, over into the Republican column. (Applause).
Gentlemen, when we may possibly lose something from the Northwest that has heretofore been Republican, let us here to-night, in the closing hours of this greatest convention that has been held in the history of the party, mark out a new line of cleavage that separates the two great sections of this country — put Henry Clay Evans on the ticket with William McKinley, and I pledge you here, from having spent three months in the South this winter, I pledge you out of my own knowledge that you will put a belt of new Republican States along the line. (Applause).
The call of the roll of States was proceeded with, and when Virginia was reached, Mr. Bailey arose and addressed the Convention as follows:
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Convention: When we come to making Presidents and Vice Presidents, there seems to be a line that divides us as a people, and that line, my countrymen, is the same line that separated the two great sections, the North and the South, in the late unhappy war between the States.
From 1861 down to this good hour, neither of the great political parties of this country have dared to cross the rubicon. As a representative of the South; as a representative of the Confederates of the South, I am here to-day to voice the sentiments of my Southern people and to demand at the hands of this Convention that that dead line be forever obliterated on this occasion. (Applause). I want to say in behalf of the Southern people that they are as loyal to the Union to-day — that they are as loyal to the Nation's flag today as they ever were to the flag of the Confederacy.
I ask, in behalf of the people of the South, that when this great party steps back into power this fall — and it seems that the gods have so decreed it — I want the people of the South to feel within the folds, under and beneath the protection of the old Republican party, that they of the South can have the same rights and the same privileges, that they can move out on the same lines as the people of the North can do. My countrymen, the combined States of Virginia, West Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee and Kentucky, is the Garden of Eden of this continent. While her agricultural products will compare favorably with any section of the Union, they are nothing to compare with the mineral wealth of that great section. They are nothing to compare with her forests of timber, with her iron and mineral products. These are the States, my countrymen, with which we propose this fall to forever break up the Solid South, and to bring these great States into the Republican column.
I want to say here to you to-day that the financial plank which we have adopted to-day is strong medicine for the Southern States, as well as the Western States, but we propose to take it like little men and stand by it fully. Now, there are other things in that platform which are dearer to us than money — than gold or silver. It is the great protective principle which is involved in it. That policy is the policy by which we propose to win those States to the Republican column. Gentlemen of the Convention, that great section speaks to you to-day. You have heard of the accomplished Evans of Tennessee. Virginia speaks for one of her ablest sons for your consideration. She brings you a man who, at peace and at war, has proved himself to measure up to the high and full stature of a man. As a lawyer, he stands in the forefront of the Virginia bar; as a civilian, he has proved true to their trust; as a statesman, he has proved himself to be a man of business and a man of brains. I present to you, gentlemen, in behalf of Virginia, General James A. Walker, a member of this Convention and the only Republican member from Virginia in the Federal Congress.
The clerk proceeded with the call of the roll of States. When West Virginia was reached, Mr. White, of that delegation, spoke as follows:
Mr. Chairman: I ask at this time, though the conditions are unfavorable, for the privilege of speaking for a Republican State with a Republican electoral vote, on the question of who shall be our candidate for Vice President. West Virginia, with its solid Republican Congressional delegation, and a Republican United States Senator; with its solid Republican Legislature, so largely Republican in both Houses, that the entire Democratic membership might withdraw and there would be still left a Constitutional number in both Houses of Republicans to transact business. Although West Virginia was the first Southern State to break the Solid South, which it did in 1888 by electing our gallant General Goff, who was deprived of his seat by a Legislature, Democratic on joint ballot by one vote. West Virginia, Mr. Chairman, is here as a Southern State with a Republican electoral vote solid for sound money, solid for McKinley, and solid for Mr. Hobart, of New Jersey, for Vice President. (Applause).
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, the roll of the States will now be called for the nomination of a Vice President.
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll of States:
Alabama — 22 votes: Bulkeley, 1; Evans, 11; Hobart, 10.
Arkansas — 16 votes: Hobart, 10; Evans, 5; Bulkeley, 1.
California — 18 votes: Evans, 3; Bulkeley, 1; Hobart, 14.
Colorado — 8 votes: (passed.)
Connecticut — 12 votes: Bulkeley, 12.
Delaware — 6 votes: Hobart, 6.
Florida — 8 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 3.
Georgia — 26 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 21.
Idaho — 6 votes: (passed.)
Illinois — 48 votes: Hobart, 44; Evans, 4.
Indiana — 30 votes: Hobart, 12; Evans, 16; Reed, 1; Thurston, 1.
Iowa — 26 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 5; Reed, 1; Bulkeley, 10; Grant, 2.
Kansas — 20 votes: Hobart, 20.
Kentucky — 26 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 17; Depew, 1.
Louisiana — 16 votes: Hobart, 8; Evans, 8.
Maine — 12 votes: Evans, 5; Bulkeley, 2; Depew, 2; Morton, 1; Brown, 2.
Maryland — 16 votes: Hobart, 14; Evans, 1; Bulkeley, 1.
Massachusetts — 30 votes: Hobart, 14; Evans, 12; Bulkeley, 4.
Michigan — 28 votes: Hobart, 21; Evans, 7.
Minnesota — 18 votes: Hobart, 6; Evans, 12.
Mississippi — 18 votes: Hobart, 13; Evans, 5.
Missouri — 34 votes: Hobart, 10; Evans, 23; Thurston, 1.
Montana — 6 votes: Hobart, 1; 5 absent.
Nebraska — 16 votes: Hobart, 16.
Nevada — 6 votes: Hobart, 3; 3 absent.
New Hampshire — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
New Jersey — 20 votes: Hobart, 20.
New York — 72 votes: Hobart, 72.
North Carolina — 22 votes: Hobart, 1 Ë; Evans, 20 Ë.
North Dakota — 6 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 3.
Ohio — 46 votes: Hobart, 25; Evans, 15; Bulkeley, 6.
Oregon — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
Pennsylvania — 64 votes: Hobart, 64.
Rhode Island — 8 votes: Lippett, 8.
South Carolina — 18 votes: Hobart, 3; Evans, 15.
South Dakota — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
Tennessee — 24 votes: Evans, 24.
Texas — 30 votes: Hobart, 11; Evans, 12; absent, 7.
Utah — 6 votes: Hobart, 5; Evans, 1.
Vermont — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
Virginia — 24 votes: Jas. A. Walker, 24.
Washington — 8 votes: Hobart, 8.
West Virginia — 12 votes: Hobart, 12.
Wisconsin — 24 votes: Hobart, 3: Evans, 20; Reed, 1.
Wyoming — 6 votes: Hobart, 6.
Arizona — 6 votes: Hobart, 4; Evans, 1; Bulkeley, 1.
New Mexico — 6 votes: Evans, 6.
Oklahoma — 6 votes: Hobart, 4; Evans, 2.
Indian Territory — 6 votes: Hobart, 6.
District of Columbia — 2 votes: Hobart, 2.
Alaska — 4 votes: Hobart, 4.
The CHAIRMAN. Gentlemen of the Convention, the Chair advises the Convention that it will be necessary, after the Vice Presidential nomination, to call the roll for the appointment of two important committees. Delegates are therefore asked to remain in their places
142until the business of the Convention is concluded. The Chair will state that under the rules adopted by this Convention there will be a Committee of Notification: one for the Presidential notification and one for the Vice Presidential. The delegates from each State and Territory are therefore requested to prepare and have ready for announcement a member of each of these two committees.
Pending the announcement of the vote, unless objection is made, the Chair will submit to the Convention the following resolution offered by General Grosvenor of Ohio, which the Secretary will read:
The Secretary read the resolution as follows:
"Resolved, That the Secretary of this Convention is hereby directed to prepare and publish a full and complete report of the official proceedings of this Convention, under the direction of the National Committee, co-operating with the local Committee."
The Chairman then put the question and the resolution was unanimously adopted.
Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. I desire to offer a resolution, which I will ask the Secretary to read.
The CHAIRMAN. The gentleman from Ohio offers a resolution and unless objection is made, after it is read it will be offered to the Convention for its action.
The clerk then read the resolution as follows:
Resolved, That the permanent Chairman of this Convention, Hon. John M. Thurston, be appointed Chairman of the Committee to notify Hon. William McKinley of his nomination for President; and that the Temporary Chairman, Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks be appointed Chairman of the Committee to notify the Vice-Presidential nominee of his nomination.
The question was then put to the Convention on the adoption of the resolution, and the same was unanimously carried.
Governor Hastings, of Pennsylvania. I am instructed by the unanimous voice of the Pennsylvania delegation, to offer a vote of thanks to the Temporary Chairman, the Permanent Chairman, the Secretary, the Sergeant at Arms, the Official Reporter and the other officers of this Convention.
This vote has been seconded by every State in the Convention, and if you will permit me, I will usurp the authority of the President for a moment and put the question.
Governor Hastings then put the motion which was carried unanimously.
Chairman THURSTON. The Chair in returning thanks for so much of the resolution as relates to the present occupant of the Chair, desires to express heartfelt thanks to every member of this Convention for the uniform kindness, courtesy and assistance shown during all the proceedings of this Convention.
Governor BUSHNELL, of Ohio. I desire to move in behalf of the delegation from Ohio, and the delegates from all the States to this Convention, a vote of thanks to the Local Committee, the people of St. Louis, and to all who have taken part in the arrangements for the Convention, and the provision of this magnificent hall, for the manner in which every obligation and promise has been met, and for the generous entertainment of delegates and visitors.
The resolution was seconded simultaneously from several delegations and carried by acclamation.
The CHAIRMAN. The Chair notifies the Convention that the two Committees on notification, when selected, are requested to meet at the Southern Hotel to-morrow morning at eleven o'clock.
Mr. FAIRBANKS. Mr. Chairman, I arise for the purpose of returning to the Convention my heartfelt thanks for the generous resolution of your endorsement. I account it a great honor to have been called upon to preside even for a brief time over this greatest of Republican Conventions, and I congratulate the American people upon the splendid work of this Convention.
Chairman THURSTON. Gentlemen of the Convention: Your vote for the Vice Presidential nominee is as follows: Hobart, 533 Ë; Evans, 280 Ë; Bulkeley, 39; Walker, 24; Lippelt, 8; Grant, 2; Depew, 3; Morton, 1; Thurston, 2.
