Abolitionism at the National Grave-Yard.
The abolitionists seized the opportunity at the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg to make political capital, abuse their political opponents and to thrust their revolutionary dogmas down the throats of the thousands of people who had assembled for the purpose of doing honor to the gallant dead. Lincoln began his dedicatory address by the enunciation of the following political falsehood:
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. [Applause.] Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure.
If the above extract means anything at all, it is that this nation was created to secure the liberty of the negro as well as of the white race, and dedicated to the proposition that all men, white and black, were placed, or to be placed, upon terms of equality. That is what Mr. Lincoln means to say, and nothing else. And when he uttered the words he knew that he was falsifying history, and enunciating an exploded political humbug.
Secretary Seward was equally as offensive in the enunciation of his political views. He could not refrain form uttering sentiments which would have been appropriate at an abolition convention than at a national cemetery. He said:
I am now sixty years old and upward; I have been in public life practically forty years of that time, and yet this is the first time that ever any people or community so near to the border of Maryland was found willing to listen to my voice; and the reason was that I said forty years ago that slavery was opening before the people a graveyard that was to be filled with brothers falling in mutual political combat. I knew that the cause that was hurrying the Union into this dreadful strife was slavery, and when I did elevate my voice, it was to warn the people to remove that cause when they could be constitutional means, and so avert the catastrophe of civil war that now unhappily has fallen upon the nation, deluging it in blood. That crisis came; and we see the result. I am thankful that you are willing to hear me at last. I thank my God that I believe this strife is going to end in the removal of that evil which ought to have been removed by peaceful means and deliberate councils.
At the very graveyard of the thousands slain in this war Seward takes occasion to claim the respectful hearing which he received as an evidence that his long cherished notions of slavery and abolition have at last gained the ascendancy in the nation. The battle-fields of this war are a sad but crushing evidence of the triumph of abolitionism. A fit place was Gettysburg for Secretary Seward to claim an evidence of the ascendancy of his views.
One would have thought that at least Edward Everett would have refrained from attacking or enunciating party creeds in his address on the occasion. But in this we are again mistaken. He attacked the doctrine of states' rights, and enunciated the old exploded dogma of the federalists, that by the adoption of the federal constitution the states "specifically and by enunciation renounced all the most important prerogatives of independent states" We shall not enter into an argument to refute the fallacy and absurdity of this doctrine of the old federalists. The doctrine has been fought by the democratic party for years, and no principles could be more offensive of a Jeffersonian democrat than those uttered by Edward Everett at Gettysburg.
But this is not all. There is still another chapter in this series of abolition outrages at the National Cemetery. John W. Forney was called on for a speech. Of course he responded. He never refuses an opportunity to serve his new masters and to stultify his previous political course. He is thus reported:
He chided his audience quite severely for not giving President Lincoln a more enthusiastic reception of cheers and applause when, in answer to their serenade, he had appeared and spoken. Were they aware, he asked, that they owe their very homes, and that the people all over the north owe the safety of their homes to President Lincoln? He had been a Douglas democrat, but he believed that Douglas died at the right time.
The above completes the picture. Forney, the lick spittle, the cringing cur, the collar on whose neck is appropriately marked "A. Lincoln's dog;" he who supported Douglas for president, now rejoices in Douglas' death and lands his master to the skies as a god. No doubt Douglas died as the right time for abolitionists. Were he now living his eloquent voice and powerful influence would be heard and felt in the nation, and he would deal such crushing blows to the present revolutionary dogmas of Lincoln's administration as would arouse the people every where to the magnitude of the crimes and corruption of our rulers.
Verily, abolitionism is a hard master. It requires the services of its followers on every and all occasions. No place is so sacred or solemn as to preclude the utterance of its revolutionary and fanatical heresies.