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Anti-Negro Policy Still Increasing North.

Every day brings a fresh development of the fright which has been engendered at the north by the president's abolishment resolution. The republicans there, until now, seem to have never thought it possible that freeing the slaves would work any "inconvenience" to themselves. And well might they have given it no thought; for they never intended nor expected their movements to have any other effect than to furnish eternally a subject of excitement and irritation from which they might reap political advantage, from time to time, according to its varying phases, growing out of the envious rivalry which has characterized all of these agitators, from the day they mounted this perilous and infamous hobby to the present.

In no period of the black history of these freedom parties have their movements been directed against the slaveholder or in favor of the slave. Their professions of philanthropy, like those of their patriotism, are false. They have moved only against that party in the north which has ever defended the constitutional rights of the states — those of the south equally with those of the north. To jostle this party aside and appropriate to themselves the offices of the government, they have "found their interest" in prostituting the sacred names of "liberty" and "freedom" in such a way as to secure an ascendency in most of the states in the north, and finally to obtain possession of the executive and legislative departments of the government. The negro question — not the negro — was the instrument, and the offices were the end. Neither the condition, welfare, contentment nor fate of the blacks ever entered into the calculations of a single leader or standard bearer of this party. Their purpose has ever been to overcome the democrats, who have never ceased to be faithful to the constitution, the laws, and all their sanctions.

They succeeded at last, and soon an unexpected crisis fell upon them, which gave occasion to their deluded followers to clamor for what they supposed was the object for which they had been contending — the liberty of the slave. The leaders paused, but the halt was brief. The keen appetite for spoils and place caused a rapid subdivision of the old hobby — each aspirant believing that his own fragmentary part would outstrip the others.

Fremont struck for freedom practically. Cameron, alarmed at this combination of black strategy and military glory without a battle, pitched the tune a note higher. Trumbull put his foot square down to crush every constitutional recognition of slavery, but raised it a little afterwards to catch a new breeze. The president had, meanwhile, no place, but his inaugural and other addresses were ingeniously constructed with gaps of exit and entrance everywhere through the field, so that he could move at any time and in any way that "seemed" to show where he might find his interest. Finally he found it in a fair compensation to such states as would accept, and a perfect whirlwind of destruction by the Cameron, Fremont and Trumbull processes combined, to such as would not accept — after the offer had stood open for an indefinite number of years. This chowder he called "ending the war."

As these propositions successively appeared, each was hailed by the acclamation of the rank and file, only to shave its popularity with the succeeding projects. It remains to be seen which of these boss trimmers goes to the head. All the plans embraced emancipation, voluntary or compulsory, or both.

Meanwhile their followers stand aghast at the consequences. Their leaders cannot give them any satisfactory assurances as to what shall be done with the "ransomed" blacks. Some say that they may locate wherever they please; some that they shall remain on the soil if they wish to, or if they wish to go abroad it must be at the expense of the slave states. Others are for compulsory colonization at federal expense, and others for voluntary colonization only, at the cost of the government. The fact that all are to be "initiated" into freedom is all that is definitely established as yet.

This posture of affairs has led a large number of the republican leaders to take advantage of the panic, and we find them harranguing in favor of passing such state laws as shall keep out from their own states these emancipated slaves. This thing takes better than anything they have ever started yet. These people can see what they never thought of before, that an apportionment of the four millions of slaves among all the states, would be, at the north, positively insupportable. They prove it by natural history, political and moral economy, human and animal physiology, enlightened ratiocination, well tried tests and patient experiment. Republicans are making speeches in congress advancing these views, and petitions are circulating at the east to pass laws to keep the blacks out. Not long ago these leaders called it unconstitutional. The "black laws" of Illinois, as they termed them, were thus stigmatized. With them, constitutions as well as manners, change with times. The negro exclusion clauses of our new constitution will command almost the entire vote of the people, notwithstanding the vaporing of the republican delegates who had not yet got their eyes open. In a short time they will run for office on the ground that they belonged to the same convention that adopted the exclusion.