Gentlemen of the Convention. The question stands upon making this nomination unanimous. So many as favor making the nomination of Garrett A. Hobart unanimous will rise.
Apparently all the delegates rose to their feet, and the Chairman said: It is unanimous, Gentlemen of the Convention.
By virtue of the unanimous vote of this Convention and the authority vested in the Chair, Garrett A. Hobart is declared to be the nominee of the Republican party for Vice President.
The CHAIRMAN: Gentlemen of the Convention: The question is now on appointing the Committee to notify the President and the Vice President of their nomination by this Convention. It is the request of the Chair that the names be sent up in writing with the address of each member. The Secretary called the roll. In response to the roll call the following committees to notify the candidates were chosen.
|Alabama||C. D. Alexander|
|Arkansas||Henry M. Cooper|
|Georgia||M. B. Morton|
|Illinois||Charles H. Deere|
|Maine||George P. Westcott|
|Maryland||W. F. Airey|
|Massachusetts||M. B. V. Jefferson|
|Michigan||Thomas J. O'Brien|
|Mississippi||W. D. Frazee|
|Missouri||J. D. Haughawaut|
|Nebraska||John P. Bressler|
|New Hampshire||William D. Sawyer|
|New Jersey||Fred W. Roebling|
|New York||Frank Hiscock|
|North Carolina||Claude M. Benard|
|North Dakota||C. M. Johnston|
|Ohio||M. A. Hanna|
|Pennsylvania||Theodore L. Flood|
|South Carolina||E. H. Deos|
|South Dakota||Walter E. Smead|
|Texas||J. W. Butler|
|Utah||L. R. Rodgers|
|Vermont||James W. Brock|
|Virginia||J. S. Browning|
|Washington||Henry E. Wilson|
|West Virginia||W. M. Lincoln|
|Wisconsin||M. C. Ring|
|Wyoming||H. H. Nickerson|
|New Mexico||Pedro Perea|
|Oklahoma||John A. Buckler|
|District of Columbia||Joseph R. Faltz|
|Alaska||C. S. Johnston|
|Alabama||W. R. Pettiford|
|Connecticut||Edwin O. Keeler|
|Delaware||Henry A. Dupont|
|Georgia||N. T. Doyle|
|Illinois||Isaac L. Edwards|
|Iowa||C. W. Junkin|
|Kentucky||John G. White|
|Maryland||W. G. Tuck|
|Massachusetts||Williard T. Hale|
|Michigan||R. A. Alger|
|Minnesota||A. D. Davidson|
|Mississippi||J. E. Ousley|
|Missouri||B. F. Leonard|
|Nebraska||John T. Bressler|
|New Hampshire||James A. Wood|
|New Jersey||W. Barbour|
|New York||Lispenard Stweart|
|North Carolina||J. H. Hannon|
|North Dakota||J. M. Devine|
|Oregon||Charles W. Parrish|
|Pennsylvania||H. S. Jenney|
|South Carolina||C. J. Pride|
|South Dakota||H. T. Meacham|
|Tennessee||H. C. Jarvis|
|Texas||J. O. Lubby|
|Utah||T. A. Smith|
|Vermont||Edward C. Smith|
|Virginia||R. T. Hubbard|
|Washington||James N. Gilbert|
|West Virginia||P. E. Houston|
|Wyoming||B. F. Fowler|
|New Mexico||Pedro Perea|
|District of Columbia||John Doyle|
|Alaska||C. W. Young|
Upon the conclusion of the calling of the roll of States, upon motion, Chairman Thurston declared the Convention adjourned sine die. The hour of adjournment was 7:53 p. m.
JAMES FRNCIS BURKE,
JOHN JAY BURKE
CHARLES W. JOHNSON, Secretary of the Convention.
Notification of Gov. McKinley.
The members of the Committee on Notification of the Candidate for President assembled at Cleveland, Ohio, on the 28th of June, and on the 29th of June, proceeded by special train to Canton, the home of the nominee, the Hon. William McKinley, to discharge that duty. Hon. Mark A. Hanna, chairman of the committee was in charge of the party.
The speech of notification was made by Hon. John M. Thurston, of Nebraska, the President of the Convention and was as follows:
"Governor McKinley — We are here to perform a pleasant duty assigned us by the Republican national convention recently assembled at St. Louis — that of formally notifying you of your nomination as the candidate of the Republican party for president of the United States. We respectfully request your acceptance of this nomination and your approval of the declaration of the principles adopted by the convention. We assure you that you are the unanimous choice of a united party, and your candidacy will be immediately accepted by the country as an absolute guarantee of Republican success."
"Your nomination has been made in obedience to a popular demand, whose universality and spontaneity attest the affection and confidence of the plain people of the United States. By common consent you are their champion. Their mighty uprising in your behalf emphasizes the sincerity of their conversion to the cardinal principles of protection and reciprocity as best exemplified in that splendid congressional act which, justly bears your name."
"Under it this nation advanced to the very culmination of prosperity, far surpassing that of all other peoples and all other times; a prosperity shared in by all sections, all interests and all classes; by capital and labor, by producer and consumer; prosperity so happily in harmony with the genius of popular government that its choicest blessings were most widely distributed among the lowliest toilers and the humblest homes."
"In 1892 your countrymen, unmindful of your solemn warnings, returned that party to power which reiterated (its everlasting opposition to a protective tariff and demanded the repeal of the McKinley act. They sowed the wind. They reaped the whirlwind. The sufferings and losses and disasters to the American people from four years of Democratic tariff are vastly greater than those which came to them from four years of civil war."
"Out of it all one great good remains. Those who scorned your counsels speedily witnessed the fulfillment of your prophecies, and, even as the scourged! and repentant Israelites abjured their stupid idols and resumed unquestioning allegiance to Moses and to Moses' God, so now your countrymen, shamed of their errors, turn to you and to those glorious principles for which you stand in the full belief that in your candidacy and the Republican platform the end of the wilderness has come and the promised land of American prosperity is again to them an assured inheritance."
"But your nomination means more than the indorsement of a protective tariff, of reciprocity, of sound money and of honest finance, for all of which you have so steadfastly stood. It means an indorsement of your heroic youth, your fruitful years of arduous public service, your sterling patriotism, your stalwart Americanism, your Christian character and the purity, fidelity and simplicity of your private life. In all these things you are the typical American; for in all these things you are the chosen leader of the people. God give you strength so to bear the honors and meet the duties of that great office for which you are now nominated, and to which you will be elected, that your administration will enhance the dignity and power and glory of this Republic and secure the safety, welfare and happiness of its liberty loving people."
Gov. McKinley replied as follows:
"Senator Thurston and Gentleman of the Notification Committee of the Republican National Convention — To be selected as their presidential candidate by a great party convention representing so vast a number of the people of the United States is a most distinguished honor, for which I would not conceal my high appreciation, although deeply sensible of the great responsibilities of the trust and my inability to bear them without the generous! and constant support of my fellow countrymen. Great as is the honor conferred, equally arduous and important is the duty imposed, and in accepting the one I assume the other, relying upon the patriotic devotion of the people to the best interests of our beloved country and the sustaining care and aid of Him without whose support all we do is empty and vain."
"Should the people ratify the, choice of the great convention for which you speak, my only aim will be to promote the public good, which in America is always the good of the greatest number, the honor of our country and the welfare of the people."
"The questions to be settled in the national contest this year are as serious and important as any of the great governmental problems that have confronted us in the last quarter of a century. They command our sober judgment and a settlement free from partisan prejudice and passion, beneficial to ourselves and befitting the honor and grandeur of the republic. They touch every interest of our common country. Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business! and commercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our national credit and currency, our proud financial honor and our splendid free citizenship, the birthright of every American, are all involved in the pending campaign, and thus every home to the land is directly and intimately connected with their proper settlement."
"Great are the issues involved in the coming election, and eager and earnest are the people for their right determination. Our domestic trade must be won back and our idle working people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must be restored to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so precipitately cut off by adverse national legislation, reopened on fair and equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products."
"Protection and reciprocity, twin measures of a true American policy, should again command the earnest encouragement of the government at Washington. Public confidence must be resumed and the skill the energy and the capital of our country find ample employment at home, sustained, encouraged and defended against the unequal competition and serious disadvantages with which they are now contending. The government of the United States must raise money enough to meet both its current expenses and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources, and maintaining that high standard of civilization which has distinguished our country for more than a century of its existence."
"The income of the government, I repeat, should equal its necessary and proper expenditures. A failure to pursue this policy has compelled the government to borrow money in a time of peace to sustain its credit and pay its daily expenses. This policy should be reversed, and that, too, as speedily as possible. It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties or affiliations, that our paramount duty is to provide adequate revenue for the, expenditures of the government, economically and prudently administered. This the Republican party has heretofore done, and this I confidently believe it will do, in the future, when the party is again intrusted with power in the executive and legislative branches of our government."
"The national credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the government there, will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public debt."
"The complaint of the people is not against the administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds to preserve the credit of the country, but against the ruinous policy which has made this necessary, owing to the policy which has been, inaugurated."
"The inevitable effect of such a policy la seen in the deficiency in the United States treasury, except as it is replenished by loans, and in the distress of the people who are suffering because of the scant demand for either their labor or the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble, the remedy for which is Republican opportunity and duty."
"During all the years of Republican control following resumption, there was a steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was sacredly maintained, and our currency and credit preserved without depreciation, taint or suspicion. If we would restore this policy that brought us unexampled prosperity for more than thirty years under the most trying conditions ever known in this country, the policy by which we made and bought more goods at home and sold more abroad, the trade balance would be quickly turned in
148our favor, and gold would come to us and not go from us in the settlement of all such balances in the future."
"The party that supplied, by legislation, the vast revenues for the conduct of our greatest war, that promptly restored the credit of the country at its close, that from its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt incurred in this war, and that resumed specie payments, and placed our paper currency upon a sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to preserve both our credit and currency with honor, stability and inviolability. The American people hold the financial honor of our government as sacred as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its preservation above party fealty, and have often demonstrated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our country is threatened."
"The money of the United States, and every kind or form of it, whether of paper, silver or gold, must be as good as the best in the world. It must not only be current at its full face value at home, but it must be counted at par in any and every commercial center of the globe. The sagacious and far seeing policy of the great men who founded our government, the teachings and acts of the wisest financiers at every stage in our history, the steadfast faith and Splendid achievements of the great party to which we belong and the genius and integrity of our people have always demanded this and will ever maintain it. The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage earner and the pensioner must continue forever equal in purchasing and debt paying power to the dollar paid to any government creditor."
