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The President and the Abolitionists.

The well informed Washington correspondent of the Chicago Times writes as follows to that paper, on the 11th, relative to the plot of the radical leaders of the republican party to array an opposition to the administration's policy in regard to the slaves:

The events of the first week of the session of congress have proved the correctness of the views expressed in my letter of Nov. 27. The opposition to the president, on the part of the radical and ultra members of congress, has taken the form of a regular organization. The organization is led by Sumner and Trumbull in the senate, and by Lovejoy and Thad. Stevens in the house. They boast that they can command 77 votes in the house and a clear majority in the senate, and do not hesitate to express their designs openly. They declare they have nothing to hope from the president, who, they see convinced, is false to all his pledges, and has sold himself to the slave-holders. But, at the same time, they assert that they fear nothing that the president can do to thwart their designs. They are confident of being able, in the course of the next two months, to command a two-third vote in both houses on any question that they may bring up. As soon as they reach that point, they propose to carry, over the president's veto, (for they know he will veto them,) the following measures:

1. A joint resolution declaring that slavery is the cause of the war, and that it is impossible to bring the war to a successful issue without abolishing slavery wherever it exists;

2. The total and unconditional repeal of the fugitive slave law;

3. The passage of a bill declaring free, and ordering our generals to offer freedom to, all slaves who shall leave their masters;

4. The passage of a bill confiscating all the property of the rebels, including their slaves;

5. The passage of a joint resolution requesting the president to dismiss Gen. McClellan, and to appoint Gen. Banks commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States in his place;

6. The passage of a bill obliterating the boundary line between the states of North Carolina and South Carolina, consolidating the two states into one, and calling the new state "Carolina."

The bills for effecting these objects are already drawn up, and are being privately circulated. I have seen a complete set of them (one of each), with interlineations and erasures in the handwriting of one of the great high-priests of abolitionism.

The president is fully aware of the powerful combination that has been formed against him. And while I will do him the justice to say that he is insensible to fear, I must also add that he lacks that firmness and decision of character which alone can enable him to withstand it effectually, and to overcome it. One of the most prominent characteristics of his mind is his habit of permitting matters to drift on and to regulate themselves. The historian who, in future years, writes the history of this war will show this, and this alone, was the cause of the fall of Fort Sumter. To use his own homely illustration, he wants "to run the machine as he finds it," and is unwilling to take the responsibility of putting it in that order in which alone it ought to run. On the present occasion, it is in his power to rally around him not only all the conservative men in congress, but all the conservative men in the nation, and to crush this atrocious conspiracy in the bud. But up to this hour he has done nothing in that direction. Nay, worse than that, he is inclined to temporize with the unscrupulous faction which is undermining his administration. The whole country awaited his message with breathless suspense. But the whole country turns away from it, sick with disappointment. It is silent on the very topic of all others that the nation is most anxious to have settled. Mr. Lincoln has had the reputation of being plain and straightforward. But he has been anything but plain and straightforward in his public messages. No one could tell whether his inaugural meant peace or war. The whole country wrangled over it until the guns of Fort Sumter settled that point. In this message he will not say what ought to be done towards the negroes. The only point on which he is explicit is his reaffirmation that the Chicago platform is a law unto him. If, instead of this faux pas. Mr. Lincoln had said frankly in his message that he preferred a course towards the slaves such as has been inaugurated by Gen. Dix and Gen. Halleck, there would have been no more doubts as to where he stands. That one declaration would have rallied around him all the conservative men in the nation. Every conservative member of congress, too, would have rallied to his support, and he would have found himself at the head of a party in congress powerful enough to defy the radicals to do their worst. He may do so yet. He cannot do so now.

In calling attention to the foregoing the Times truly says the plot of Trumbull, Sumner & Co., "is as completely revolution as the southern rebellion is revolution." It is intended by these plotters to so shape the war as to prevent a reconstruction of the Union. They would have such a division in the north as to cripple the government and paralyze its efforts for the suppression of the rebellion. They do not desire re-union, and are, at heart, as much traitors to their government as are the southern rebels in arms.

Mr. Lincoln, if he would maintain the government and prevent a permanent separation of the states, must throw off these traitorous plotters, and rely upon the democracy and other conservative elements of the country. Let him take bold, unequivocal position against these men, who, under guise of patriotism, of an ardent Unionism, are bent on disunion — lasting disunion. The lamented Douglas, last winter, saw through the designs of these men and recorded his belief that they would labor as they are now doing.

We have hope that Mr. Lincoln will resist this conspiracy of the congressional plotters, but we have not as strong hope that he will be able to command a majority of the two houses on his side. Recent votes in congress tend to confirm the opinion that the plotters have a majority.