"The contest this year will not be waged upon lines of theory and speculation, but in the light of severe practical experience and new and dearly acquired knowledge. The great body of our citizens know what they want and that they intend to have. They know for what the Republican party stands and what its return to power means to them. They realize that the Republican party believes that our work should be done at home and not abroad, and everywhere proclaim their devotion to the principles of a protective tariff, which, while supplying adequate revenues for the government, will restore American production and serve the best interests of American labor and development. Our appeal, therefore, is not to a false philosophy or vain theorists, but to the masses of the American people, the plain, practical people whom Lincoln loved and trusted and whom the Republican party has always faithfully striven to serve."
"The platform adopted by the Republican national convention has received my careful consideration and has my unqualified approval. It is a matter of gratification to me, as I am sure it must be to you and Republicans everywhere and to all our people, that the expressions of its declaration of principles are so direct, clear and emphatic. They are too plain and positive to leave any chance for doubt or question as to their purport and meaning. But you will not expect me to discuss its provisions at length or in any detail at this time. It will, however, be my duty and pleasure at some future day to make to you, and through, you to the great party you represent, a more formal acceptance of the nomination tendered me."
"No one could be more profoundly grateful than I for the manifestation of public confidence of which you have so eloquently spoken. It shall be my aim to attest this appreciation by an unsparing devotion to what I esteem the best interests of the people, and in this work I ask the counsel and support of you, gentlemen, and of every other friend of the country. The generous expressions with which you, sir, convey the official notice of my nomination are highly appreciated and as fully reciprocated, and I thank you and your associates of the notification committee and the great party and convention at whose instance you come for the high and exceptional distinction bestowed upon me."
At the conclusion of his speech of acceptance Major McKinley was presented with a gavel. Like all gavels, it had a history. It was used by Chairman Thurston as presiding officer of the St. Louis convention. It was made from a log taken from the cabin in New Salem, Ill., in which Abraham Lincoln lived in 1832.
Notification of Hon. Garrett A. Hobart.
The committee appointed by the National Republican Convention at St. Louis to notify Garrett A. Hobart of his nomination for vice president of the United States, arrived at Patterson, New Jersey, his home, July 7th, and went to Mr. Hobart's house, where they were received by Mr. and Mrs. Hobart and a number of ladies and gentlemen, to whom Charles W. Fairbanks, chairman of the committee, spoke as follows:
"Mr. Hobart: The Republican national convention, recently assembled at St. Louis, commissioned us to formally notify you of your nomination for the office of vice president of the United States. We are met, pursuant to the direction of the convention, to perform the agreeable duty assigned us."
"In all the splendid history of the great party which holds our loyal allegiance the necessity was never more urgent for steadfast adherence to those wholesome principles which have been the sure foundation rock of our national prosperity. The demand was never greater for men who hold principles above all else, and who are unmoved, either by the clamor of the hour or the promises of false teachers."
"The convention at St. Louis, in full measure, met the high demands of the times in its declarations of party principles and in the nomination of candidates for president and vice-president."
"Sir, the office for which you are nominated is of rare dignity, honor, and power. It has been graced by the most eminent statesmen who have contributed to the upbuilding of the strength and glory of the republic."
"Because of your exalted personal character and of your intelligent and patriotic devotion to the enduring principles of a protective tariff, which wisely discriminates in favor of American interests, and to a currency whose soundness and integrity none can challenge, and because of your conspicuous fitness for the exacting and important duties of the high office, the Republican National convention, with a unanimity and enthusiasm rarely witnessed, chose you as our candidate for vice-president of the United States."
"We know it to be gratifying to you personally to be the associate of William McKinley in the pending contest. For you and your distinguished associate we bespeak the enthusiastic and intelligent support of all our countrymen who desire that prosperity shall again rule throughout the republic."
At the conclusion of Mr. Fairbanks' speech Mr. Hobart replied as follows:
"Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee: I beg to extend to you my grateful acknowledgments for the kind and flattering terms in which you convey the formal announcement of my nomination for vice-president of the United States by the Republican national convention at St. Louis. I am profoundly sensible of the honor which has been done me and through me the state in which all my life has been spent, in my selection as a candidate for this high office. I appreciate it the more because it associates me in a contest which involves the very gravest issues with one who represents in his private character and public career the highest intelligence and best spirit of his party, and with whom my personal relations are such as to afford a guarantee of perfect accord in the work of the campaign which is before us."
"It is sufficient for me to say at this time that, concurring in all the declarations of principle and policy embodied in the St. Louis platform, I accept the nomination tendered to me with a full appreciation of its responsibilities and with an honest purpose, in the event that the people shall ratify the choices made by the national convention, to discharge any duties which may devolve upon me with sole reference to the public good."
"Let me add that it will be my earnest effort in the coming campaign, to contribute in every way possible to the success of the party which we represent and which on the important issues of the time stands for the
150best interests of the people. Uncertainty or instability as to the money question involves most serious consequences to every interest and to every citizen of the country. The gravity of this question cannot be overestimated. There can be no financial security, no business stability, no real prosperity where the policy of the government as to that question is at all a matter of doubt."
"Gold is the one standard of value among all enlightened commercial nations. All financial transactions, of whatever character, all business enterprise, all individual or corporate investments are adjusted to it. An honest dollar, worth 100 cents everywhere, cannot be coined out of 53 cents' worth of silver plus a legislative fiat. Such a debasement of our currency would inevitably produce incalculable loss, appalling disaster and national dishonor. It is a fundamental principle in coinage, recognized and followed by all the statesmen of America in the past, and never yet safely departed from, that there can be only one basis upon which gold and silver may be concurrently coined as money, and that basis is equality, not in weight, but in the commercial value of the metal contained in the respective, coins. This commercial value is fixed by the markets of the world, with which the great interests of our country are necessarily connected by innumerable business ties which cannot be severed or ignored. Great and self-reliant as our country is, it is great not alone within its own borders and upon its own resources, but because it also reaches out to the ends of the earth, in all manifold departments of business, exchange and commerce, and must maintain with honor its standing and credit among the nations of the earth."
"The question admits of no compromise. It is a vital principle at stake, but it is in no sense partisan or sectional. It concerns all people. Ours, as one of the foremost nations, must have a monetary standard equal to the best. It is of vital consequence that this question should be settled now in such a way as to restore public confidence here and everywhere in the integrity of our purpose. A doubt of that integrity among the other great commercial countries of the world will not only cost us millions of money, but that which, as patriots, we should treasure still more highly — our industrial and commercial supremacy."
"My estimate of the value of a protective policy has been formed by the study of the object lessons of a great industrial state, extending over a period of thirty years. It is that protection not only builds up important industries from small beginnings, but that those and all other industries flourish or languish in proportion as protection is maintained or withdrawn. I have seen it indisputably proved that the prosperity of the farmer, merchant and all other classes of citizens goes hand, in hand with that of the manufacturer and mechanic. I am firmly persuaded that what we need most of all to, remove the business paralysis that afflicts this country is the restoration of a policy which, while affording ample revenue to meet the expenses of the government, will reopen American workshops on full time and full handed, with their operatives paid good wages in honest dollars, and this can only come under a tariff which will hold the interests of our own people paramount in our political and commercial systems."
"The opposite policy, which discourages American enterprises, reduces American labor to idleness, diminishes the earnings of American workingmen, opens our markets to commodities from abroad which, we should produce at home, while closing foreign markets against our products, and which, at the same time, steadily augments the public debt, increasing the public burdens, while diminishing the ability of the people to meet them is a policy which must find its chief popularity elsewhere than among American citizens."
"I shall take an early opportunity, gentlemen of the committee, through you to communicate to my fellow-citizens with somewhat more of detail my views concerning the dominant questions of the hour and the crisis which confronts us as a nation."
"With this brief expression of my appreciation of the distinguished honor that has been bestowed upon me, and this signification of my acceptance of the trust to which I have been summoned, I place myself at the service of the Republican party and of the country."
The Letters of Acceptance.
CANTON, Ohio, Aug. 26, 1896.
Hon. John M. Thurston and Others, Members of the Notification Committee of the Republican National Convention — Gentlemen — In pursuance of the promise made to your committee when notified of my nomination as the Republican candidate for president, I beg to submit this formal acceptance of that high honor, and to consider in detail questions at issue in the pending campaign.
Perhaps this might be considered unnecessary in view of my remarks on that occasion and those I have made to delegations that have visited me since the St. Louis convention, but in view of the momentous importance of the proper settlement of the issues presented on our future prosperity and standing as a nation, and considering only the welfare and happiness of our people, I could not be content to omit again calling attention to the questions which, in my opinion, vitally affect our strength and position among the governments of the world, and our morality, integrity and patriotism as citizens of that republic which for a century past has been the best hope of the world and the inspiration of mankind.
We must not now prove false to our own high standards in government, nor unmindful of the noble example and wise precepts of the fathers, or of the confidence and trust which our conduct in the past has always inspired.
For the first time since 1868, if ever before, there is presented to the American people this year a clear and direct issue as to our monetary system, of vast importance In its effects, and upon the right settlement of which rests largely the financial honor and prosperity of the country.
It is proposed by one wing of the Democratic party and its allies, the People's and silver parties, to inaugurate the free and unlimited coinage of silver by independent action on the part of the United States at a ration of 16 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold. The mere declaration of this purpose is a menace to our financial and industrial interests, and has already created universal alarm. It involves great peril to the credit and business of the country, a peril so grave that conservative men everywhere are breaking away from their old party association and uniting with other patriotic citizens in emphatic protest against the platform of the Democratic national convention as an assault upon the faith and honor of the government and the welfare of the people.
We have had few questions in the lifetime of the republic more serious than the one which is thus presented.
The character of the money which shall measure our values and exchanges and settle our balances with one another and with the nations of the world is of such primary importance and so far-reaching in its consequences as to call for the most painstaking investigation, and in the end a sober and unprejudiced judgment at the polls. We must not be misled by phrases nor deluded by false theories.
Free silver would not mean that silver dollars were to be freely had without cost or labor. It would mean the free use of the mints of the United States for the few who are owners of silver bullion, but would make silver coin no freer to the many who are engaged in other enterprises. It would not make labor easier, the hours of labor shorter or the pay better. It would not make farming less laborious or more profitable. It would not start a factory or make a demand for an additional day's labor. It would create no, new occupations. It would add nothing to the comfort of the masses, the capital of the people or the wealth of the nation.
It seeks to introduce a new measure of value, but would add no value to the thing measured. It would not conserve values. On the contrary, it would derange all existing values. It would not restore business
152confidences, but its direct effect would be to destroy the little which yet remains.
The meaning of the coinage plank adopted at Chicago is that anyone may take a Quantity of silver bullion, now worth 53 cents, to the mints of the United States, have it coined at the expense of the government and receive for it a silver dollar which shall be legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and private.
The owner of the silver bullion would get the silver dollar. It would belong to him and to nobody else. Other people would get it only by their labor, the products of their land or something of value. The bullion owner, on the basis of present values, would receive the silver dollar for 53 cents' worth of silver, and other people would be required to receive it as a full dollar in the payment of debts.
The government would get nothing from the transaction. It would bear the expense of coining the silver and the community would suffer loss by its use.
We have coined since 1878 more than 400,000,000 silver dollars which are maintained by the government at parity with gold, and are a full legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and private. How are the silver dollars now in use different from those which would be in use under free coinage? They are to be of the same weight and fineness; they are to bear the same stamp of the government. Why would they not be of the same value?
I answer: The silver dollars now in use were coined on account of the government and not for private account or gain, and the government has solemnly agreed to keep them as good as the best dollars we have. The government bought the silver bullion at its market value and coined it into silver. Having exclusive control of the mintage, it only coins what it can hold at a parity with gold.
The profit representing the difference between the commercial value of the silver bullion and the face value of the silver dollar goes to the government for the benefit of the people. The government bought the silver bullion contained in the silver dollar at very much less than its coinage value. It paid it out to its creditors and put it in circulation among the people at its face value of 100 cents, or a full dollar. It required the people to accept it as a legal tender, and is thus morally bound to maintain it at a parity with gold, which was then, as now, the recognized standard with us and the most enlightened nations of the world.
The government having issued and circulated the silver dollar, it must in honor protect the holder from loss. This obligation it has so far sacredly kept. Not only is there a moral obligation, but there is a legal obligation, expressed in public statute, to maintain the parity.
These dollars in the particulars I have named are not the same as the dollars which would be issued under free coinage, They would be the same in form, but different in value. The government would have no part in the transaction, except to coin the silver bullion into dollars. It would share in no part of the profit. It would take upon itself no obligation. It would not put the dollars into, circulation. It could only get them as any citizen would get them — by giving something for them. It would deliver them to those who deposited the silver, and its connection with the transaction there end.
Such are the silver dollars which would be issued under free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. Who would then maintain the parity? What would keep them at par with gold? There would be no obligation resting upon the government to do it, and if there were it would be powerless to do it. The simple truth is, we would be driven to a silver basis — to silver monometallism. These dollars, therefore, would stand upon their real value.
If the free and unlimited coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold would, as some of its advocates assert, make 53 cents in silver worth 100 cents and the silver dollar equal to the gold dollar, then we would have no cheaper money than now, and it would be no easier to get. But that such would be the result is against reason and is contradicted by experience in all times and in all lands.
It means the debasement of our currency to the amount of the difference between the commercial and coin value of the silver dollar, which is ever changing, and the effect would be to reduce property values, entail untold financial loss, destroy confidence, impair the obligations of existing contracts, further impoverish the laborers and producers of the country, create a panic of unparalleled severity and inflict upon trade and commerce a deadly blow.
Against any such policy I am unalterably opposed.
Bimetallism cannot be secured by independent action on our part. It cannot be obtained by opening our mints to the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world, at a ratio of 16 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, when the commercial ratio is more than 30 ounces of silver to one ounce of gold.
Mexico and China have tried the experiment. Mexico has free coinage of silver and gold at a ratio slightly in excess of leys ounces of silver to one ounce of gold, and, while her mints are freely open to both metals at that ratio, not a single dollar in
153gold bullion is coined and circulated as money. Gold has been driven out of circulation in these countries, and they are on a silver basis alone.
Until international agreement is had, it is the plain duty of the United States to maintain the gold standard. It is the recognized and sole standard of the great commercial nations of the world, with which we trade more largely than any other. Eighty-four per cent of our foreign trade for the fiscal year 1895 was with gold standard countries, and our trade with other countries was settled on a gold basis.
Chiefly by means of legislation during and since 1878 there has been put in circulation more than $624,000,000 of silver, or its representative. This has been done in the honest effort to give to silver, if possible, the same bullion and coinage values, and encourage the concurrent use of both gold and silver as money. Prior to that time there had been less than nine millions of silver dollars coined in the entire history of the United States, a period of 89 years, This legislation secures the largest use of silver consistent with financial safety and the pledge to maintain its parity with gold.
We have today more silver than gold. This has been accomplished at times with grave peril to the public credit. The so-called Sherman law sought to use all the silver product of the United States for money at its market value. From 1890 to 1893 the government purchased 4,500,000 ounces, of silver a month, or 54,000,000 ounces a year. This was one-third of the product of the world and practically all of this country's product.
It was believed by those who then and now favor free coinage that such use of silver would advance its bullion value to its coinage value, but this expectation was not realized. In a few months, notwithstanding the unprecedented market for the silver produced in the United States, the price of silver went down very rapidly, reaching a lower point than ever before. Then, upon the recommendation of President Cleveland, both political parties united in the repeal of the purchasing clause of the Sherman law.
We cannot with safety engage in further experiments in this direction.
On the 22d of August, 1891, in a public address, I said:
"If we could have an international ratio which all the leading nations of the world would adopt, and the true relation be fixed between the two metals and all agree upon the quantity of silver which would constitute a dollar, then silver would be as free and unlimited in its privileges of coinage as gold is today. But that we have not beer able to secure, and with the free and unlimited coinage of silver adopted in the United States at the present ratio, we would be still further removed from any international agreement. We may never be able to secure it if we enter upon the isolated coinage of silver. The double standard implies, equally at a ratio, and that equality can only be established by the concurrent law of nations. It was the concurrent law of nations that made the double standard; It will require the concurrent law of nations to reinstate and maintain it."
The Republican party has not been, and is not now opposed to the use of silver money, as its record abundantly shows. It has done all that could be done for its increased use with safety and honor by the United States, acting apart from other governments. There are those who think that it has already gone beyond the limit of financial prudence. Surely we can go no further, and we must not permit false lights to lure us across the danger line.
We have much more silver in use than any country in the world except India or China; $500,000,000 more than Great Britain; $150,000,000 more than France; $400,000,000 more than Germany; $325,000,000 less than India and $125,000,000 less than China.
The Republican party has declared in favor of an international agreement, and if elected president it will be my duty to employ all proper means to promote it. The free coinage of silver in this country would defer if not defeat, international bimetallism, and until an international agreement can be had every interest requires us to maintain our present standard.
Independent free coinage of silver at a ratio of sixteen ounces of silver to one ounce of gold would insure the speedy contraction of the volume of our currency. It would drive at least 500,000,000 of gold dollars, which we now have, permanently from the trade of the country and greatly decrease our per capita circulation.
It is not proposed by the Republican party to take from the circulating medium of the country and of the silver we now have. On the contrary, it is proposed to keep all of the silver money now in circulation on a parity with gold by maintaining the pledge of the government that all of it shall be equal to gold.
This has been the unbroken policy of the Republican party since 1878. It has inaugurated no new policy. It will keep in circulation and as good as gold all of the silver and paper money which are now included in the currency of the country. It will maintain their parity. It will preserve their equality in the future as it has always done in the past. It will not consent to put this country on a silver basis, which would inevitably follow independent free a coinage at a ratio of 16 to 1. It will oppose
154the expulsion of gold from our circulation.
If there is any one thing that should be free from speculation and fluctuation it is the money of a country. It ought never to be the subject of mere partisan contention.
When we part with our labor, our products or our property we should receive in return money which is as staple and unchanging in value as the Ingenuity of honest men can make it. Debasement of the currency means destruction of values.
No one Suffers so much from cheap money as the farmers and laborers. They are the first to feel its bad effects and the last to recover from, them. This has been the uniform experience of all countries, and here, as elsewhere, the poor and not the rich are the greater sufferers from every attempt to debase our money.
It would fall with alarming severity upon Investments already made, upon insurance companies and their policy holders, upon savings banks and their depositors, upon building and loan associations and their members, upon the savings of thrift, upon pensioners and their families, and upon wage earners and the purchasing power of their wages.
The silver question is not the only issue affecting our money in the pending contest. Not content with urging the free coinage of silver, its strongest champions demand that our paper money shall be issued directly by the government of the United States.
This is the Chicago Democratic declaration. The St. Louis people's declaration is that "our national money shall be issued by the general government only, without the intervention of banks of issue, be full legal tender for the payment of all debts, public and private," and be distributed "direct to the people, and through large disbursements of the government."
Thus, in addition to the free coinage of the world's silver, we are asked to enter upon an era of unlimited irredeemable paper currency. The question which was fought out from 1865 to 1879 is thus to be reopened, with all its cheap money experiments of every conceivable form foisted upon us.
This indicates a most startling reactionary policy, strangely at variance with every requirement of sound finance; but the declaration shows the spirit and purpose of those who by combined action are contending for the control of the government. Not satisfied with the debasement of our coin, which would inevitably follow the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1 they would still further degrade our currency and threaten the public honor by the unlimited issue of an irredeemable paper currency.
A graver menace to our financial standing and credit could hardly be conceived, and every patriotic citizen should be aroused to promptly meet and effectually defeat it.
It is a cause for painful regret and solicitude that an effort is being made by those high in the counsels of the allied parties to divide the people of this country into classes and create distinctions among us which, in fact, do not exist and are repugnant to our form of government. These appeals to passion and prejudice are beneath the spirit and intelligence of a free people, and should be met with stern rebuke by those they are sought to influence, and I believe they will be.
Every attempt to array class against class, "the classes against the masses," section against section, labor against capital, "the poor against the rich," or interest against interest in the United States is in the highest degree reprehensible. It is opposed to the national instinct and interest and should be resisted by every citizen. We are not a nation of classes, but of sturdy, free, in the demagogue, and never capitualate to dishonor.
This ever-recurring effort endangers popular government and is a menace to our liberties. It is not a new campaign device or party appeal. It is as old as government among men, but was never more untimely and unfortunate than now. Washington warned us against it, and Webster said in the senate, in words which I feel are singularly appropriate at this time:
"I admonish the people against the object of outcries like these. I admonish every industrious laborer of this country to be on his guard against such delusion. I tell him the attempt is to play off his passion against his interest and to prevail on him, in the name of liberty, to destroy all the fruits of liberty."
Another issue of extreme importance is that of protection. The peril of free silver is a menace to be feared; we are already experiencing the effect of partial free trade. The one must be averted; the other corrected.
The Republican party is wedded to the doctrine of protection and was never more earnest in its support and advocacy than now. If argument were needed to strengthen its devotion to "the American system," or increase the hold of that system upon the party and people, it is found in the lesson and experience of the past three years. Men realize in their own daily lives what before was to many of them only report, history or tradition. They have had a trial of both systems and know what each has done for them.
Washington in his farewell address, Sept. 17, 1796, a hundred years ago, said: "As a very important source of strength and security
155cherished public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear."
To facilitate the enforcement of the maxims which he announced he declared: "It is essential that you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient or unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrasment inseparable from the selection of proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate,"
Animated by like sentiments, the people of the country must now face the conditions which beset them. "The public exigencies" demand prompt protective legislation which will avoid the accumulation of further debt by providing adequate revenues for the expenses of the government. This is, manifestly the requirement of duty.
If elected president of the United States it will be my aim, to vigorously promote this object and give that ample encouragement to the occupations of the Amenican people which above all else is so imperatively demanded at this juncture of our national affairs.
In December, 1892, President Harrison sent his last message to congress. It was an able and exhaustive review of the condition and resources of the country. It stated our stiuation so accurately that I am sure it will not be amiss to recite his official and valuable testimony.
"There never has been, a time in our history," said he, "when work was so abundant, or when wages were so high, whether measured by the currency in which they are paid or by their power to supply the necessaries and comforts of life. The general average of prices has been such as to give to agriculture a fair participation in the general prosperity. The new industrial plants established since Oct. 6, 1890, and up to Oct. 22, 1892, number 345, and the extensions of existing plants, 108. The new capital invested amounts to $40,446,060, and the number of additional employes, 37,285. During the first six months of the present calendar year 135 new factories were built, of which 40 were cotton mills, 48 knitting mills, 26 woolen mills, 15 silk mills, 4 plush mills and 2 linen mills. Of the forty cotton mills twenty-one have been built in the Southern states."
This fairly describes the happy condition of the country in December, 1892. What has it been since, and what is it now?
The messages of President Cleveland from the beginning of his second administration to the present time abounds with descriptions of the deplorable industrial and financial situation of the country. While no resort to history or official statement is required to advise us of the present condition, and that which has prevailed during the past three years, I venture to quote from President Cleveland's first message, Aug. 8, 1893, addressed to the Fifty-third congress, which he had called together in extraordinary session.
"The existence of an alarming and extraordinary business situation," said he, "involving the welfare and prosperity of all our people, has constrained me to call together in extra session the people's representatives in congress, to the end that through the wise and patriotic exercise of the legislative duties with which they solely are charged the present evils may be mitigated and dangers threatening the future may be averted."
"Our unfortunate financial plight is not the result of untoward events, nor of conditions related to our natural resources. Nor is it traceable to any of the afflctions which frequently check national growth and prosperity. With plenteous crops, with abundant promise of remunerative production and manufacture, with unusual invitation to, safe investment, and with satisfactory assurances to Business enterprises, suddenly financial distrust and fear have sprung up on every side."
"Numerous moneyed institutions have suspended because abundant assets were not immediately available to meet the demands of frightened depositors. Surviving corporations and individuals are content to keep in hand the money they are usually anxious to loan, and those engaged in legitimate business are surprised to find that the securities they offer for loans, though heretofore satisfactory, are no longer accepted. Values supposed to be fixed are fast becoming conjectual and loss and failure have invaded every branch of business."
What a, startling and sudden change within the short period of eight months, from December, 1892, to August, 1893. What had occurred?
A change of administration. All branches of the government had been intrusted to the Democratic party, which was committed against the protective policy that had prevailed
156uninterruptedly for more than thirty-two years and brought unexampled prosperity to the country, and firmly pledged to its complete overthrow and the substitution of a tariff for revenue only. The change having been decreed by the elections in November, its effects were at once anticipated and felt.
We cannot close our eyes to these altered conditions, nor would it be wise to exclude from contemplation and investigation the causes which produced them. They are facts which we cannot as a people disregard, and we can only hope to improve our present condition by a study of their causes.
In December, 1892, we had the same currency and practically the same volume of currency that we have now. It aggregated in 1892, $2,372,599,501; in 1893, $2,323,000,000; in 1894, $2,323,442,362, and to December, 1895, $2,194,000,230. The per capita of money has been practically the same during this whole period. The quantity of the money has been identical — all kept equal to gold.
There is nothing connected with our money, therefore, to account for this sudden and aggravated industrial change. Whatever is to be depreciated in our financial system, it must everywhere be admitted that our money has been absolutely sound and has brought neither loss nor inconvenience to its holders. A depreciated currency has not existed to further vex the troubled business situation.
It is a mere pretense to attribute the hard times to the fact that all our currency is on a gold basis. Good money never made times hard. Those who assert that our present industrial and financial depression is the result of the gold standard have not read American history aright or been careful students of the events of recent years.
We never had greater prosperity in this country, in every field of employment and industry, than in the busy years from 1880 to 1892, during all of which, time this country was on a gold basis and employed more gold money in its fiscal and business operations than ever before. We had, too, a protective tariff, under which ample revenues were collected for the government, and an accumulating surplus, which was constantly applied to the payment of the public debt.
Let us hold fast to that which we know is good. It is not more money we want; what we want is to put the money we already have at work. When money is employed men are employed. Both have always been steadily and remuneratively engaged during all the years of protective tariff legislation. When those who have money lack confidence in the stability of values and investments, they will not part with their money. Business is stagnated — the life blood of trade is checked and congested.
We cannot restore public confidence by an act which would revolutionize all values, or an act which entail a deficiency in the public revenues. We cannot inspire confidence by advocating repudiation or practicing dishonesty. We cannot restore confidence, either to the treasury or to the people, without a change in our present tariff legislation.
The only measure of a general nature that affected the treasury and the employment of our people passed by the Fifty-third congress was the general tariff act, which did not receive the approval of the president.
Whatever virtues may be claimed for the act, there is confessedly one which it does not possess. It lacks the essential virtue of its creation — the raising of revenue sufficient to supply the needs of the government. It has at no time provided enough revenue for such needs, but it has caused a constant deficiency in the treasury and a steady depletion in the earnings of labor and land. It has contributed to swell our national debt more than $262,000,000, a sum nearly as great as the debt of the government from Washington to Lincoln, including all bur foreign wars from the revolution to rebellion. Since its passage work at home has been diminished, prices of agricultural products have fallen, confidence has been; arrested, and general business, demoralization is seen on every hand.
The total receipts under the tariff act of 1894 for the first 22 months of its enforcement, from September, 1894, to June, 1896, were $557,615,328, and the expenditures $640,418,363, or a deficiency of $82,803,035. The decrease in our exports of American products and manufactures: during the first 15 months of the present tariff, as contrasted with the exports of the first 15 months of the tariff of 1890, was $220,353,320. The excess of exports, over imports during the first 15 months of the tariff of 1890 was $213,972,968, but only $56,758,623 under the first 15 months of the tariff of 1894, a loss under the latter of $157,214,345.
The net loss in the trade balance of the United States, has been $196,983,607 during the first fifteen months operation of the tariff of 1894 as compared with the first fifteen months of the tariff of 1890. The loss has rate of $13,130,000 per month, or $500,000 for been large, constant and steady, at the every business day of the year.
We have either been sending too much money out of the country, or getting too little in, or both. We have lost steadily in both directions. Our foreign trade has been diminished and our domestic trade has suffered incalculable loss. Does not this suggest the cause of our present depression and indicate its remedy?
Confidence in home enterprises has almost wholly disappeared. Our shops are closed, or running on half time at reduced wages and small profit if not actual loss. Our men at home are idle, and while they are idle the men abroad are occupied in supplying us with goods.
Our unrivaled home market for the farmer has also greatly suffered because those who constitute it — the great army of American wage-earners — are without the work and wages they formerly had. If they cannot earn wages they cannot buy products. They cannot earn if they have not employment, and when they do not earn the farmer's, home market is lessened and impaired, and the loss is felt by both producer and consumer.
The loss of earning power alone in this country in the past three years is sufficient to have produced our unfortunate business situation. If our labor was well employed, and employed at as remunerative wages as in 1892, in a few months every farmer in the land would feel the glad change in the increased demand for his products and in the better prices which he would receive.
It is not an increase in the volume of money which is the need of the time, but an increase in the volume of business. Not an increase of coin, but an increase of confidence. Not more coinage, but a more active use of the money coined. Not open mints for the unlimited coinage of the silver of the world, but open mills for the full and unrestricted labor of American workingmen.
The employment of our mints for the coinage of the silver of the world would not bring the necessaries and comforts of life back to our people. This will only come with the employment of the masses, and such employment is certain to follow the reestablishment of a wise protective policy which shall encourage manufacturing at home.
Protection has lost none of its virtue and importance. The first duty of the Republican party, if restored to power in the country, will be the enactment of a tariff law which will raise all the money necessary to conduct the government, economically and honestly administered, and so adjusted as to give preference to home manufactures and adequate protection to home labor and the home market.
We are not committed to any special schedule or rates of duty. They are and always should be subject to change to meet new conditions, but the principle upon which rates of duty are imposed remains the same. Our duties should always be high enough to measure the difference between the wages paid labor at home and in competing countries, and to adequately protect American investments and American enterprises.
Our farmers have been hurt by the changes to our tariff legislation as severely as our laborers and manufacturers.
The Republican platform wisely declares in favor of such encouragement to our sugar interests "as will lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar which the American people use."
It promises to our wool and woolen interests "the most ample protection," a guaranty that ought to commend itself to every patriotic citizen. Never was a more grievous wrong done the farmers of our country than that so unjustly inflicted during the past three years upon the wool growers of America. Although among our most industrious and useful citizens, their interests have been practically destroyed, and our woolen manufacturers involved in similar disaster. At no time within the past thirty-six years, and perhaps never during any previous period, have so many of our woolen factories been suspended as now.
The Republican party can be relied upon to correct these great wrongs if again intrusted with the control of the congress.
Another declaration of the Republican platform, that has my most cordial support is that which favors reciprocity. The splendid results of the reciprocity arrangements that were made under authority of the tariff law of 1890 are striking and suggestive. The brief period they were in force, in most cases only three years, was not long enough, to thoroughly test their great value, but sufficient was shown by the trial to conclusively demonstrate the importance and wisdom of their adoption.
In 1892 the export trade of the United States attained the highest point in our history. The aggregate of our exports that year reached the immense sum of $1,030,278,148, a sum greater by $100,000,000 than the exports of any previous year. In 1893, owing to the threat of unfriendly tariff legislation, the total dropped to $847,665,194. Our exports of domestic merchandise decreased $189,000,000, but reciprocity still secured us a large trade in Central and South America, and a larger 'trade with the West Indies than we had ever before enjoyed. The increase of trade with the countries with which we had reciprocity agreements was $3,560,515 over our trade in 1892, and $16,440,721 over our trade in 1891.
The only countries with which the United States traded that showed increased exports in 1893 were practically those with which we had reciprocity arrangements. The reciprocity treaty between this country and Spain, touching the markets o Cuba and Porto Rica, was announced Sept. 1, 1891. The growth of our trade with Cuba was phenomenal. In 1891 we sold that country but 114,441 barrels of flour; in 1892. 366,175, in 1893, 616,406, and in 1894, 662,248. Here was a growth, of nearly 500 per cent, while our exportations of flour to Cuba for the year ending June 30, 1895, the
158year following the repeal of the reciprocity treaty, fell to 379,856 barrels, a loss of nearly half our trade with that country. The value of our total exports of merchandise from the United States to Cuba, in 1891 — the year prior to the negotiation of the reciprocity treaty — was $12,224,888; in 1892, $17,953,579; in 1893, $24,157,698; in 1894, $20,125,321, but in 1895, after the annulment of the reciprocity agreement, it fell to only $12,887,661.
Many similar examples might be given of our increased trade under reciprocity with other countries, but enough has been shown of the efficiency of the legislation of 1890 to justify the speedy restoration of its reciprocity provisions. In my judgment, congress should immediately restore the reciprocity section of the old law, with such amendments, if any, as time and experience sanction as wise and proper.
The underlying principle of this legislation must, however, be strictly observed. It is to afford new markets for our surplus agricultural and manufactured products without loss to the American laborer of a single day's work that he might otherwise procure.
The declaration of the platform touching foreign immigration is one of peculiar importance at this time, when our own laboring people are in such great distress.
I am in hearty sympathy with the present legislation restraining foreign immigration, and favor such extension of the laws as will secure the United States from invasion by the debased and criminal classes of the old world. While we adhere to the public policy under which our country has received great bodies of honest, industrious citizens, who have added to the wealth, progress and power of the country, and while we welcome to our shores the well-disposed and industrious immigrant, who contributes by his energy and intelligence to the cause of free government, we want no immigrants who do not seek our shores to become citizens.
We should permit none to participate in the advantages of our civilization who do not sympathize with our aims and form of government. We should receive none who come to make war upon our institutions and profit by public disquiet and turmoil. Against all such our gates must be tightly closed.
The soldiers and sailors of the Union should neither be neglected nor forgotten. The government which they served so well must not make their lives or condition harder by treating them as suppliants for relief in old age or distress, nor regard with disdain or contempt the earnest interest one comrade naturally manifests in the welfare of another.
Doubtless there have been pension abuses and frauds in the numerous claims allowed by the government, but the policy governing the administration of the pension bureau must always be fair and liberal. No deserving applicant should ever suffer because of a wrong perpetrated by or for another.
Our soldiers and sailors gave the government the best they had. They freely offered health, strength, limb and life to save the country in the time of its greatest peril, and the government must honor them in their need, as in their service, with the respect and gratitude due the brave, noble, and self sacrificing men who are justly entitled to generous aid in their increasing necessities.
The declaration of the Republican platform in favor of the upbuilding of our merchant marine has my hearty approval. The policy of discriminating duties in favor of our shipping which prevailed in the early years of our history should be again promptly adopted by congress and vigorously supported until our prestige and supremacy on the seas are fully attained. We should no longer contribute directly or indirectly to the maintenance of the colossal marine of foreign countries, but provide an efficient and complete marine of our own.
Now that the American navy is assuming a position commensurate with our importance as a nation, a policy I am glad to observe the Republican platform strongly indorses, we must supplement it with a merchant marine that will give us the advantages in both our coastwise and foreign trade that we ought naturally and properly to enjoy. It should be at once a matter of public policy and national pride to repossess this immense and prosperous trade.
The pledge of the Republican national convention that our civil service laws "shall be sustained and thoroughly and honestly enforced, and extended wherever practicable," is in keeping with the position of the party for the past 24 years, and will be faithfully observed.
Our opponents decry these reforms. They appear willing to abandon all the advantages gained, after so many years' agitation and effort. They encourage a return to methods of party favoritism, which both parties have often denounced, that experience has condemned, and that the people have repeatedly disapproved.
The Republican party earnestly opposes this reactionary and entirely unjustifiable policy. It will take no backward step upon this question. It will seek to improve but never degrade the public service.
There are other important and timely declarations in the platform which I cannot here discuss. I must content myself with saying that they have my approval.
If, as Republicans, we have lately addressed our attention, with what may seem great stress and earnestness, to the new and unexpected assault upon the financial integrity of the government, we have done it because the menace is so grave as to demand
159especial consideration, and because we are convinced that if the people are aroused to the true understanding and meaning of this silver and inflation movement they will avert the danger. In doing this we feel that we render the best service possible to the country, and we appeal to the intelligence, conscience and patriotism of the people, irrespective of party or section, for their earnest support.
We avoid no issues. We meet the sudden, dangerous and revolutionary assault upon law and order, and upon those to whom is confided by the constitution and laws the authority to uphold and maintain them, which our opponents have made, with the same courage that we have faced every emergency since our organization as a party, more than forty years ago. Government by law must first be assured; everything else can wait.
The spirit of lawlessness must be extinguished by the fires of an unselfish and lofty patriotism. Every attack upon the public faith, and every suggestion of the repudiation of debts, public or private, must be rebuked by all men who believe that honesty is the best policy, or who love then country and would preserve unsullied its national honor.
The country is to be congratulated upon the almost total obliteration of the sectional lines which for many years marked the division of the United States into slave and free territory, and finally threatened its partition into two separate governments by the dread, ordeal of civil war. The era of reconciliation, so long and earnestly desired by General Grant and many other great leaders, north and south, has happily come, and the feeling of distrust and hostility between the sections is everywhere vanishing, let us hope never to re-
Nothing is better calculated to give strength to the nation at home, increase our power and influence abroad, and add to the permanency and security of our free institutions than the restoration of cordial relations between the people of all sections and parts of our beloved country. If called by the suffrages of the people to assume the duties of the high office of president of the United States, I shall count it a privilege to aid, even in the slightest degree, in the promotion of the spirit of fraternal regard which should animate and govern the citizens of every section, state or part of the republic.
After the lapse of a century since its utterance, let us at length and forever hereafter heed the admonition of Washington: "There should, be no north, no south, no east, no west, but a common country." It shall be my constant aim to improve every opportunity to advance the cause of good government by promoting that spirit of forbearance and justice which is so essential to our prosperity and happiness by joining most heartily in all proper efforts to restore the relations of brotherly respect and affection which in our early history characterized all the people of all the states. I would be glad to contribute towards binding in indivisible union the different divisions of the country, which indeed, now "have every inducement of sympathy and interest" to weld them together more strongly than ever.
I would rejoice to see demonstrated to the world that the north and the south and the east and the west are not separated, or in danger of becoming separated, because of sectional or party differences. The war is long since over; "we are not enemies but friends," and as friends we will faithfully and cordially co-operate, under the approving smile of Him who has thus far so signally sustained and guided us, to preserve inviolate our country's name and honor, its peace and good order, and its continued ascendency among the greatest governments on earth.
Paterson, N. J., Sept. 9, 1896. — Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks and others of the notification committee of the Republican national convention. Gentlemen: I have already, in accepting the nomination for the office of the vice-presidency tendered me by the national Republican convention, expressed my approval of the platform adopted by that body as the party basis of doctrine. In accordance with accepted usage I beg now to supplement that brief statement of my views by some additional reflections upon the questions which are in debate before the American people.
The platform declarations in reference to the money question express clearly and unmistakably the attitude of the Republican party as to this supremely important subject. We stand unqualifiedly honesty in finance and the permanent adjustment of our monetary system, in the multifarious activities of trade and commerce, to the existing gold standard of value. We hold that every dollar of currency issued by the United States, whether of gold, silver or paper, must be worth a dollar in gold, whether in the pocket of the man who toils for his daily bread, in the vault of the savings-bank which holds his deposits, or in the exchanges of the world.
The money standard of a great nation should be as fixed and permanent as the nation itself. To secure and retain the best should be the desire of every right-minded citizen. Resting on stable foundations, continuous and, unvarying certainty of value should be its distinguishing characteristic. The experience of all history confirms the truth that every coin made under any law, howsoever that coin may be stamped, will finally command in the markets of the world the exact value of the materials which compose it. The dollar of our country, whether of gold or silver, should be of the full value of one hundred cents, and by so much as any dollar is worth less than this in the market, by precisely that sum will some one be defrauded.
The necessity of a certain and fixed money value between nations as well as individuals has grown out of the interchange of commodities, the trade and business relationships which have arisen among the peoples of the world, with the enlargement of human wants and the broadening of human interests. This necessity has made gold the final standard of all enlightened nations. Other metals, including silver, have a recognized commercial value, and silver especially has a value of great importance for subsidiary coinage. In view of a sedulous effort by the advocates of free coinage to create a contrary impression, it cannot be too strongly emphasized that the Republican party in its platform affirms this value in silver, and favors the largest possible use of this metal as actual money that can, be maintained with safety. Not only this, it will not antagonize, but will gladly assist in promoting a double standard whenever it can be secured by agreement and co-operation among the nations. The bimetallic currency, involving the free use of silver, which we now have, is cordially approved by Republicans. But a standard and a currency are vastly different things.
If we are to continue to hold our place among the great commercial nations, we must cease juggling with this question and make our honesty of purpose clear to the world. No room should be left for misconception as to the meaning of the language used in the bonds of the government not yet matured. It should not be possible for any party or individual to raise a question as to the purpose of the country to pay all its obligations in the best form of money recognized by the commercial world. Any nation which is worthy of credit or confidence can afford to say explicitly on a question so vital to every interest what it means, when such meaning is challenged or doubted. It is desirable that we should make it known at once and authoritatively that an "honest dollar" means any dollar equivalent to a gold dollar of the present standard of weight and fineness. The world should likewise be assured that the standard dollar of America is as inflexible a quantity as the French Napoleon, the British sovereign or the German 20-mark piece.
The free coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1 is a policy which no nation has
161ever before proposed, and it is not today permitted in any mint in the world — not even in Mexico. It is proposed to make the coinage unlimited, at an absolutely fictitious ratio fixed with no reference to intrinsic value or pledge of ultimate redemption. With silver at its present price of less than 70 cents per ounce in the market, such a policy means an immediate profit to the seller of silver, for which there is no return now or hereafter to the people or the government. It means that for each dollar's worth of silver bullion delivered at the mint, practically $2 of stamped coin will be given in exchange. For $100 worth of bullion nearly two hundred silver dollars will be delivered.
Let it also be remembered that the consequences of such an act would probably be cumulative in their effects. The crop of silver, unlike that of hay, or wheat, or corn — which, being of yearly production, can be regulated by the law of demand and supply — is fixed once for all. The silver which has not yet been gathered is all in the ground. Dearth or other accident of the elements cannot augment or diminish it. Is it not more than probable that with the enormous premium offered for its mining, the cupidity of man would make an over-supply continuous, with the necessary result of a steady depreciation as long as the silver dollar could be kept in circulation at all? Under the laws of finance which are as fixed as those of any other science, the inevitable result would finally be a currency all and absolutely fiat. There is no difference in principal between the dollar half fiat and one all fiat. The latter, as the cheapest, under the logic of "cheap money," would surely drive the other out.
Any attempt on the part of the government to create by its fiat money of a fictitious value would dishonor us in the eyes of other peoples and bring infinite reproach upon the national character. The business and financial consequences of such an immoral act would be worldwide, because our commercial relations are worldwide. All our settlements with other lands must be made, not with the money which may be legally current in our own country, but in gold, the standard of all nations with which our relations are most cordial and extensive, and no legislative enactment can free us from that inevitable necessity. It is a known fact that more than 80 per cent of the commerce of the world is settled in gold or on a gold basis.
Such free coinage legislation, if ever consummated, would discriminate against every producer of wheat, cotton, corn or rye — who should in justice be equally entitled, with the silver owner, to sell his products to the United States treasury, at a profit fixed by the government — and against all producers of iron, steel, zinc or copper, who might properly claim to have their metals made into current coin. It would, as well, be a fraud upon all persons forced to accept a currency thus stimulated and at the same time degraded.
In every aspect the proposed policy is partial and one-sided, because it is only when a profit can be made by a mine owner or dealer that he takes his silver to the mint for coinage. The government is always at the losing end. Stamp such fictitious value upon silver ore and a dishonest and unjust discrimination will be made against every other form of industry. When silver bullion worth a little more than 50 cents is made into a legal-tender dollar, driving out one having a purchasing and debt-paying power of 100 cents, it will clearly be done at the expense and injury of every class of the community.
Those who contend for the free and unlimited coinage of silver may believe in all honesty that while the present ratio of silver to gold is as 30 to 1 (not 16 to 1), silver will rise above the existing market value. If it does so rise the effect will be to make the loss to all the people so much less, but such am opinion is but a hazardous conjecture at best, and is not justified by experience. Within the last 20 years this government has bought about 460,000,000 of ounces of silver, from Which it has coined approximately 430,000,000 of silver dollars and issued 130,000,000 of dollars in silver certificates, and the price of the metal was steadily declined from $1.15 per ounce to 68 cents per ounce. What will be the decline when the supply is augmented by the offerings of all the world? The loss upon these silver purchases to the people of this country has now been nearly $150,000,000.
The dollars of our fathers; about which so much is said, was an honest dollar, silver maintaining a full parity of intrinsic value with gold. The fathers would have spurned and ridiculed a, proposition to make a silver dollar worth only 53 cents stand of equal value with a, gold one worth 100 cents. The experience of all nations proves that any depreciation, however slight, of another standard from the parity with gold has driven the more valuable one out of circulation, and such experience in a matter of this kind is worth much more than mere interested speculative opinion. The fact that few gold coins are seen in ordinary circulation for domestic uses is no proof at all that the metal is not performing a most important function in business affairs. The foundation of the house is not always in sight, but the house would not stand an hour if there were no foundation. The great enginery that moves the ocean steamship is not always in view of the passengers, but it is, all the same, the propelling force of the vessel, without which it would soon become a worthless derelict.
It may be instructive to consider a moment how the free and unlimited coinage of silver would affect a few great interests, and I mention only enough to demonstrate what a calamity may lie before us if the platform formulated at Chicago is permitted to be carried out.
There are now on deposit in the savings banks of thirty-three states and territories of this Union the vast sum of $2,000,000,000. these are the savings of almost 5,000,000 depositors. In many cases, they represent the labor and economies of years. Any depreciation in the value of the dollar would defraud every man, woman and child to whom these savings belong. Every dollar of their earnings when deposited was worth 100 cents in gold of the present standard of weight and fineness. Are they not entitled to receive in full, with interest all they have so deposited? Any legislation that would reduce it by the value of a single dime would be an intolerable wrong to each depositor. Every bank or banker who has accepted the earnings of these millions of dollars to the credit of our citizens must be required to pay them back in money not one whit less valuable than that which these banks and bankers received in trust.
There are in this country nearly 6,000 building and loan associations, with shareholders to the number of 1,800,000, and with assets amounting to more than $500,000,000. Their average of holdings is nearly $300 per capita, and in many case they represent the savings of men and women who have denied themselves the comforts of life in the hope of being able to accumulate enough to buy or build homes of their own. They have aided in the erection of over 1,000,000 houses, which are now affording comfort and shelter for 5,000,000 of our thrifty people.
Free coinage at the arbitrary rate of 16 ounces of silver to one of gold would be equivalent to the confiscation of nearly half the savings that these people have invested. It would be tantamount to a war upon American home-makers. It would be an invasion of "the homes of the provident," and tend directly to "destroy the stimulus to endeavor and the compensation of honest toil." Every one of the shareholders of these associations is entitled to be repaid In money of the same value which he deposited by weekly payments or otherwise in these companies. No one of them should be made homeless because a political party demands a change in the money standard of our country as an experiment or as a concession to selfishness or greed.
The magnitude of the disaster which would overtake these and cognate interests becomes the more strikingly apparent when considered in the aggregate. Stated broadly, the savings banks, life insurance and assessment companies and building and loan associations of the country hold in trust $15,309,717,381. The debasement of the currency to a silver basis, as proposed by the Chicago platform, would wipe out at one blow approximately $7,963,504,856 of this aggregate. According to the report of the department of agriculture the total value of the main cereal crops of this country in 1894 was $995,438,107. So that the total sum belonging to the people and held in trust in these institutions which would be obliterated by the triumph of free, and unlimited silver coinage would be seven and one-half times the total value of the annual cereal crop of the United States. The total value of the manufactured products of the country for the census year of 1890 was $9,372,537,283. The establishment of a silver basis of value, as now proposed, would entail a loss to these three interests alone equal to 85 per cent, of this enormous output of all the manufacturing industries of the Union, and would affect directly nearly one-third of its whole population.
One hundred and forty millions of dollars per annum are due to the pensioners of the late war. That sum represents blood spilled and sufferings endured in order to preserve this nation from disintegration. In many cases the sums so paid in pensions are exceedingly small; in few, if any, are they excessive. The spirit that would deplete these to the extent of a farthing is the same that would organize sedition, destroy the peace and security of the country, punish rather than reward our veteran soldiers, and is unworthy of the countenance, by thought or vote, of any patriotic citizen of whatever political faith. No party, until that which met in convention at Chicago, has ever ventured to insult the honored survivors of our struggle for the national life by proposing to scale their pensions horizontally, and to pay them hereafter in depreciated dollars worth only 53 cents each.
The amounts due, in addition to the interests already named, to depositors and trust companies in national, state and private banks, to holders of fire and accident insurance polices, to holders of industrial insurance, where the money deposited or the premiums have been paid in gold or its equivalent, are so enormous, together with the sums due, and to become due, for state, municipal, county or other corporate debts, that if paid in depreciated silver or its equivalent, it would not only entail upon our fellow countrymen a loss in money which has not been equalled in a similar experience since the world began, but it would, at the same time, bring a disgrace to our country such as has never befallen any other nation which had the ability to pay its honest debts. In our condition, and considering our magnificent capacity for
163raising revenue, such wholesale repudiation is without necessity or excuse. No political expediency or party exigency, however pressing, could justify so monstrous an act.
All these deposits and debts must, under the platform of the Republican party, be met and adjusted in the best currency the world knows, and measured by the same standard in which the debts have been contracted or the deposits or payments have been made.
Still dealing sparingly with figures, of which there is an enormous mass to sustain the position of the advocates of the gold standard of value, I cite one more fact which is officially established, premised by the truism that there is no better test of the growth of a country's prosperity than its increase in the per capita holdings of its population. In the decade between 1880 and 1890, during which we had our existing gold standard, and were under the conditions that supervened from the act of 1873, the per capita ownings of this country increased from $870 to $1,036. In those ten years the aggregate increase of the wealth of our country was $21,395,000,000, being 50 per cent in excess of the increase for any previous ten years since 1850, and at the amazing rate of over $2,000,000,000 a year. The framers of the Chicago platform in the face of this fact, and of the enormous increase over Great Britain, during this same gold-standard decade, of our country's foreign trade and its production of iron, coal and other great symbols of national strength and progress, assert that our monetary standard is "not only un-American but anti-American," and that it has brought us "into financial servitude to London." It is impossible to imagine an assertion more reckless and indefensible.
The proposition for free and unlimited silver coinage, carried to its logical conclusion — and but one is possible — means, as before intimated, legislative warrant for the repudiation for all existing indebtedness, public and private, to the extent of nearly 50 per cent of the face of all such indebtedness. It demands an unlimited volume of flat currency, irredeemable, and therefore without any standard value in the markets of the world. Every consideration of public interest and public honor demands that this proposition should be rejected by the American people.
This country cannot afford to give its sanction to wholesale spoliation. It must hold fast to its integrity. It must still encourage thrift in all proper ways. It must not only educate its children to honor and respect the flag, but it should inculcate fidelity to the obligations of personal and national honor as well. Both these great principles should hereafter be taught in the common schools of the land, and the lesson impressed upon those who are the voters of today and those who are to become the inheritors of sovereign power in the Republic, that it is neither wise, patriotic, nor safe to make political platforms the mediums of assault upon property, the peace of society and upon civilization itself.
Until these lessons have been learned by our children, and by those who have reached the voting age, it can only be surmised what enlightened statesmen and political economists will record, as to the action of a party convention which offers an inducement to national dishonesty by a premium of 47 cents for every 53 cents' worth of silver that can be extracted from the bowels of the whole earth, with a cordial invitation to all to produce it at our mints and accept for it a full silver legal-tender dollar of one hundred cents rated value to the coined free of charge and unlimited in quantity for private account.
But vastly more than a mere assertion of a purpose to reconstruct the national currency is suggested by the Chicago platform. It assumes in fact, the form of a revolutionary propaganda. It embodies a menace of national disintegration and destruction. This spirit manifested itself in a deliberate proposition to repudiate the plighted public faith, to impair the sanctity of the obligation of private contracts, to cripple the credit of the nation by stripping the government of the power to borrow money as the urgent exigencies of the treasury may require, and, in a word, to overthrow all the foundations of financial and industrial stability.
Nor is this all. Not content with a proposition to thus debaunch the currency and, to unsettle all conditions of trade and commerce, the party responsible for this platform denies protect the lives and property of its citizens the competency of the government to against internal disorder and violence.
It assails the judicial muniments reared by the constitution for the defense of individual rights and the public welfare, and it even threatens to destroy the integrity and independence of the supreme court, which has been considered the last refuge of the citizen against every form of outrage and injustice.
In the face of the serious peril which these propositions embody, it would seem that there could be but one sentiment among right thinking citizens as to the duty of the hour. All men of whatever party, who believe in law, and have some regard for the sacredness of individual and institutional rights, must unite in defense of the endangered interests of the nation.
While the financial issue which has been thus considered, and which has come, as the result of the agitation of recent years, to occupy a peculiar conspicuousness, is
164admittedly of primary importance, there is another question which must command careful and serious attention. Our financial and business condition is at this moment one of almost unprecedented depression. Our great industrial system is seriously paralyzed. Production in many important branches of manufacture has altogether ceased. Capital is without remunerative employment. Labor is idle. The revenues of the government are insufficient to meet Us ordinary and necessary expenses. These conditions are not the result of accident. They are the outcome of a mistaken economic policy deliberately enacted and applied. It would not be difficult, and would not involve any violent disturbance of our existing commercial system, to enact necessary tariff modifications along the line of experience.
For the first two fiscal years of the so-called McKinley tariff the receipts from customs were $380,807,980. At this writing the Wilson tariff act has been in force for nearly two full fiscal years; but the total receipts, actual and estimated, cannot exceed $312,441,947. A steady deficit, constantly depleting the resources of the government and trenching even upon its gold reserve, has brought about public distrust and business disaster. It has, too, necessitated the sale of $262,000,000 of bonds, thereby Increasing to that extent the national debt. It will be remembered that in no year of the more than a quarter of a century of continuous Republican administration succeeding the civil war, when our industries were disintegrated and all the conditions of business were more or less disturbed, was the national debt increased by a single dollar; it was, on the contrary, steadily and rapidly diminished. In such a condition of affairs as this it is idle to argue against the necessity of some sort of a change in our fiscal laws. The Democratic party declares for a remedy by direct taxation upon a selected class of citizens. It opposes any application of the protective principle.
Our party holds that by a wise adjustment of the tariff, conceived in moderation and with a view to stability, we may secure all needed revenue, and it declares that in the event of its restoration to power it will seek to acomplish that result. It holds, too, that it is the duty of the government to protect and encourage in all practical ways the development of domestic industries, the elevation of home labor, and the enlargement of the prosperity of the people. It does not favor any forcible legislation which would lodge in the government the power to do what the people ought to do for themselves, but it believes that it is both wise and patriotic to discriminate in favor of our own material resources, and the utilization, under the best attainable conditions, of our own capital and our own available skill and industry.
The words of the Republican national platform on this subject are at once temperate and emphatic. It says of the policy of protection: "In its reasonable application it is just, fair and impartial, equally opposed to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional discrimination and individual favoritism." "We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign imports which come into competition with American products as will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary expenses of the government, but will protect American labor from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising principle is the protection and development of American labor and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then it wants rest."
The Republican party, in its first successful national contest, under Abraham Lincoln, declared in favor "of that policy of national exchanges which secures to the workingman living wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence." The principle thus enunciated has never been abandoned. In the crisis now upon us it must be tenaciously adhered to. While we must insist that our monetary standard shall be maintained in harmony with that of the civilized world, that our currency shall be sound and honest, we must also remember that unless we make it possible for capital to find employment and for labor to earn ample and remunerative wages, it will be impossible to attain that degree of prosperity which, with a sound monetary policy buttressed by a sound tariff policy, will be assured.
In 1892, when by universal consent we touched the high water mark of our national prosperity, we were under the same financial system that we have today. Gold was then the sole standard, and silver and paper were freely used as the common currency. We had a tariff framed by Republican hands under the direction of the great statesman who now logically leads the contest for a restoration of the policy whose reversal brought paralysis to so many of our industries and distress upon so large a body of our people. We were under the policy of reciprocity, formulated by another illustrious statesman of the genuine American type. We may, if we choose to do so, return to the prosperous conditions which
165existed before the present administration came into power.
My sincere conviction is that my countrymen will prove wise enough to understand the issues that confront them, and patriotic enough to apply safe and sure remedies for the evils that oppress us. They will not, I am sure, accept again at their face value the promises of a party, which under desperate and perverted leadership has so recently dishonored its solemn pledges, which has repudiated the principles and policies which have given it a historic past, and the success of which, as now constituted, would endanger at home private security and the public safety, and disastrously affect abroad both our credit and good name. And foremost among those who will decline to follow where the new Democracy leads will be thousands of men. Democrats aforetime and Democrats today, who count country more than party, and are unwilling even by indirection to contribute to results so disastrous to our most sacred interests.
The platform of the Republican national convention, states the party position concerning other questions than those herein referred to. These, while at the present time of subordinate importance, should not be overlooked. The Republican party has always been the defender of the rights of American citizenship as against all aggressions whatever, whether at home or abroad. It has to the extent of its power, defended those rights and hedged them about with law. Regarding the ballot as the expression and embodiment of the sovereignty of the individual citizen it has sought to safeguard it against assault, and to preserve its purity and integrity. In our foreign relations it has labored to secure to every man entitled to the shelter of our flag the fullest exercise of his rights consistent with international obligation. If it should be restored to rulership, it would infuse needed vigor into our relations with powers which have manifested contempt and disregard, not only of American citizenship, but of humanity itself.
The Republican party has always stood for the protection of the American home. It has aimed to secure it in the enjoyment of all the blessings of remunerated industry; of moral culture and favorable physical environment. It was the party which instituted the policy of free homesteads, and which holds now that this policy should be re-established, and that the public lands yet vacant and subject to entry in any part of our national territory, should be preserved against corporate aggression as homes for the people. It realizes that the safety of the state lies in the multiplication of households, and the strengthening of that sentiment of which the virtuous home is the best and the truest embodiment; and it will aim to dignify and enlarge by all proper legislation this element of security.
If elected to the position for which I have been nominated, it will be my earnest and constant endeavor, under Divine guidance, in the sphere of duty asigned to me, to serve the people loyally along the line of the principles and poicies of the party which has honored me with its preference.
I am, gentlemen of the committee, very truly yours,
The following newspapers were represented and had seats assigned them in the press department:
|Los Angeles||Evening Express.|
|Los Angeles||Daily Times.|
|Meridan||Record & Republican.|
|Washington||(Frank G. Carpenter).|
|Chicago||Western Newsp. Union.|
|Chicago||Hunt's News Bureau.|
|East St. Louis||Daily Journal.|
|East St. Louis||Republican.|
|Springfield||Ill. State Register.|
|Springfield||Ill. State Journal.|
|Evansville||Journal and News.|
|Terre Haute||Evening Gazette.|
|Cedar Rapids||Evening Gazette.|
|Des Moines||Iowa State Register.|
|Detroit||Tribune & Ev'g News.|
|St. Paul||The Pioneer Press.|
|St. Joseph||Daily News.|
|St. Louis||Evening Journal.|
|St. Louis||Sunday Mirror.|
|St. Louis||Dyer's Weekly.|
|St. Louis||Western Watchman.|
|St. Louis||Post Dispatch.|
|St. Louis||Westliche Post.|
|St. Louis||Negro World.|
|St. Louis||The Expositor.|
|Jersey City||Evening Journal.|
|New York||Evening World.|
|New York||Evening Post.|
|New York||Comm'l Advertiser.|
|New York||Harper's Weekly.|
|New York||Daily News.|
|New York||Mail and Express.|
|New York||The Sun.|
|New York||The Evening Sun.|
|New York||Judge Pub. Co.|
|New York||Morning Advertiser.|
|Guthrie||Ok. State Capitol.|
|Columbus||Ohio State Journal.|
|Pittsburg||Times and Daily News.|
|Scranton||Tribune Publishing Co.|
|Charleston||News & Courier and Savanna News.|
|Pierre||(J. E. Hippie).|
|El Paso||Daily Times.|